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Journal articles on the topic 'Cumann na nGaedheal'

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Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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1

Ciara Meehan. "Fine Gael’s Uncomfortable History: The Legacy of Cumann na nGaedheal." Éire-Ireland 43, no. 3-4 (2008): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.0.0024.

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2

Fathartaigh, Mícheál Ó. "Cumann na nGaedheal, sea fishing and west Galway, 1923–32." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 141 (May 2008): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007495.

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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the British government made a vigorous effort to ameliorate poverty in the west of Ireland. In 1891 the Congested Districts Board (C.D.B.) was established, with an array of special powers to promote economic development in the west. It recognised that land could only play a limited role in development due to its generally poor quality, but that sea fishing had significant potential. Nowhere was this more obvious than west Galway, where the majority of people were farmer-fishermen, living either on the islands or along a coastal belt on the mainland because fishing offered some compensation for inadequate land. Sea fishing in west Galway was, however, for the most part primitive.

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3

Corráin, Daithí Ó. "‘Ireland in his heart north and south’ the contribution of Ernest Blythe to the partition question." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 137 (May 2006): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004715.

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Ulster Protestant, farmer’s son, journalist, I.R.B. member, Irish Volunteer organiser, hunger-striker, Sinn Féin T.D. and Minister for Trade and Commerce, advocate of the Anglo-Irish treaty, Cumann na nGaedheal Minister for Local Government, Finance and Posts and Telegraphs, Vice-President of the Executive Council, Blueshirt intellectual (but no fascist): these successive designations capture the varied early career of Ernest Blythe. Far less is known of his interests and writing after his retirement from political life: the Irish language, theatre and, in particular, the partition question.

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4

Martin, Peter. "The political career of Michael Tierney, 1920–44." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 147 (May 2011): 412–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000273x.

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Although Michael Tierney became famous as a controversial, reforming president of U.C.D., he had been a ubiquitous figure in Irish national politics for over twenty years before. A radical member of Cumann na nGaedheal and a key intellectual influence on the early Fine Gael party, he reinvented himself as a political independent, and campaigned for a vocational model of government in Ireland in line with papal teaching. He was that rarity in Irish politics – a political conservative who was also a public intellectual, and who tried to build a political career based on the quality of his ideas rather than tribal loyalties.

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5

Coleman, Marie. "Jason Knirck.Afterimage of the Revolution: Cumann na nGaedheal and Irish Politics, 1922–1932." American Historical Review 121, no. 4 (October 2016): 1365.1–1365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.4.1365.

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6

Corcoran, Donal. "Public Policy in an emerging state: The Irish Free State 1922-25." Volume 1 Issue 1 (2009) 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/ijpp.1.1.5.

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The first three years of the Irish Free State’s existence were among the most crucial in independent Ireland’s history. William T. Cosgrave and his Cumann na nGaedheal (Party of the Irish) governments suppressed an internal revolt, overcame an acute scarcity of money, enacted a constitution, and defined how the state would be governed. They established an Irish civil service, army, courts service, police force and diplomatic corps; passed legislation to purchase the remaining agricultural land held by landlords; commenced exploitation of the natural resources, extended the use of Irish in schools, and began the task of increasing the state’s sovereignty. The administration of the Irish Free State was quickly changed from the British system of loosely co-ordinated boards and departments to a centralised Irish system.

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7

Farrell, Mel. "Structures and Members: An Overview of The Cumann na nGaedheal Party Organisation, 1923–33." Parliamentary History 38, no. 3 (October 2019): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12466.

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8

Carroll, Francis M. "Afterimage of Revolution: Cumann na nGaedheal and Irish Politics, 1922–1932 by Jason Knirck." New Hibernia Review 19, no. 2 (2015): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2015.0020.

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9

Devlin, Anna, and Frank Barry. "Protection Versus Free Trade in the Free State Era: The Finance Attitude." Irish Economic and Social History 46, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489319853703.

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Belief in the benefits of industrial protection had long been a cornerstone of nationalist ideology. Cumann na nGaedheal followed a policy of selective protection while Fianna Fáil was ideologically committed not just to import-substituting industrialisation but to as high a degree of self-sufficiency as possible. The Departments of Finance and Industry and Commerce differed sharply on the costs and benefits of trade restrictions. This article explores the perspective of the Department of Finance and in particular that of J. J. McElligott, Assistant Secretary from 1923 and Secretary of the Department from 1927 to 1953. It demonstrates the strong continuity between his position and that of T. K. Whitaker, who became Secretary in 1956 and whose 1958 report on Economic Development is widely credited with providing the intellectual foundation for the trade liberalisation process of the following decades.

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10

Pašeta, Senia. "Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014371.

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In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.

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11

Farrell, Mel. "A “Cadre-Style” Party?: Cumann na nGaedheal Organization in Clare, Dublin North, and Longford-Westmeath, 1923–27." Éire-Ireland 47, no. 3-4 (2012): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.2012.0017.

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12

Farrell, Mel. "From Cumann na nGaedheal to Fine Gael: The Foundation of the United Ireland Party in September 1933." Éire-Ireland 49, no. 3-4 (2014): 143–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.2014.0019.

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13

Hanley, Gerard. "They ‘never dared say “boo” while the British were here’: the postal strike of 1922 and the Irish Civil War." Irish Historical Studies 46, no. 169 (May 2022): 119–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2022.6.

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AbstractThis article examines the causes and consequences of the 1922 postal strike which was the first nationwide strike to occur following the establishment of the Irish Free State. In the eyes of the government, the dispute was as much a threat to its authority as that posed by anti-Treatyies, and it was resolved to crush both. The significance of the postal dispute within the annals of Irish labour history has been obscured and overshadowed by the civil war. The strike was not only about a demand for a fair and reasonable wage: it also raised issues relating to workers’ rights, including the right to strike; government tactics, including the harassment and intimidation of workers by the military; victimisation; political propriety and probity; the abuse of government power; and the role and effectiveness of the labour movement. Furthermore, the historical collision of both the postal strike and the civil war produced strong emotions among all parties to this labour dispute – the postal workers, postal unions and the fledgling government. The coincidence of the dispute and the civil war determined the government's attitude towards labour unrest, labour affairs and labour relations until Fianna Fáil succeeded Cumann na nGaedheal in 1932.

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14

Kennedy, Michael. "Chicanery and candour: the Irish Free State and the Geneva Protocol, 1924–5." Irish Historical Studies 29, no. 115 (May 1995): 371–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400011883.

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The foreign policy of the Irish Free State under the Cumann na nGaedheal administrations of 1922–32 was a far more complex issue than has generally been realised. Policy had a greater scope than simply Anglo-Irish relations. It had two basic foundations. Through the 1921 treaty, the state reluctantly joined the British Commonwealth. Then, with great deliberation, the Free State joined the League of Nations, being admitted on 10 September 1923. By developing an active multidimensional foreign policy using these structures, the new state sought to show its ‘international’ and European credentials. The Irish Free State was to carve out a small niche for itself in the post-Versailles world order. An analysis of the Free State’s response to the Geneva Protocol of 1924 provides a case study of this multifaceted foreign policy in action.As the foundations of Irish foreign policy in the 1920s, the League and the Commonwealth were played off against each other. A prominent stance at the League indicated that although the Free State was a dominion, it was not tied to the imperial line and could act independently to secure its own interests. The Free State’s position as a radical dominion was emphasised through League membership as the state used its independence at the League in the 1920s to develop the concept of the Commonwealth as a looser international grouping of equals. This approach to foreign policy served to benefit both core aspects of the state’s foreign relations. Generally these two core aspects of foreign policy complemented each other.

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15

Montgomery, Dale. "The Cosgrave Party: a history of Cumann na nGaedheal, 1923–33. By Ciara Meehan. Pp xiv, 311, illus. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy. 2010. £30." Irish Historical Studies 38, no. 149 (May 2012): 173–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400000997.

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16

Neary, J. Peter, and Cormac Ó. Gráda. "Protection, economic war and structural change: the 1930s in Ireland." Irish Historical Studies 27, no. 107 (May 1991): 250–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400010531.

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If I were an Irishman, I should find much to attract me in the economic outlook of your present government towards greater self-sufficiency. (J.M. Keynes)The 1930s were years of political turmoil and economic crisis and change in Ireland. Economic activity had peaked in 1929, and the last years of the Cumann na nGaedheal government (in power since the establishment of the Irish Free State in 1922) saw substantial drops in output, trade and employment. The policies pursued after Fianna Fáil’s victory in the election of February 1932 were therefore influenced both by immediate economic pressures and by the party’s ideological commitments. The highly protectionist measures associated with de Valera and Lemass — key men of the new régime — sought both to create jobs quickly and to build more gradually a large indigenous industrial sector, producing primarily for the home market.Political controversy complicated matters. De Valera was regarded as a headstrong fanatic by the British establishment. His government’s refusal to hand over to Britain the so-called ‘land annuities’ — a disputed item in the Anglo-Irish settlement of 1921 — led to an ‘economic war’, in which the British Treasury sought payment instead through penal ‘emergency’ tariffs on Irish imports. The Irish imposed their own duties, bounties and licensing restrictions in turn. The economic war hurt Irish agriculture badly; the prices of fat and store cattle dropped by almost half between 1932 and mid-1935. Farmers got some relief through export bounties and the coal-cattle pacts (quota exchanges of Irish cattle for British coal) of 1935-7, but Anglo-Irish relations were not normalised again until the finance and trade agreements of the spring of 1938, and the resolution of the annuities dispute did not mean an end to protection. The questions ‘Who won the economic war?’ and ‘What was the impact of protection on the Irish economy?’ are analytically distinct, but they are not that easy to keep apart in practice.

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17

McConaghy, Kieran. "Jason Knirck. Afterimage of the Revolution: Cumann na nGaedheal and Irish Politics, 1922–1932. History of Ireland and the Irish Diaspora. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2014. Pp. 318. $29.95 (paper)." Journal of British Studies 54, no. 3 (June 5, 2015): 779–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2015.99.

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18

Farrell, Mel. "Afterimage of the revolution: cumann na nGaedheal and Irish politics, 1922–1932, By Jason Knirck. Pp ix, 306. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 2014. $29.95.Freedom to achieve freedom: the Irish Free State, 1922–1932. By Donal P. Corcoran. Pp 288. Dublin: Gill & Macmillan. 2013. €40." Irish Historical Studies 39, no. 155 (May 2015): 547–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2015.16.

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19

Farrell, Mel. "Renewing the Party: Cumann na nGaedheal’s Executive Organizing Committee, 1924–25." New Hibernia Review 18, no. 3 (2014): 58–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2014.0042.

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20

Bheacháin, Caoilfhionn Ní. "‘It was then I knew life’: Political Critique and Moral Debate in Teresa Deevy's Temporal Powers (1932)." Irish University Review 50, no. 2 (November 2020): 337–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/iur.2020.0474.

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This article argues that Teresa Deevy's early plays for the Abbey Theatre deliberately intervened in the cultural politics of the Irish Free State. While the focus here is on Temporal Powers (1932), Deevy's first two Abbey productions, The Reapers (1930) and A Disciple (1931), are also considered. Taken together, this article demonstrates how these plays present a striking critique of the new state under the Cumann na nGaedhael administration. Set in 1927, during the Land Annuities crisis, Temporal Powers meditates on the relationship of poor tenant labourers to the land and society they inhabit. In it, Deevy explores themes such as eviction, homelessness, emigration, justice, religion, grief, and poverty. This article introduces this little-known play, contextualises it, and discusses her treatment of key themes through an examination of characters, Shavian influences, dramatic structure and form.

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