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Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cumann na nGaedheal

Academic literature on the topic 'Cumann na nGaedheal'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 10 December 2022

Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Dissertations / Theses
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Journal articles on the topic "Cumann na nGaedheal"

1

Ciara Meehan. "Fine Gael’s Uncomfortable History: The Legacy of Cumann na nGaedheal." Éire-Ireland 43, no. 3-4 (2008): 253–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eir.0.0024.

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Fathartaigh, Mícheál Ó. "Cumann na nGaedheal, sea fishing and west Galway, 1923–32." Irish Historical Studies 36, no. 141 (May 2008): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400007495.

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In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the British government made a vigorous effort to ameliorate poverty in the west of Ireland. In 1891 the Congested Districts Board (C.D.B.) was established, with an array of special powers to promote economic development in the west. It recognised that land could only play a limited role in development due to its generally poor quality, but that sea fishing had significant potential. Nowhere was this more obvious than west Galway, where the majority of people were farmer-fishermen, living either on the islands or along a coastal belt on the mainland because fishing offered some compensation for inadequate land. Sea fishing in west Galway was, however, for the most part primitive.

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3

Corráin, Daithí Ó. "‘Ireland in his heart north and south’ the contribution of Ernest Blythe to the partition question." Irish Historical Studies 35, no. 137 (May 2006): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400004715.

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Ulster Protestant, farmer’s son, journalist, I.R.B. member, Irish Volunteer organiser, hunger-striker, Sinn Féin T.D. and Minister for Trade and Commerce, advocate of the Anglo-Irish treaty, Cumann na nGaedheal Minister for Local Government, Finance and Posts and Telegraphs, Vice-President of the Executive Council, Blueshirt intellectual (but no fascist): these successive designations capture the varied early career of Ernest Blythe. Far less is known of his interests and writing after his retirement from political life: the Irish language, theatre and, in particular, the partition question.

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4

Martin, Peter. "The political career of Michael Tierney, 1920–44." Irish Historical Studies 37, no. 147 (May 2011): 412–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002112140000273x.

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Although Michael Tierney became famous as a controversial, reforming president of U.C.D., he had been a ubiquitous figure in Irish national politics for over twenty years before. A radical member of Cumann na nGaedheal and a key intellectual influence on the early Fine Gael party, he reinvented himself as a political independent, and campaigned for a vocational model of government in Ireland in line with papal teaching. He was that rarity in Irish politics – a political conservative who was also a public intellectual, and who tried to build a political career based on the quality of his ideas rather than tribal loyalties.

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5

Coleman, Marie. "Jason Knirck.Afterimage of the Revolution: Cumann na nGaedheal and Irish Politics, 1922–1932." American Historical Review 121, no. 4 (October 2016): 1365.1–1365. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.4.1365.

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6

Corcoran, Donal. "Public Policy in an emerging state: The Irish Free State 1922-25." Volume 1 Issue 1 (2009) 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/ijpp.1.1.5.

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The first three years of the Irish Free State’s existence were among the most crucial in independent Ireland’s history. William T. Cosgrave and his Cumann na nGaedheal (Party of the Irish) governments suppressed an internal revolt, overcame an acute scarcity of money, enacted a constitution, and defined how the state would be governed. They established an Irish civil service, army, courts service, police force and diplomatic corps; passed legislation to purchase the remaining agricultural land held by landlords; commenced exploitation of the natural resources, extended the use of Irish in schools, and began the task of increasing the state’s sovereignty. The administration of the Irish Free State was quickly changed from the British system of loosely co-ordinated boards and departments to a centralised Irish system.

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7

Farrell, Mel. "Structures and Members: An Overview of The Cumann na nGaedheal Party Organisation, 1923–33." Parliamentary History 38, no. 3 (October 2019): 387–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12466.

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8

Carroll, Francis M. "Afterimage of Revolution: Cumann na nGaedheal and Irish Politics, 1922–1932 by Jason Knirck." New Hibernia Review 19, no. 2 (2015): 149–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nhr.2015.0020.

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9

Devlin, Anna, and Frank Barry. "Protection Versus Free Trade in the Free State Era: The Finance Attitude." Irish Economic and Social History 46, no. 1 (June 18, 2019): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0332489319853703.

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Belief in the benefits of industrial protection had long been a cornerstone of nationalist ideology. Cumann na nGaedheal followed a policy of selective protection while Fianna Fáil was ideologically committed not just to import-substituting industrialisation but to as high a degree of self-sufficiency as possible. The Departments of Finance and Industry and Commerce differed sharply on the costs and benefits of trade restrictions. This article explores the perspective of the Department of Finance and in particular that of J. J. McElligott, Assistant Secretary from 1923 and Secretary of the Department from 1927 to 1953. It demonstrates the strong continuity between his position and that of T. K. Whitaker, who became Secretary in 1956 and whose 1958 report on Economic Development is widely credited with providing the intellectual foundation for the trade liberalisation process of the following decades.

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10

Pašeta, Senia. "Nationalist responses to two royal visits to Ireland, 1900 and 1903." Irish Historical Studies 31, no. 124 (November 1999): 488–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400014371.

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In July 1903 Maud Gonne hung a black petticoat from the window of her Dublin home, insulting her unionist neighbours and provoking what became known as ‘the battle of Coulson Avenue’. Aided by nationalist friends, athletes from Cumann na nGaedheal and her sturdy housekeeper, she defended her ‘flag’ against police and irate neighbours. Gonne’s lingerie — allegedly a mark of respect for the recently deceased pope — flew in stark and defiant contrast to the numerous Union Jacks which lined her street in honour of King Edward VII’s visit to Ireland. This episode heralded a month of spectacular protest which polarised nationalist opinion. Like the visit to Dublin of Queen Victoria in 1900, King Edward’s tour provoked both enormous public interest and rivalry between various Irish institutions which vied to express their loyalty to the crown. But the royal tours also instigated fierce debate within the nationalist community and highlighted the ever deepening rifts between constitutional nationalism and ‘advanced’ nationalism.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cumann na nGaedheal"

1

Regan, John M. "Countering the revolutionaries : an examination of the Cumann na nGaedheal Party 1922-25." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.324836.

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Books on the topic "Cumann na nGaedheal"

1

Meehan, Ciara. The Cosgrave party: A history of Cumann na nGaedheal, 1923-33. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2010.

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2

Meehan, Ciara. The Cosgrave party: A history of Cumann na nGaedheal, 1923-33. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2010.

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3

Meehan, Ciara. The Cosgrave party: A history of Cumann na nGaedheal, 1923-33. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2010.

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4

The Cosgrave party: A history of Cumann na nGaedheal, 1923-33. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2010.

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5

Afterimage Of The Revolution Cumann Na Ngaedheal And Irish Politics 19221932. University of Wisconsin Press, 2013.

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6

Knirck, Jason. Afterimage of the Revolution: Cumann Na NGaedheal and Irish Politics, 1922-1932. University of Wisconsin Press, 2014.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cumann na nGaedheal"

1

Farrell, Mel. "Aspirations and Realities: Cumann na nGaedheal in Government, 1923–1926." In Party Politics in a New Democracy, 101–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63585-9_4.

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Farrell, Mel. "‘Holding the Scales Even’: Cumann na nGaedheal’s Final Years in Power." In Party Politics in a New Democracy, 193–234. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63585-9_6.

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3

O'Donoghue, Martin. "From the National League to Cumann na nGaedheal?" In The Legacy of the Irish Parliamentary Party in Independent Ireland, 1922-1949, 115–38. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620306.003.0005.

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This chapter analyses the period from the National League’s defeat in the September 1927 election to the next great pressure point which forced many old Irish Party followers into new parties: the 1932 general election. It assesses the growing rapprochement between Cumann nan Gaedheal and former Irish Party followers, particularly Capt. Redmond’s decision to join the party in 1931.However, in examining the afterlives of National League politicians, this chapter also scrutinizes the few who joined Fianna Fáil and compares elements of the party’s modus operandi with that of the IPP including de Valera’s leadership style and Fianna Fáil’s remarkable facility for party organisation. Finally, this chapter illustrates why some supporters of the old Irish Party and Ancient Order of Hibernians remained independent, citing economic, organisational and geographic factors and examining the elections of James Dillon and Frank MacDermot.

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"From the National League to Cumann na nGaedheal?" In The Legacy of the Irish Parliamentary Party in Independent Ireland, 1922-1949, 115–38. Liverpool University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvs32tf5.10.

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5

Maguire, Martin. "Cumann na nGaedheal and the civil service, 1923–32." In The civil service and the revolution in Ireland, 1912–38. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781847793782.00010.

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6

"CUMANN na nGAEDHEAL AND THE ABBEY THEATRE, 1922–32." In Theatre and the State in Twentieth-Century Ireland, 96–121. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203207628-7.

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7

Maguire, Martin. "Cumann na nGaedheal and the civil service, 1923–32." In The Civil Service and the Revolution in Ireland, 1912–38, 170–95. Manchester University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719077401.003.0006.

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8

Krause, Peter. "The Irish National Movement." In Rebel Power. Cornell University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501708558.003.0006.

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This chapter analyzes the Irish national movement. It discusses the most striking feature: the clockwork-like actions of republican groups that, while challengers, escalated violence, shunned elections, and denounced negotiated compromise; but after they became the leader or hegemon of the movement (or movement wing), shunned violence, participated in elections, and negotiated compromises. Despite their intense criticism of each other, this is the story of Cumann na nGaedheal (later Fine Gael), Fianna Fáil, the , Official Irish Republican Army/Official Sinn Féin, and the Provisional IRA/Sinn Féin over the course of the twentieth century. In every case in which abstentionism (the refusal to take seats in the government) was ended, what changed was not what the group ideologically said had to change but, rather, the movement structure and that the group would be guaranteed a leading role in the new order.

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9

O'Donoghue, Martin. "The Legacy of the Irish Party in Free State Politics, 1922–5." In The Legacy of the Irish Parliamentary Party in Independent Ireland, 1922-1949, 19–52. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789620306.003.0002.

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Chapter One provides the first statistical illustration of individuals from home rule backgrounds who entered representative politics in the early years of the Free State with the number of TDs with home rule heritage in each political grouping detailed in a number of tables. Given the historiographical attention drawn to the character of Cumann na nGaedheal, there is detailed attention devoted to comparisons between the government party and the Irish Party in personnel, policy and organisation. While the Farmers’ Party and Labour are also considered for continuities between membership of both parties and the earlier agrarian and labour associations of the home rule era, there is special assessment of former MPs who were elected as independent TDs such as Capt. William Redmond, Alfie Byrne and James Cosgrave and the persistence of the IPP’s methods. This chapter thus highlights the continuities between pre- and post-independence Ireland, helping to explain the party fragmentation experienced in the early 1920s.

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10

O’Leary, Brendan. "Digesting Decolonization." In A Treatise on Northern Ireland, Volume II, 61–125. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198830573.003.0003.

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This chapter examines how and when the Irish Free State went from partial to full political decolonization. It argues that Collins’s stepping-stone theory of the Treaty of 1921 would be proved correct, but that de Valéra and Childers and their allies also correctly observed the deficiencies of that treaty. The fate of southern Protestants is examined. The wilder allegations of genocide and ethnic expulsion are demonstrated to be without merit; their twentieth-century story is mostly one of integration and assimilation. Fianna Fáil’s program of constitutional transformation is traced and its significance for Northern Ireland evaluated. The Irish Free State’s state-building and consolidation of its sovereignty were diplomatic accomplishments of both Cumann na nGaedheal and Fianna Fáil governments. The program of Irish state-building clashed with the aspirations behind all-Ireland nation-building. The “economic war” of the 1930s and the Anglo-Irish Agreements of 1938 are surveyed, before the decisions of de Valéra’s cabinet regarding neutrality in the Second World War and the supposed British offer of reunification are interpreted for their long-run significance for Northern Ireland.

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