Journal articles on the topic 'Culture conflict Arab countries'

The term “anti-American” sounds debatable in analyzing the relationship between Islamic world and United States. This term arguably stems from Huntington’s thesis on clash of civilization, which argued that the culture is the main belligerent instead of countries in the conflict. Two main cultures: the contrast between the West and Islam often eventually shapes the rivalry relationship between these two civilizations. Investigating the persistence rivalry between the two through critical literature review method, this article tries to answer the question of why Muslims are still hostile to American culture. It further argues that that media, which are mostly from Middle Eastern countries, have essential in shaping the fluctuated trend of anti-American sentiment among Muslims. This heavily depends on the impact of US foreign policy on Arab that might precipitates anti-American sentiments.

The term “anti-American” sounds debatable in analyzing the relationship between Islamic world and United States. This term arguably stems from Huntington’s thesis on clash of civilization, which argued that the culture is the main belligerent instead of countries in the conflict. Two main cultures: the contrast between the West and Islam often eventually shapes the rivalry relationship between these two civilizations. Investigating the persistence rivalry between the two through critical literature review method, this article tries to answer the question of why Muslims are still hostile to American culture. It further argues that that media, which are mostly from Middle Eastern countries, have essential in shaping the fluctuated trend of anti-American sentiment among Muslims. This heavily depends on the impact of US foreign policy on Arab that might precipitates anti-American sentiments.

<p>UNTSO was the first peacekeeping mission created by the United Nations. They have been in the Middle East since June 1948 with the task of overseeing the implementation of the ceasefire between Israel and Arab countries, including seeking resolution of the conflict between Israel and Palestine. One of the reasons many UN peace missions fail, including UNTSO, was because the peacekeepers do not have the ability to understand the local culture in which they are placed. One of the main difficulties faced by peacekeepers in a conflict involving two groups with two different cultures is uncertainty about cultural values. UNTSO personnel very rarely received training as such and like the usual army, their tendency is to use violence to solve conflicts. There should be a special cultural training focused on developing an understanding of the cultural context, such as background orientation, origin, conflict parties, history, religion, customs, and local community language. This paper tries to provide an analysis through an understanding of cross-cultural competency, which is expected to provide recommendations for resolving the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.</p>

This study applied news framing theory with mixed quantitative and qualitative methods to analyse news items (N = 1348) about ordinary Arabs on Al Jazeera Arabic, Al Arabiya and Nile News TV shortly before the Arab Spring. Results show that ordinary Arab citizen representation was low. Overall, there were significant differences in networks’ framing of ordinary people. Importance, negativity and conflict values dominated the news featuring ordinary citizens. Arab news networks did not provide adequate time for citizens to voice opinions, and limited representation occurred via vox pop, footage and indirect reference. Networks employed negative sentimental framing (protest and rejection, economic problems, victimization, health problems and mistrust in governments) and mainly portrayed citizens of countries undergoing crises and wars. Arab television news should prioritize sharing the opinions, concerns and successes of ordinary Arab people and engage in constructive journalism rather than concentrating on problem frames without offering solutions.

This study investigated the impact of corporate culture dimensions (empowerment, competence development, fair rewards and information sharing) on the affective, continuance, and normative organizational commitment in the banking sector in Kuwait. An empirical analysis was conducted across permanent, full-time and part-time employees (managers and non-managers) of five large private banks in Kuwait (n = 398). Both Exploratory Factor Analysis (EFA) and hierarchical regression analyses were used to draw the relationship between these variables. The results showed that sixty percent of variables confirmed previous studies and the remaining ones, surprisingly, were in conflict with previous studies due to some specific Kuwaiti cultural factors. Researchers are challenged to delve deeper into the complex relationship between variables since many of the studies have been conducted in Western societies; thus, the findings can be useful in future comparative studies. A replication of this study in other Arab countries with either the same corporate culture dimensions developed earlier or extended ones could reveal whether these results are country-specified or may be generalized to other countries.

Major developments in the translation of literary works from Arabic into French and English and vice versa tend to indicate that it has been influenced by the geopolitical relationship between the Arab world and Western countries. In my paper I try to show how the essence of this translation history has taken root in the power differentials and conflicts between these two entities by analyzing three different phases of translation, namely: - Napoleon Bonaparte’s Expedition to Egypt in the 18th century and the translation movement that followed in the 19th century. - Post-Second-World-War phase including the intense translation activity during the Nasser era. - From 1988 (when Mahfouz was awarded the Nobel Prize) to the post-9/11 era. I will also explain how translators (like Canadian-born Johnson-Davies) played a key role in these times of war and/or peace. The work of some of them can also be considered as a form of resistance against prevailing (often negative) representations of the Other and its culture. The article ends with reflections on the current (and future) situation of the translation of Arabic literature into English and French.

We can say that culture includes knowledge, arts, morals, beliefs, customs and other capabilities that a person obtains from life. The difference in the cultures that the groups of Jews from different parts of the world carried to (Israel) led to a difference in customs and traditions between them, and this in turn led to a conflict between them in particular and between cultures in general. That is, the culture of the Sephardi Jews and the culture of the Western Ashkenazi Jews.Sephardi are the Jews who immigrated from Arab and eastern countries, while Ashkenazim are the Jews who immigrated from Western countries (European, America and Russia(. Therefore, (Israel) worked in two directions with these immigrants, some of them called for integration with the new society, and the other part to assimilate them. But with all these attempts, some of them ended in failure. The eastern Jews (Iraqis in particular) have kept the Iraqi customs and traditions that they were brought up with and did not lose their identity. I will discuss in this research some of these customs and traditions that they maintained even after their immigration to (Israel). Such as the use of some Arabic expressions, oriental food, eastern folklore, through some stories and novels written by Iraqi Jewish writers who immigrated to (Israel), such as Shimon Palace, Samir Naqqash, Anwar Shaul, Sami Michael.

The review analyzes the recent book written by an American military expert and political scientist Kenneth Pollack and entitled Armies of the Sand: Past, Present and Future of the Effectiveness of Arab Armies. The author of the monograph has been studying Arab armies and Middle East conflicts for more than 30 years and had previously published several papers that consider the military organization of different countries in the region. In this book, Pollak seeks to summarize long-standing discussions that consider the reasons for the low military effectiveness of the Arab armies after the Second World War. The author consistently examines four principal arguments that seek to explain the reasons for the failures of the Arab armies on the battlefield (the influence of the Soviet military doctrine, politicization, the level of socio-economic development, culture). For each of the hypotheses, Pollack selects the most representative examples from the history of military operations carried out by the Arab armies after 1945. In doing so the researcher tries to prove or disprove the hypotheses. To better substantiate his conclusions Pollack also examines whether non-Arab armies that presumably faced the same difficulties as the Arab ones also performed poorly on the battlefield. The author concludes that Arab culture has been the most influential factor that prevented Arab armies from winning wars.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the development of relations between Bulgaria and the Arab countries in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The development of relations between Bulgaria and the countries of the Arab East is of interest in the context of the study of the forms, directions of cooperation, reasons for the mutual interest of peoples heterogeneous in ethno-confessional and cultural terms. Methods and materials. The historical-typological, historical-systemic methods and the civilizational approach used in the article allow to analyze the process of the emergence, development and transformation of the Bulgarian-Arab relations in political, trade, economic, cultural areas. Analysis. Before World War II the international mechanisms were being created for the further development of trade, economic, and political ties between the Arab states and Bulgaria together with infrastructure and sea transport routes. The problems in the development of Bulgarian-Arab relations were caused by the difficulties in forecasting of the processes, which were often subordinate to the subjective factor, personal ambitions and emotions of Arab leaders. Bulgarian diplomacy demonstrated the great patience to maintain relations that met the country’s interests. The cooperation between Bulgaria and the Arab countries developed in various forms with noticeable positive dynamics. Political changes in a number of Arab countries and inter-Arab conflicts did not fundamentally affect relations, but caused only temporary difficulties. Despite the fact that the systemic changes, which occurred in Bulgaria in the 1990s, became a restraining factor in the development of the Bulgarian-Arab relations, they were restored due to the mutual interests of the states at the turn of the 20th – 21st centuries. Results. It is concluded that Bulgaria had established diplomatic relations with almost all Arab countries by 1960. The main direction of development of ties until the 1990s was dictated by political and ideological considerations, but trade and economic relations often preceded political ones. Bulgaria had gone beyond the traditional exchange of goods and switched to such forms of cooperation as construction, engineering design, tourism, culture, exchange of specialists, and personnel training. At the end of the 20th century Bulgarian leadership returned to the development of relations with Arab countries, which was dictated by the needs of the market economy development, new political realities and Bulgaria’s attempts to identify its place in the modern world.

It would be a mistake to believe that the Arab regional system (heretofore referred to as the ‘Arab regional system’; ‘the system’ or the ‘regional system’) is endangered by the current instability and upheaval affecting the Arab region, and that the threats that currently loom over it are new and unlike anything that have previously been faced. It would be equally erroneous to believe that the current dangers and threats are merely a repetition of what the system has experienced before and was able to confront and deal with. To say that the Arab regional system is a ‘product of struggle’ that originated and developed amid the successive waves of internal conflict between the countries that it comprises and the external clashes with other regional and international powers would not be an exaggeration. Up to now the Arab regional system has disproved all the analyses that predicted its death, beginning with Fouad Ajami's famous studies entitled “The End of Pan Arabism” (1978/79, in Foreign Affairs 57 (2): 355–373) and The Arab Predicament: Arab Political Thought and Practice since 1967 (1992, Cambridge University Press) to Burhan Ghalioun's article for Al Jazeera (“Nihayah al-nizam al-iqlimi al-'arabi” [The end of the Arab regional system]. Al Jazeera, 10 March 2004), just as it proved its ability to contain the threats it faced and to adapt to them. The reason for its survival is primarily attributable to a unique feature that distinguishes it from other regional systems; this feature combines two characteristics: geographical continuity between a group of neighbouring states (with the exception of Somalia and the Comoros Islands), and linguistic homogeneity, cultural affinity and a sense of belonging to a common space of civilization and culture, while simultaneously acknowledging the existence of diversity and distinctive particularities. The question arises today as to whether the Arab regional system can continue to sustain itself successfully, or whether the present challenges and threats it now faces are of a new kind that go beyond the capabilities of its institutions and member states? Within this context, this opinion and position paper focuses on the author's point of view and the essential factors supporting it. It does not present, discuss or critic the views of others. The paper is divided into three parts: the first describes the origin of the Arab regional system and its development in the heart of struggle; the second describes the new factors that endanger and challenge the status quo; and the third proposes scenarios for the future of the Arab system.

Tourism is not only considered as a stimulator for the social and economic development for countries, but also it contributes in spreading peace and enhancing negotiation, comprehension, and exchanging cultures among people in the light of the increased tourist demand. Arab countries confronted fluctuation and instability in the number of tourist arrivals due to security disturbances, conflicts and the vanishing of peace opportunities. In this regard, this research reveals the urban features for some Arab countries in achieving peace tourism because it is considered as touristic destinations that enhance heritage tourism due to the existence of the whole touristic features. The study sheds the lights on both As-Salt (Jordan) and Constantine (Algeria) cities. For the purpose of highlighting the opportunities of peace tourism by its urban features for changing towards sustainability by adopting that combine tourism development, peace building, and heritage conservation in both Arab cities. The researchers also required the development of certain tactical techniques to attain clear results in the research, the study relied on qualitative research in reviewing many documents and research related to both tourism and peace. In addition, field investigations contributed to providing data and information during the period from (2015-2018), like that the observation and interviews conducted with the local community in both cities. Results of the research, represented mainly in the presence of opportunities for peace tourism, which are reinforced by the specificity of the urban characteristics of the two cities, and its clear role in establishing a culture of peace, understanding, dialogue and exchange of cultures, which requires defining a model for the relationship between the development of tourism, peace and heritage in the cities of Salt and Constantine and which is based on tourism planning with the effective participation of different stakeholders.

The societal conflicts between Secularist groups and Jihadist militants on the role religious orientations played in the state democratization, social justice, human rights, and population development posited national exigencies un-decisively met by governments of the African and Arab regions. Part one of our research theorized three typologies shaping the challenges of similar conflicts in the Arab-African states of Egypt and Sudan. The typologies symbolized a Sufi culture perpetuating Muslims’ humanitarian relations; Secularist thought excluding the politics of faith; and Jihadist reactionaries manipulating symbolic representation of religion in the striving for power domains. Lacking in serenity the Sufi culture maintained for ages by popular prevalence, the Jihadist reactionaries sponsored a theocratic militancy that generated instability by excessive violence. Entrenched in non-democratic authoritative systems, the state failed in both countries to end peacefully the deepened tensions of the ongoing contradictions. Preserving the popular culture and supporting democratic governance, the Sufi/Secularist groups would probably continue to resist the theocratic dogma that evidently penetrated the region. Part two of the research proposed a study on the typologies’ dynamics to project the extent of political integrity in the future of Sudan and Egypt. This paper comprised a brief summary of part one of the analysis.

This research paper focuses on Gulf–Iran relations within the framework of the bilateral relationship between Oman and Iran. This relationship is unique as well as distinct from Oman’s relations with the other nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and has a direct influence on Gulf regional security. Oman’s relationship with Iran has grown stronger and firmer after the events of the Arab Spring. This comes at a time when the Gulf countries are suffering worsening internal security, political and economic conditions and disagree amongst themselves about how to deal with Iran. Hence, the Omani-Iranian rapprochement is intensifying the security anxieties of the GCC countries. This paper examines the conceptual frameworks for security and cooperation within the GCC. Oman’s view on security and cooperation is seen in its foreign policy which adheres to non-intervention and neutrality in foreign affairs. Omani-Iranian relations are analyzed in how they affect Gulf integration and the role played by Oman in the Iranian nuclear deal. The paper concludes by discussing Oman’s position on the current conflict in Yemen and its effect on Gulf security as well as Oman’s role in mediation between the parties in the conflict.

As in most Arab and Third World countries, the tribal structure is an anthropological reality and a sociological particularity in Sudan. Despite development and modernity aspects in many major cities and urban areas in Sudan, the tribe and the tribal structure still maintain their status as a psychological and cultural structure that frames patterns of behavior, including the political behavior, and influence the political process. This situation has largely increased in the last three decades under the rule of the Islamic Movement in Sudan, because of the tribe politicization and the ethnicization of politics, as this research reveals. This research is based on an essential hypothesis that the politicization of tribalism is one of the main reasons for the tribal conflict escalation in Sudan. It discusses a central question: Who is responsible for the tribal conflicts in Sudan?

The article examines and analyzes the spread of Islamism or Political Islam movements in the Greater Mediterranean and their increasing influence on the socio-political situation in 2011-2021. The historical factors, which contributed to the emergence of the hearths of Islamic culture in the countries which entered the Arab Caliphate in the Greater Mediterranean parallel with the Antique centers of European civilization, are retrospectively exposed. The Islamist ideologues called the Ottoman Imperia the heir of the Arab Caliphate. The main doctrinal conceptions of Political Islam and its more influential movement Muslim Brotherhood (forbidden in Russia) are discovered. The factor of the Arab Spring, which considerably influenced the strengthening of the Islamist movements, as well as its continuation of the protests in the Arab countries in 2018-2021, is examined. The main attention is allotted to analyzing the actions of the Islamic movements in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, and in the Libyan and Syrian conflicts too. The influence of external actors, the most active of which was Turkey, is revealed. The author also analyzes the situation in the Arab-Muslim communities in the European Mediterranean on the example of France, where social-economic problems, aggravated by COVID-19, have contributed to the activation of radical Islamist elements. It is concluded that confronting the Islamist challenge is a complex and controversial task. Its solution depends on both forceful opposition to radical groups and an appropriate foreign policy. An important negative factor is the aggravation of socio-economic problems and crisis phenomena in the institutions of Western democracy, in response to which the ideologues of Islamism preach an alternative world order in the form of an Islamic state. At the moment the Western society and the countries which repeat its liberal model do not give a distinct response to this challenge.

This study aims to explore the opinions of thought and public opinion leaders in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, regarding the conflict of the end of history between Islamic caliphate and global liberalism. These two schools of thought were recently represented by the revolutions of the Arabic Spring in a number of Arab countries as well as the rising of political Islamic movements and the calls for overthrowing the so-called non-Islamic regimes. The uprisings of the Arab Spring started in Tunisia in 2011, calling for the return of the Islamic caliphate. To this end, the researcher conducted 9 interviews with a group of thought and public opinion leaders in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, a country which lies at the heart of the Arab Spring events. The researcher used a historical approach and analyzed the interviews using an analytical descriptive approach, calculating the frequencies in the participants’ responses. The results show that as far as the end of history is concerned, all interviewees agreed that there is a recent conflict between the model of Islamic caliphate, on the one hand, and the model of democratic liberalism represented by the dissertation of Francis Fukuyama, on the other. Since the conflict exists but relies on the interpretations of the concept of caliphate and the liberal perspective, there are some thinkers who believe that there is no contradiction between these two schools of thought. Their beliefs depend on the way by which each school of thought perceives its model, since there is no standardized Islamic model or standardized liberal model. Conversely, some thinkers believe that the conflict is Islamic-Islamic, rather than Islamic-liberal; thus, closing the door for diligence could be viewed as one reason for this internal conflict. Additionally, because variation rather than similarity is to be expected, conflict does follow. The participants also believe that the perception of caliphate is different from one political trend to another and is not within the religious sense of jihad among the armed political Islamic movements. Therefore, one of the most important recommendations suggested in this study relates to activating the role of the mosque and the church in society in a manner that surpasses the media which has the greatest effect on people’s values, while taking into consideration modernism in all the fields that may contribute to the interest of the society, the necessity of respecting people’s religious and ethnic backgrounds as well as national freedom. This is because plurality does not mean partition, rather it involves the enrichment of national unity, developing national culture, appreciating the efforts of people, rather than overlooking them, and finally exerting all efforts to make use of the experiences of others in all the domains that may benefit the interest of the society.

Purpose It might seem plausible to argue that effective monitoring of disaster data loss can help achieve progress in reporting to the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction (SFDRR) and the global targets of sustainable development goals and associated indicators. Nevertheless, with the lack of climate change and disaster data losses in the Arab region, the integration of risks associated with socio-economic dimensions at the wider scale of displacement is important to shape a regional understanding of resilience terminology and provides the means of translating it. The purpose of this paper is to identify the means of redefining “Resilience” in the Arab region context of climate change, conflict and displacement in association with the theoretical principles of the “fragile city”. Design/methodology/approach In an attempt to achieve the SFDRR target (E) “substantially increase the number of countries with national and local DRR strategies by 2020,” this study investigates the use of the (United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction) disaster resilience scorecard as a guiding principle for city-to-city (C2C) resilience-building knowledge exchange between Amman (Jordan) and Khartoum (Sudan). Findings Facing similar urban challenges against disaster and violent conflict-protracted displacement, the study findings indicate that the C2C exchange program was useful in understanding the cities’ urban risk profiles, promoting dialogue among local governments and creating a culture of learning organizations for knowledge sharing on DRR governance and beyond. However, the applied resilience assessments overlooked the qualitative and socio-ecological understanding of climate change risk and human security principles among the most vulnerable groups of refugees and internally displaced persons in fragile settings. This is recommended to be integrated into building coherence for resilience across the 2015-2030 Global Agendas reporting and monitoring mechanisms, leaving “no one behind”. Originality/value The C2C exchange program for Amman and Khartoum was an opportunity for understanding the cities’ urban risk profiles, addressing challenges and building “decentralized cooperation” beyond the cities’ institutional boundaries (UN Habitat, 2001), with recommendations for “selecting resilience indicators specific to fragile cities” to quantitatively measure disaster displaced persons’ (DDPs) vulnerabilities and current status of “income and social equality, microeconomic security, provision of basic services and social protection” while providing qualitative evidence on “social cohesion, social networks/social support and local government–community cooperation” (Patel and Nosal, 2016).

In the 21st century, conflicts in the Middle East can generally be classified into four types, namely: conflicts between outside powers and Middle Eastern countries; between Middle Eastern countries themselves; between different political parties and religious sects within a sovereign country; as well as transnational and cross-border conflicts. The mode of China’s participation in Middle Eastern security governance includes political, security and social conflicts. There are three categories of domestic mechanisms in Chinese practice, specifically: the special envoy mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs; the procession and peace-keeping mechanisms by the Chinese Ministry of National Defense; and the foreign aid mechanism by the Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The China–Arab States Cooperation Forum, the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation, the United Nations and other international organizations constitute the major international regimes for China’s security governance. China’s Middle Eastern security governance creates not only ‘public goods’ for the region but also a means for China to build constructive great power relations with the United States, the European Union and Russia, among others. The styles of Chinese and Western security governance in the Middle East vary with the Chinese side placing most emphasis on improving the well-being of Middle Eastern peoples and placing this as the top priority on the agenda, followed by a ‘bottom-up’ roadmap, and the seeking of incremental, consultative, inclusive and selective governance in Middle East conflict resolution.

Applied anthropology has a long history in Israel, its genesis in the massive waves of immigration that began after the establishment of the state in 1948. Its primary focus remains today what it was then: integrating (or in Israeli parlance, "absorbing") the new Jewish immigrants who came to Israel from Europe after the Holocaust, from Muslim countries from 1948 through the sixties, from Ethiopia and Russia more recently, and from many other places. Anthropologists have helped government agencies, schools, health services, and other public bodies understand the newcomers' cultures, aspirations, and problems, and they have been instrumental in devising modes of settlement that meet both the immigrants' and the country's needs. Ironically, little work has been done in the area of conflict resolution between Jews and Arabs (and specifically Palestinians) or in finding ways of integrating Israel's Arab population into the country's mainstream. While many Israeli anthropologists are prominent social activists, they tend to separate their personal and professional lives, and little of their professional work actually takes place in applied realms.

Philosophers have dwelt on the concept of peace to study its differences and diversity within the framework of a much more extensive and comprehensive field. They have discovered other concepts stemming from the main concept such as the recognition of the other, identity, altruism, cooperation, and integration. But along with its multiple subconcepts peacemaking is a complicated problematic concept. The difficulty of defining the concept of “peace” is not the main challenge, but rather the ability of such concept to reimagine the world so that it is compromised in political thought and practice. It is a concept that shapes the world, connecting the core with the margins, and steers policies of major countries influencing regional and global affairs. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the global balance of power, interest in the concept of peace grew. Given how peace can influence the situation in the Arab region, and its relation to the Arab–Israeli conflict, it is vital to research the components and strategies of “the Israeli peace” and how it impacts the Arab region. This article focuses on “the Israeli peace,” highlighting its themes and approaches, and also unveils the Israeli drive and aspiration to structure a new Arab regional order based on hegemony and dependency. If the Arabs wish to achieve peace, they will have to reconsider the main premises of peace, its theoretical assumptions, and practical procedures, especially after consecutive US administrations have abandoned their role of honest broker in overseeing negotiations. The article poses several questions in relation to whether and how a peaceful settlement is equal to “the Israeli peace,” and how it could be relevant to and based on mutual interests. What makes any peace inclusive and what are the differences between different approaches? In this context, the article analyses the complications related to peace in the region, adhering to an approach in which it acknowledges the historical, political, and cultural overlap that is connected to the nature and comprehensiveness of the concept of peace.

During the military conflict on going on the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic (Syria), there was destroyed not only the economic, but also the educational and cultural infrastructure of the country. Thousands of libraries located in northern Syria have completely lost their collections. The number of Arab cultural centres (public libraries) decreased by 60% from 2011 to 2018. They were located in the conflict zones and were destroyed during military operations. Huge damage was caused to the market of publishing industry and the book culture of Syria as a whole.During the tough movement process from war to peace, the preservation of monuments, including writing, remains an important issue for the country and its future. The leading library in Syria is the Al-Assad National Library (NL), which receives legal deposit copy of domestic publications; it is engaged in international book exchange; makes procurements; receives books and manuscripts as donation. Preserving the documentary cultural heritage of the country, the library performs the memorial function, which is much more complicated in the conditions of military conflict and economic crisis.The purpose of the research is to study the impact of the war in Syria on the activities of the Al-Assad National Library, the dynamics of the development of its collections, as well as the formation of strategy for the reconstruction of the countryʼs library system. The author used the methods of comparative analysis in the work and conducted the review of the literature on this topic.In 1988, the Al-Assad National Library’s collections contained 131,931 items. In the 2000s, there was an increase in the number of publications received by the library via legal deposit copy system. Since 2011, the beginning of the terrorist war, which was accompanied by the economic blockade by Western countries, the replenishment of the stock has significantly decreased. From 2012 to 2015, the International Book Fair in Damascus was suspended. At the end of 2020, the total stock of the library amounted to 567,117 information resources in Arabic and foreign languages.Russiaʼs support in restoring peaceful life in Syria is highly appreciated by the Syrian people. The relevance of the study is related to the lack of information in Russian about the development of the national library collections during the war in Syria. Russian universities train Syrian specialists in both library and other branches of science. The Russian language has been introduced into educational programs in Syria, which will further lead to its adoption as a foreign language to replace English language in the Republic.At present, it is necessary to restore all areas of life in Syria, including cultural. The Al-Assad National Library plays a key role in the reform of the library system in the country, the formation of cultural policy through the creation of a stable system of book communication and the embedding of national book culture in the world information space. The Syrian society is forced to take into account political, economic, socio-cultural challenges. It is necessary to expand international cooperation, especially with countries that have maintained friendly relations with Syria.

Multiculturalism is an outcome of developing global culture emanating from ceaseless flow of people between nations and intercultural interactions. Crossing the borders results in psychological transformation of the immigrants as their ethnic identity shaped by social, religious, historical and political forces over decades is in continual flux. Though different kinds of responses to the situation of cultural multiplicity may be diagnosed, the fact remains that there are no simplistic ways of dealing with or responding to multiculturalism. The immigrants face cultural clash and find difficulties in acculturating. When the immigrants come to install in another country, they are accosted with a new culture, a new statute and a reserved group of people who do not mix so very easily. Everyone does not have the capacity to adjust their feelings and mind. They form a community of diaspora who are always reminded of their roots in an alien land. The impact of diasporic experiences on immigrants’ psyche depends on their level of belonging in an alien land. Ameen Rihani’s odyssey from Lebanon to United States gives him a cutting edge over his contemporaries to be established as most revered author of Arabs diaspora abroad. Rihani, molded and transformed by the cultures of his countries of origin, movement and settlement, has been earnestly engaged in re-conceptualizing the idea of diaspora as a profitable affair as opposed to the popular beliefs that render immigration and displacement as a condition of loss. His novels are bulging with different protagonists of staunch spirit and calibrating credence who win the tussle with cultural conflict and in the process evolve and finally lost. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate how Rihani’s protagonist Khalid in his novel of the same name evolves with cultural changes, endeavors for pursuit of identity in both origin and adopted worlds and finally takes control of his destiny.

The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis.

The present review focuses on the temporary exhibition Presence Commune that was held at Museum Mohammed VI for Modern and Contemporary Arts (MMVI) of Rabat, Morocco, from 28 March to 31 September 2017. The review contextualizes the exhibition Presence Commune and examines the communicative strategies it used to convey its messages. It also explains how this artistic event adds to the various artistic and cultural programmes and events that the Moroccan National Foundation of Museums organizes in the course of democratizing access to culture and promoting harmony and tolerance through the universal language of art. The review also shows how the exhibition reflected the role of MMVI in initiating dialogues among artists and visitors from different ethnicities, religions, and African countries, and how it supportedMorocco’s new cultural agenda.Morocco has made cultural diplomacy a priority after the uprisings of the Arab Spring and the rise of religious and ethnic conflicts in the region of North Africa and theMiddle East.

Many scholars have attempted to tackle the question of why democracy has seemingly failed to take root in the Islamic milieu, in general, and the pre dominantlyArab Middle East, in particular, while the rest of the world has witnessed the fall of"pax-authoritaria" especially in the wake of the demercratic revolution triggered by the failure of communism. Some view this resistance to the Third Wave, as being rooted in the Islamic cultural dynamics of the region, whereas others will ascribe it to the level of political development (or the lack thereof). An anthology of essays, Challenges to Democracy in the Middle East furnishes the reader with five historical casestudies that seek to explain the arrested socio politico-economic development of Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, and Turkey, and the resulting undemercratic political culture that domjnates the overall political landscape of the Middle East. The first composition in this omnibus is "The Crisis of Democracy in Twentieth Century Syria and Lebanon," authored by Bill Harris, senior lecturer of political studies at the University of Otago in Dunedin, New Zealand. Haris compares and contrasts the political development of Syria and Lebanon during the French mandate period and under the various regimes since then. He examines how the two competing forms of national­ism, i.e., Lebanonism and Arabism, along with sectarianism, are the main factors that have contributed to the consolidation of one-party rule in Syria, and the I 6-year internecine conflict in Lebanon. After a brief overview of the early history of both countries, the author spends a great deal oftime dis­cussing the relatively more recent political developments: Syria from 1970 onwards, and Lebanon from I 975 to the I 990s. Harris expresses deep pes­simism regarding the future of democratic politics in both countries, which in his opinion is largely due to the deep sectarian cleavages in both states. The next treatise is "Re-inventing Nationalism in B􀀥thi Iraq 1968- 1994: SupraTerritorial Identities and What Lies Below," by Amatzia Baram, professor of Middle East History at the University of Haifa. Baram surveys the Ba·th's second stint in power (1968-present) in lraq. Baram's opinion is that a shift has occurred in B􀀥thist ideology from an integrative Pan-Arab program to an Iraqi-centered Arab nationalism. She attributes this to Saddam's romance with the past, on the one hand, which is the reason for the incorporation of themes from both the ancient Mesopotamian civiliza­tion and the medieval Abbasid caliphal era, and, on the other hand, to Islam and tribalism, that inform the pragmatic concerns of the Ba'thist ideological configuration ...

This article investigates the phenomena of a transnational Wahhabi movement particularly the Wahhabi local organization in Indonesia. Wahhabism is a puritan, textual, and reformist Islamic movement established in Nejd Saudi Arabia 18th century identified as part of the conservative Sunni orthodox tradition. It was determined as the major religious-state reference for shariah law formulation by the Saudi government and expanded to non-Arab countries around the world imposing reformation idea of Islamic religious tradition and academic culture. This article examines the expansion and growth of the Wahhabi local organization in Indonesia and the effort to perform deculturalization of Islam from the local religious tradition practices. Deculturalizing Islam or pulling out Islam from cultural mixture and absorption is not easy because Islam has integrated to the local religious tradition since its presence in the community around the 12th century, which shows a long negotiation and unification of those identities. In doing so, this article explores the response on Wahhabi deculturalization discourse and how the local people negotiate to this new identity and socio-religious transformation influenced by the Wahhabi’s teaching and ideology. The hypothesis of Wahhabi’s teaching position and role in shaping radicalism and terrorism has carried this research to understand the local context of Wahhabi in Indonesia, how the Wahhabi people understand and engage to radicalism and terrorism, the response to global jihadism propagation including Al-Qaeda and ISIS, and the production of Khilafah Islamiyah idea and mission. The aggressive approach of Wahhabi, which attacks a belief system of local Muslim practices and invigorates the new single identity of Islam, leads this article to investigate the patterns of Wahhabi socio-religious conflict in the communities and the influence to social disintegration existence.

During much of the past several decades, Moroccan actions in Western Sahara have impacted on that country’s bilateral and multilateral ties, especially with other countries in Africa, though to a lesser degree in the Arab world. In recent years, Morocco has gained the upper hand in its conflict in Western Sahara and has been increasing its political and economic footprint on the continent of Africa, an area of interest since independence. At the same time, Morocco has regarded itself as a “gateway” to Africa for the USA and Europe, while the USA, France (and the Gulf states) have provided military and financial assistance as well as diplomatic support for Morocco as that country’s policies have served Western interests. While attention is given by academics in recent years to the involvement in Africa of other middle powers from the Middle East such as Turkey, Iran and Saudi Arabia and, in the past, of Nasser’s Egypt and Qaddafi’s Libya, as well as Israel, Morocco has not stirred the same sort of interest. This article seeks to address that issue by examining all political and economic factors that have influenced Moroccan policy toward Sub-Saharan Africa, those both connected and unconnected with the issue of the Western Sahara dispute.

The main purpose of this article is to present the most important conditions and variables characterizing the role of the Middle East in Yugoslavia’s foreign policy strategy in the 1970s, based on available literature and documentation. I also intend to analyze the conditions that contributed to intensifying Yugoslavia’s position in the region and led to a decrease in Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East in the second half of the decade. Firstly, I will describe Yugoslavia’s relations with the countries of the Middle East in 1970–1973, especially with Egypt, where Gamal Abdel Nasser, after his death, was succeeded by the country’s Vice President, Anwar Al-Sadat. It will also be important to shed light on the Yugoslav Government’s stance regarding the Middle East conflict from the point of view of the situation in Europe. Next, I will present the significance of the Yom Kippur War for Yugoslavia’s foreign policy and its implications for Belgrade’s relations with Cairo and Tel-Aviv. Moreover, it will be extremely important to explain why Yugoslavia’s importance in the Middle East gradually diminished as of the middle of the decade. In addition, I will address the issue of Yugoslav President Josip Broz-Tito’s position toward the Islamic Revolution in Iran and the fading of Yugoslavia’s interest in the region following Tito’s death and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In the summary, I want to note that the period under analysis in Yugoslav-Middle Eastern relations was decisive for the country’s foreign policy and its internal situation, as Yugoslavia never again played a significant role in the Arab world.

The community of Arab descent in Indonesia is a marginalized or minority community. In addition, they are also the least studied community in Indonesia. Many non-Arabs do not know that most of the Arabs in Indonesia are Hadrami people who come from Yemen and not from the original Arabs or Hejaz. Most Indonesians are also unaware of the significant social and cultural differences between countries in the Middle East region, particularly with regard to the history of internal relations within the Hadrami community in Indonesia. The Hadrami people come to Indonesia with several motivations, namely getting a better life, getting away from criminal and civil problems, the existence of conflicts and wars in their place of origin and so on. Different backgrounds in terms of culture and social become a problem. These cultural and social differences make it difficult for them to adapt and acculturate to indigenous peoples. Even so, they are still looking for a balance point in order to become part of the indigenous community. For example, they marry native women and men. This accommodation process is experienced by many other diaspora communities, which is always accompanied by pressure due to the increasing number of mixed-breed populations in their communities. In the book entitled, Seeking Identity, the internal relations between Arabs as immigrant communities and their external relations with the wider community are explained, including the top level authorities, namely the government, during the Dutch East Indies, the Japanese occupation and the Republic of Indonesia. This article deals with the history of identity by using research materials which are dominated by library materials. The title raised is Identity Politics: Historical Studies of the Identity Politics of the Hadrami Society in Indonesia. There are three questions in this article. First, what is the identity and identity politics of the Hadrami people in Indonesia. Second, what is the history of the Hadrami people in Indonesia. Third, what is the history of the Hadrami community's identity politics in Indonesia. This paper uses an analytical context approach to explain the concept of identity and identity politics. In addition, the purpose of this article, namely: 1). knowing the identity and identity politics of the Hadrami community in Indonesia; 2). knowing the history of the identity politics of the Hadrami people in Indonesia; and 3). knowing the identity politics of the Hadrami people in Indonesia.

As a humanitarian worker who was professionally involved for decades in crisis- and war-shaken countries, the author strove to understand the political, socioeconomic, and cultural factors contributing to conflicts. This contextualization, with a focus on Arab countries, confirmed what other thinkers found: the majority of political, economic, social, cultural, religious, and finally humanitarian crises in the Arab world are man-made and can be attributed to both extrinsic and intrinsic factors. Central to the latter appears to be a shared cultural construct that can be termed “Arab reason.” This essay tries to present information on various aspects of the crisis; to understand why reform efforts come so late and why are they are more difficult for Arabs than for other Muslims. It continues by looking at the knowledge systems that govern Arab reason and their evolution, including the decisive role of the religious knowledge system. From there, it proposes some reform ideas including a renewed legal reasoning process with the goal of a future-oriented, knowledge-based, and inclusive Arab Islamic vision. A pragmatic way forward could be an additional unifying eighth legal school (madhhab/madhāhib) to counter sectarian conflicts and violence. This essay is built on a targeted literature search and is not a comprehensive review of the growing literature generated by distinguished thinkers on various aspects of Arab Islamic identity.

The literature of children is characterized by the privacy of adhesion to the name of the recipient, and by portraying ideas, feelings, experiences and imaginations that agree with their recognitions and reflect their linguistic, intellectual and emotional level. Because literature is in this status of importance in our lives and the lives of our children, it was necessary to read in reality and visions, starting from some statistics and previews. We have found that it is relatively weak and few, and even suffers a crisis of existence, for many reasons, ranging from ideological to educational and academic. Factors include the tyranny of materialism and digital culture on Arabic human life, the breakdown of the linguistic power and the loss of identity, the outbreak of conflicts and wars, as well as the non-permanent presence of the favorable environment and the deviation of some educational approaches because of the lack of creative writers, and the association of this literature with non-free educational axes, the adoption of difficult models and curricula with topics that are consumed and sometimes denied, and the wrong approaches and methodologies that are limited to mere understanding, indoctrination and non-systematic explanation. The Arab countries must overcome individual initiatives and develop a comprehensive national and educational policy that reinforces the human sciences from the margin of life to its center, giving the Arabic language the necessary importance, activating the role of culture, securing the supportive environment, and developing malleable programs and methodologies that consider life issues, and the need for regularity of literature in a correct and good course by focusing on modern theories such as active, self-learning, differentiated and indirect, as well as modern monetary theories and communication, functional, interactive and logical trainings.

The literature of children is characterized by the privacy of adhesion to the name of the recipient, and by portraying ideas, feelings, experiences and imaginations that agree with their recognitions and reflect their linguistic, intellectual and emotional level. Because literature is in this status of importance in our lives and the lives of our children, it was necessary to read in reality and visions, starting from some statistics and previews. We have found that it is relatively weak and few, and even suffers a crisis of existence, for many reasons, ranging from ideological to educational and academic. Factors include the tyranny of materialism and digital culture on Arabic human life, the breakdown of the linguistic power and the loss of identity, the outbreak of conflicts and wars, as well as the non-permanent presence of the favorable environment and the deviation of some educational approaches because of the lack of creative writers, and the association of this literature with non-free educational axes, the adoption of difficult models and curricula with topics that are consumed and sometimes denied, and the wrong approaches and methodologies that are limited to mere understanding, indoctrination and non-systematic explanation. The Arab countries must overcome individual initiatives and develop a comprehensive national and educational policy that reinforces the human sciences from the margin of life to its center, giving the Arabic language the necessary importance, activating the role of culture, securing the supportive environment, and developing malleable programs and methodologies that consider life issues, and the need for regularity of literature in a correct and good course by focusing on modern theories such as active, self-learning, differentiated and indirect, as well as modern monetary theories and communication, functional, interactive and logical trainings.

The wave of protests that rocked the Arab countries since February 2011 has not spared the relatively prosperous region of the Persian Gulf.The gradually growing tension between the countries of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf led to a conflict between these states, and subsequently to a diplomatic crisis, which also affected neighboring countries that are not part of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf. During the conflict in the Persian Gulf, also referred to as the "Qatar Crisis of 2017," a number of Arab countries boycotted and adopted sanctions against Qatar.

The information revolution and digital communication technologies formed the nucleus of major transformations in the modern era. This transformation was not limited to technical transformation and information and communication technology only, but also extended to various aspects of social, economic and political life....etc. This revolution has resulted in many challenges and changes facing contemporary societies, including our Islamic societies, as a result of the astonishing development in smart communication technologies and tablets, and the applications and software it left behind, which had a great impact on the process of easy access to information and virtual communication, and thus penetration and intrusion into cultures and societies. With ease. These rapid transformations in our Islamic societies have weakened their ability to clearly distinguish between right and wrong values ??and cultures that cross the borders of countries and nations, and thus weakened their ability to pick and choose between conflicting values ??in the contemporary world. In short, the effects of digital transformation appear through the lifestyles that social media reflects that do not exist in the reality of our Arab and Islamic societies, where the manifestations of wealth, consumption habits, eating and drinking methods, fashion and entertainment, as well as the presence of power at the top of the ladder of values, glorification of the authority of sex, pornography and tendency Individualism, irresponsible liberation, justifying illegal relationships and encouraging family disintegration and deviant behavior in exciting ways that hide behind implicit calls to adopt and encourage them, making it difficult for individuals to distinguish their content easily, which negatively affects the structure of societies in terms of intellectual and moral educationand religious.This research is an attempt to shed light on the extent of the reflection of communication and information technology on the value system of our Islamic societies, and work to avoid the negative effects of this transformation with deep awareness and enter into the conflict generated by it with a strong will by confronting the authority of digital information that operates outside the scope of the personal awareness of individuals in an attempt to modify their behavior to serve its goals and objectives.

The paper presents an analysis of the evolution of the Arab countries` involvement to the resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The research was carried out through a historical analysis of the Israeli-Egyptian peace accords, the Madrid peace conference, the Oslo Process, the Israeli-Jordan peace agreements, and the Arab peace initiative. The author presents the gradual evolution of the Arab countries position to the Palestinian issue from the absolute non-recognition of Israel and open enmity to the end of the boycott and to the establishment of diplomatic relations with Israel. The author also identifies the causes and the consequences of this change in the approach of the Arab countries. Results show that the main reason was the weakening of the USSR and its collapse, which predetermined the need for Arab countries to seek a new source of support in the face of the United States. Moreover, the importance of the Palestinian problem decreases for Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, while influence of the economic factor and security issues increases. Other Arab countries such as Egypt, Lebanon, Syria and Jordan do not have sufficient resources to defend their position on Palestine. Another important factor is the destruction of the united Arab position, and the decline in the popularity of the concept of pan-Arabism. The author concludes that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict ceases to be a stumbling block for resolving the larger Arab-Israeli conflict, and becomes a bargaining chip. Thus, it can be assumed that even with the resumption of the Palestinian-Israeli peace process the participation of Arab countries in it will be comparably formal. While a gradual rapprochement of Israel with its neighbor countries, the conflict will continue to evolve spontaneously with regular cases of Palestinian resistance until the irrevocable Israeli occupation is over.

The main reasons for climate change which are explained in this article are as follows: -Climate pollution by gases with CO2 emission and Greenhouse Effect; Climate contamination of viruses with viruses from nature by animals or glaciers when thawing or produced in Laboratories; Induced Climate Change due to meteorological weapons with high intensity radio waves to produce rains, hurricanes and possible induction of earthquakes; Climate pollution by radiation due wars with irreversible consequences in the climate and Nuclear Winter; Climate Change due the explosion of missiles and atomic weapons in the oceans; Climate Change due the natural cyclical phases of the Earth affected by the cyclical variations of the Earth's magnetic field lines which can be affected by the severe cyclical activity of the sun due storms and sunspot because of the combustion that occurs inside the Sun which is due to the gravitational instabilities produced by the planets of the solar system, asteroids or the Comet Planet; Climate Change due to the invading Comet Planet into the solar system that affects with its gravitational field to the sun with solar storms and the planets with variation of the magnetic field lines affecting the climate, earthquakes and activation of volcanoes and indeed with the entry of many meteors and asteroids to the Earth; Climate change due to the Arm of God Allah explaining all the above reasons being more evident in times of Tribulation. The specific methods and devices of the control and manipulation of the population (inclusive to induce to the concupiscence) in times of new world order (Universal Big Brother Program for the control of human in the Earth) and possible Tribulation are explained in this article: Surveillance programs with all technological devices and networks used by humans systematic methods of persuasive manipulation and indoctrination used by some zombie humans and dark; Through the subjugation of employees and humans (inclusive children teaching them how to manipulate in the same style of the zombies); By enterprises or dark groups so that employees make manipulation games with details (investing work time to play like children) receiving bribes, money or labor benefits or with possible retaliation if they do not obey; Surveillance programs in living and working places with covert technological cameras, coincidence games, activities, plans and events programmed in sequence (inclusive pyrotechnic sounds in sequence); Covert numbers and words (in identification documents, cards, car plates, devices used by humans); Encrypted, hidden codes or small phrases and numbers not visible to the naked eye concealed in objects; Covert words in the speech of zombie humans and from multimedia and channels of traditional technological devices through movies, programs and even newscasts and inclusive to speak in code with the humans who know the surveillance programs and worst using in those channels and programs derogatory words against the Nazarenes (in the style of Nazism with the Jews) in complicity of close acquaintances, zombies and dark who participate profiting from the system for the vile metal; By means of an epidemic and viruses produced in laboratories creating epidemics and chaos in the Earth for the reduction and control of the population; Through strict restrictions and reduction of freedoms; Confinement with subsequent compulsory vaccination to be able to access human rights such as the right to work and the right to travel (with the cover-up of the respective organizations responsibles for it: OIT OMT), without responsibility of the authorities in charge of vaccination worldwide (OMS) for the short or long term counterproductive effects of the vaccinated population due to the risk with the liquid of the vaccines by interfering with the DNA and RNA of the population; Possible marking and elimination of many humans (possibility of control of the pulmonary alveoly or induction controlled of diseases or pain due a virus by means of chips introduced in humans); Control of humans by the introduction of liquid and solid chips in humans (liquid crystals that crystallize in the organism and settle in neurons and receive ultrasonic waves of very low frequency) (possibly inserted from vaccines in global epidemiological programs for population control or invasive medical examination when this is not necessary as a figurative example of review of a patient with a sore in the mouth and introduction of the whole hand in the throat or prostate examination or specific injections to certain objective humans or Nazarenes who have opened the matrix of the darks and the elite that controls the humans in the Earth) in times of epidemic in medical examinations and treatments in hospitals (false medical negligence with breach of the medical oath of the use of Medicine for human good). The possible liquid and solid chips introduced into the human being can be used for mind reading (telepath) and thought induction (double direction: sending and receiving messages in the style of Stephen Hawking and the style of the technology already used in sending probes into space and to the moon) and possible human marking with surveillance program and the possible creation of zombie humans. Humans who have the mind reader chip installed can speak without speaking (the dumb speak playing like the miracles of Jesus Christ). It is possible to detect if the humans who have the mental reading chip installed have psychological alterations without going to a doctor. It is possible to know if humans are good or bad without seeing their actions and without going to a priest. In this way, human beings with the chip installed can be sanctioned before they do somewhat wrong (simply because it is known to be thinking). This can be used to know the fidelity to a political guideline or direction (this is known by the strong rumor in communist countries that already have the technology to detect the fidelity to the political party and possibly this is through this chip installed in the human being and mind reading). The inserted chip can also perform thought induction: this is possibly the apocalyptic mark mentioned in the apocalypse because many humans will perform sins or concupiscence induced and not naturally. Then, this will most probably activate the Wrath of God, the seals, and the trumpets of the apocalypse. It surprises me that actually the OMS wants to bring the vaccination program to Africa when in Africa there are not many dead by the epidemy (possibly for the control and reduction of the population will be in all the Earth). Afterward, the OMS mentioned that wants to insert a manufacturing center of vaccines in many countries and inclusive vigilance programs (possibly for the control and reduction of the population will be effective at the local level). But, what the OMS needs to mention is that it is necessary to eliminate the laboratories of virus creation and not create more vaccine laboratories. Humans do not want more vaccine and injections and laboratories for the creation of vaccines but the elimination of virus laboratories which are most probably used for for the control and reduction of the population: thus, the reason for spreading a virus created in a laboratoy across the Earth is evident: population reduction and control of humanity in preparation for a global elite program (new world order or program 2030 for the control of the dark and of the elite; Connection of covert surveillance cameras (in living and working places) with channels of traditional technological devices through movies, programs and even newscasts (including newscasts that usually make signs of dumb and deaf to those who have already discovered them) used by the dark with the respective programs and in addition, to monitor and tracing to verify the induction to concupiscence through mental reading (chips in humans) and surveillance cameras on line in the best style of James Bond espionage movies (including control of faces, pupils, irises, reflections, details and diseases); Games of judgments of sin against humans and Nazarenes (playing at being gods) and also profiting from the vile metal through the system and contributing to the persecution of the Nazarenes; Fake judgments of sin against humans and Nazarenes because many of these sins have been induced with technology due the possible induction of thoughts by the liquid cristal settle in neurons and have not been natural (dark inducing sin through technology and playing gods to induce evil and destruction of intimacy and privacy even in the mind of the human being); Retaliation to those who report the surveillance and manipulation programs and marking of humans for mind reading (telepathy) and thought induction (making them sick sending to the hospitals or removing them); Digital identification plan and digital money to do digital control and avoid conflict and protests of marked and Nazarenes in surveillance programs who discover that there is no privacy in their documents and inclusive in theirs mind (telepathy: mind reading and thought induction: artificial intelligence): it surprises that EU mention that has a digital plan for europeans for digital control on line. But, before the epidemy, Europe and the world advanced a lot in technology and the data of humans are digitally in hospitals and institutes that humans need. After, the EU mentions artificial intelligence for human beings. Then and in vaccination and epidemy time, it is possible that the digital control is a new digital control with artifitial intelligence and with possible chips installed in the human being (possibly already installed in many human beings); Games of events and coincidences to cause accidents or conflicts in the life of marked, target or Nazarenes (change games of victim to accused by companies that regulate the order with subsequent rectification of the game made by the same companies when the Nazarenes claim); Games of recognition of the identity of human beings (in the style of the movie Unknown) by enterprises and service stations which are necessary for the daily movement of human beings creating conflicts of manipulation and stress in the marked or Nazarenes Salary payment games (payment of wages with dinners and game of check payment) creating manipulation conflicts and stress in the life of marked, target or Nazarenes Programmed plans of theft and scams of enterprises and humans even knowing of the surveillance cameras for the control of the marked, target or Nazarenes. Then, there is severe control of human beings in their daily activities to verify the follow-up of the matrix and darks that plan situations of concupiscence in the human being. Besides, this is occurring in coincidence with an accelerated new world order program and possible tribulation times and possibly already with the installation of the apocalyptic mark (possible chips introduced in the human being for mind reading and thought induction to induce concupiscence) in humans mentioned in the apocalypse for dark control of humans. The global forms of the severe manipulation and population control in times of new world order and Tribulation are explained in this article are as follows: By increasing taxes; Through armed conflicts and wars create discord, wars and chaos between countries (often bordering countries with the same origins and with the same culture: Russia and Ukraine: war motivated by US OTAN EU): To later usurp its resources (oil energy resource: US Iraq Kuwait); To later control them politically and economically (US Iraq Kuwait) and when these power or developed countries cannot control or usurp their resources, they begin to block them economically (Russia in the war between Russia and Ukraine where besides developed countries influence in the war by printing additional money to use for the war causing imbalance and global economic crisis instead of looking for ways to avoid it) in order to cause chaos and economic crisis with the knowledge and complicity of the world organizations responsible (OEA ONU) and make the population believe that the cause of the economic crisis is the government in power. However, some countries have resisted these blockades (Cuba Venezuela Nicaragua Russia China) and managed to show that it is possible to have governments independent of the control of these powers or countries that believe they own the Earth; To put rulers (governing) of interest in the same countries in conflict; To control them using the pretext of placing military bases in the countries in conflict (NATO OTAN: military bases in some European countries, US military bases: in some South American countries and some countries of Europe). In addition, this is preferable to reduce military bases in other countries and reduction of nuclear weapons, and use the financial resources for the reduction of inequity and poverty on the Earth. Thus, the organizations responsible for the proliferation of nuclear weapons (OIEA) have played an ineffective and passive (cover-up) role, which has caused the risk of a third nuclear world war to be imminent); Through the war against terror: however and actually, this is a false speech used to point to countries that oppose the control or directive of the powers and that have a culture or political structure different from that of the powers and later make conflict and war to later control them or usurp their resources (some Arab and Muslim countries, for example, US, Irak, Lybia and blaming an entire country for terrorism and occupying for years (Afganistán)). In this way and actually, some countries have developed nuclear weapons (North Korea, Iran) to protect themselves in some way and thus, the same thing does not happen to them as to the countries mentioned above (Irak, Lybia) and that have been destroyed with the false discourse of the war against terror. In this way, the best thing is to have good relations with all the countries of the Earth which are again summed in the Bible [1] in a message: Love your brother (all human beings) as yourself! (Mt.22-39) (and not to go around the Earth pointing out terrorists to any country that opposes its guidelines). Therefore, it is possible to reduce the economic resources for the war against terror which can be used to reduce poverty and inequity in human beings; Through the war against drugs: there are many other substances and products consumed by humans that can be harmful to health and that are allowed and have not become a vice (when something is forbidden: this increases the interest in obtaining it explained from the beginning of creation in Genesis [1]: an apple from the tree of good and evil in the garden of Eden: Adam and Eve). In addition, many countries have allowed the use of certain types of drugs for medical purposes (Uruguay, Bolivia) where drug use has gone unnoticed in these countries; Through religión: with a structure of religion that tries to control the population through a guideline and speeches that obey the Vatican and the actual governments of each country (which is evident when there are countries such as Nicaragua that do not follow a guideline of the church and the elite and then, the religion surprisingly actively intervenes in politics): the conclusion is reached and to which many humans have reached, that religion is a power most actually used (along with political and economic power); Through political power by means of the false argument used by politicians to reduce inequity and poverty: where a large amount of resources and money have been allocated to the political powers and rulers of many countries for centuries by the respective organizations responsable (FMI BM) without any results and in many countries poverty and inequity have increased. Besides, the bureaucracy is a structure of order and rules of management and administration used within the governments of each country that contribute to the inefficiency and manipulation of the required procedures in human life that ultimately affect the life of each human being when they require formalities that end up being complicated and time-consuming. Then, this power structure in politics, economics, and religion for the control of the population is ineffective and obeys the interests of the dark who control humans on the Earth, and is used ineffectively by the rulers (governing) of the countries who come to power precisely with the false discourse of reducing poverty and inequity; Through the pretext of climate change: severe climate change due to the emission of CO2 and the greenhouse effect is a complete fallacy. The world organizations involved with the climate (ONU) try to make humanity believe that this is the reason for the severe climatic changes that the human being has experienced on the Earth to obtain economic resources and avoid mentioning God in control of the Earth and course the climate and to avoid mentioning the Omnipotence of God [1] in the control of the Earth and the climate: the severe climate change is frequently due to solar storms and variations in the magnetic field lines of the Earth because of gravitational variations in the solar system or due to the entry of an asteroid or Comet Planet what is controlled and all the Universe by God. Therefore, the climate change is controlled by the Eternal God (wich is explained in the Bibles with a lot of examples with Moses, Josue, Hezekiah) and thus, this is better to use the resources and money for so-called climate change to reduce poverty and inequity in the Earth and increase equity in humans: Human Beings must not believe everything said by the organizations and individuals that control the humans in the Earth and that obey the directions imposed within the matrix triangle of control of the Earth; Through the sport by means of the persuasive manipulation of observers or attendees at sporting events through commercials programs, commentators (hidden words and numbers in speech), players participating in the match: with gestures or sequence of plays, numbers, words or details in the players uniform, referees (make decisión of plays in favor of a team purposely: false bad arbitration) or leading organizers committing sports corruption not applying the rules or discriminating players (Serbian, Russian and Belarusian tennis players at tennis competitions due to some tennis organizations) or teams (Russian sports clubs and inclusive the Russian national team due FIFA decision) at convenience. Besides, when there are countries in conflict or war: instead of uniting the countries in conflict by means of the sport, the respective organizations (FIFA UEFA) discriminate and increase the conflict: discriminating and not allowing the participation of tennis players (including top tennis players), Football Countries and Sport Clubs in international competitions for reasons of restrictions due to the epidemic, conflict or war (including countries that organized previous World Cups: Russia) where the interest, quality and love for this sport has increased and that must be used to unite human beings and countries and not to not allow them to participate: which increases the division and conflict between countries or humans: This is important to highlight and value the position of the ATP for deciding that the ATP does not agree that athletes from certain countries (Russia and Belarus) cannot participate in international tournaments stating that this is against the principles of merit and non-discrimination: then, this is tremendously criticizable that the organization responsible of Football (FIFA UEFA) participates in armed conflicts or war with discriminatory decisions in Football, increasing the war by not allowing countries in conflict to participate in World Cup of Football: FIFA slogan of no to racism and some form of discrimination is a complete farce and used for convenience and interest (in the same style of all the other organizations (mainly ONU, OEA, FMI, BM, VATICAN) that control humans and that in 2000 years of the coming of the Envoy of God have not been able to solve iniquity and poverty), discrimination that has been evident in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine: Football is the main sport in the Earth and it is the one that can unite human beings the most and should be used as a source of union and not división; Through education: where this is used by many countries to induce and manipulate their inhabitants in a certain political direction through the dissemination of knowledge and even the textbooks of the students: many underdeveloped countries have increased illiteracy and degradation in education because this favors the politicians of the country's government: having an ignorant people who do not see what they do with the country's money and who cannot criticize them: the greatness of peoples depends on the education that gives the independence of individuals who are the ones that make the country advance; Through world organizations to control countries: ONU, OEA, Vatican, OTAN, UE: many countries have to obey the guidelines of these organizations, which often do not respond to the needs of the citizens of each country: many institutions in the countries must obey the organizations (the Vatican for the religion) in a rigid way, which is often not in accordance with the situation of the country's citizens, who often need new variants or guidelines (some organizations can cause chaos, conflict or war as for example the war of Russia with Ucrania where the possible annexation of Ucrania to the OTAN and UE is one of the reasons for the war between these two countries. Therefore, there would be no war between these two countries where without those organizations); Through world organizations of espionage (CIA, FBI, KGB, Gestapo, SS): employing persuasive interference in the countries and rulers of some undeveloped countries (some South America and Center America countries and some European, Asia and Africa countries) with the objective of the power countries of control, manipulate or destabilize countries and inclusive simple humans (using the personal data of thousands of people around the world). Through the control and intervention of the Creator God Allah which is necessary and essential in times of Tribulation at the time timely (Holy Bible: Apoc. 6 Apoc. 8:6 Apoc. 5 Apoc. 7 Apoc. 21) due to everything mentioned in this scientific research respect to the control and manipulation of the population (regarding the increase of inequity, discord, and evil among humans) which is not following the guideline given by the envoy of God 2000 years ago: Jesus Christ. Keywords: God, Allah, Jesuchrist, Bible, Creator, Education, Climate change, Population Control, Climate Pollution, Gases CO2, Greenhouse Effect, Epidemic, Viruses, Laboratory, Zombies, Dark, Elite, new world order, OMS, ONU, OEA, Vatican, OTAN, UE, FMI, BM, OIT, OMT, Meteorological weapons, Haarp, Sura, Wars, Sport, Religion, Radiation, Nuclear Winter, Sun, Magnetic field lines, Storms, Asteroids, Comet Planet, Volcanoes, Climate Catastrophies, Tribulation, Taxes, Terror, Drugs, Organizations, Inequity, Poverty, Manipulation, Indoctrination, Technological Devices, Covert technological devices, networks, Newscasts, Surveillance programs, Big Brother Program, Digital Identification Plan, Digital Money, Covert numbers and covert words, Encrypted, Hidden codes or small phrases not visible to the naked eye, Covert words in the speech of zombie humans in multimedia and traditional technological devices, Nazism, Jews, Coincidence games, Activities, Plans, Events Programmed in sequence, Pyrotechnic sounds in sequence, Games of events and coincidences to cause accidents or conflicts, Games of judgments of sin against humans and Nazarenes, Games of recognition of the identity of human beings, Unknown, Companies, Service stations, Salary payment games, Programmed plans of theft and scams of companies and enterprises, Retaliation, Marking, Reduction, False medical negligence, Medical oath, Medicine, Liquid and solid chips in humans, Liquid crystals, Neurons, Ultrasonic waves, Vaccines, Global epidemiological programs, Matrix, Dark, Elite, Mind Reading, Telepath, Thought induction, Apocalipse, Wrath of God.

IntroductionThere is a notion that emotional expression is universal, yet it is subject to cultural variations. Research in this field has studied cultural extremes in European, American and East Asian cultures. However, very little is known about the differences in emotional expression in the Arab subcultures.ObjectiveExploring the differences between the emotional reactions among the nine Arab subcultures.Aims (1) Examining the cultural differences in emotional reactions; (2) examining the differences between Muslim and non-Muslim individuals; (3) exploring the differences between Arabs and non-Arabs.MethodsSeveral real life scenarios including 15 different stressful situations and 15 non-stressful situations were presented to 40 individuals from the nine Arab subcultures. The participants were aged between 18 to 40 years of age. The subjects were randomly classified into groups depending on whether they were Arabs or non-Arabs and according to whether they were Muslims or non-Muslims. The subjects’ emotional reactions were measured by means of Likert-like items.ResultsThe results showed that there were no significant differences among the nine Arab subcultures in their emotional reactions to the non-stressful situations. However, there were significant differences among the Arab subcultures in the stressful situations. Moreover, both religion and ethics were strong predictors of the differences in the emotional reactions that varied between subjects in their cultural group. The Arab Muslims tended to express more anger but the Arab non-Muslims expressed more sadness.ConclusionsEmotional expression is impacted by ones’ cultural background and is particularly influenced by religion and ethics. Although Arab countries share the same language, they express emotions differently.Disclosure of interestThe authors have not supplied their declaration of competing interest.

Major changes have taken place in Muslim societies in general during the last decades. Traditional family and social organizational structures have come into conflict with the perceptions and needs of development and modern state-building. Moreover, the international context of globalization, as well as changes in intercommunity relations through immigration, have also deeply affected social and cultural mutations by facilitating contact between different cultures and civilizations. Of the dilemmas arising from these changes, those concerning women’s and men’s roles were the most conflictive issues because of different interpretations and evaluations of historical, religious and/or cultural heritages. In the case of Morocco, for over 30 years, women’s and human rights NGOs have acted and advocated to promote women’s rights. The main disputes have concerned the distinction between what is within the requirements of Islam and what is the consequence of traditional social beliefs and practices. This ended nevertheless with the adoption by the Parliament of a new Family Law proclaimed in February 2004. This law was the result of a process of consultation and national debate, which made possible substantial progress in terms of proclaimed values of equality of rights between men and women, with the support of most national political and social leaders. Several lessons can be learned from the Moroccan experience. The crucial role of civil society, the political support of the state at its highest level, the working methodology of the Royal Advisory Commission and the final process for the adoption of the new code were from the most determinant parameters. In light of recent developments in some majority-Muslim countries, the future of women’s rights is a key issue of the so-called Arab spring. Muslim women’s challenges and struggles are not only ideological and legal battles, but they are also social and political struggles for which one of the major conditions is to prevent and prohibit the use of Islam as a political instrument. Muslim societies need to educate people properly and change their traditional representations and patterns of thought. To promote justice, equity and equality in general, as well as to protect women’s economic rights, they need appropriate economic and social policies. Then women can really promote, protect and benefit from the advances of their legal status.

This statistical file is concerned with Arab government budgets as it assumes that the sharp drop in oil prices coupled with ongoing regional conflicts have caused significant deficits in the budgets of most Arab countries, especially Arab oil-exporting countries, where governments had to implement a wide range of fiscal reforms aiming at rationalizing public spending and enhancing public revenues. On the other hand, lower oil prices have eased pressures on public finance in Arab oil-importing countries, especially in light of the rising cost of energy subsidies. Yet, many of these countries had also to proceed with structural reforms to reduce fuel subsidies and control the budget. Tables 1 and 2 provide statements on government revenues and grants, including estimates of government revenues as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP), while Tables 3–5 show hydrocarbon and tax revenues, including estimates of these revenues as a percentage of total public revenues. Tables 6 and 7 provide statements on government expenditures, including estimates of government expenditures as a percentage of GDP, while Tables 8 and 9 deal with the structure of expenditures, showing estimates of current and capital expenditures along with figures on the functional classification of current expenditures. Overall surplus/deficit figures for Arab government budgets along with projections of the general government fiscal balance are shown in Table 10.

Abstract The friendly exchanges between China and Arab countries have a long history. During Ming and Qing Dynasties, the cultural exchange between China and Arab countries was gradually shifted from the material level in Tang and Song Dynasties to the spiritual level. During that period, with the increase in the number of Muslims in China, and the deepening of Chinese people’s interest to the Arab world, research on the history and geography of Arab countries was strengthened, and traditional Chinese Confucian ideology was combined with the ideology of Arab Islamic culture, which promoted the integration and dialogue between Chinese Muslims and people who believed in Confucianism, and made Arab Islamic culture and Chinese culture have a deeper integration.

Purpose This paper aims to address the reasons behind the varying levels of volatile conflict and peace as seen during the Arab Spring of 2011 to 2015. During this time, higher rates of conflict transition occurred than normally observed in previous studies for certain Middle Eastern and North African countries. Design/methodology/approach Previous prediction models decrease in accuracy during times of volatile conflict transition. Also, proper strategies for handling the Arab Spring have been highly debated. This paper identifies which countries were affected by the Arab Spring and then applies data analysis techniques to predict a country’s tendency to suffer from high-intensity, violent conflict. A large number of open-source variables are incorporated by implementing an imputation methodology useful to conflict prediction studies in the future. The imputed variables are implemented in four model building techniques: purposeful selection of covariates, logical selection of covariates, principal component regression and representative principal component regression resulting in modeling accuracies exceeding 90 per cent. Findings Analysis of the models produced by the four techniques supports hypotheses which propose political opportunity and quality of life factors as causations for increased instability following the Arab Spring. Originality/value Of particular note is that the paper addresses the reasons behind the varying levels of volatile conflict and peace as seen during the Arab Spring of 2011 to 2015 through data analytics. This paper considers various open-source, readily available data for inclusion in multiple models of identified Arab Spring nations in addition to implementing a novel imputation methodology useful to conflict prediction studies in the future.

The article presents the materials of a scientific discussion related to the topic of post-conflict settlement in the Arab world, organized by the National Communications Development Research Institution together with the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The authors analyze theoretical models and specific cases of settlement in the regions of the Middle East, North Africa, the Arab world and related challenges. The humanitarian aspect of post-conflict political settlement and economic reconstruction, which has been associated with a number of challenges in recent years, is considered.

Multiple studies have shown that culture, religiosity, and gender influence people’s behavior in managing their conflict; however, there has been little investigation of the impact of the acculturation process on these variables utilized by second generation Arab Muslim immigrants in the United States. My study follows a sequential explanatory model with a mixed methods approach, and specifically explores the conflict management styles utilized by second generation Arab Muslim immigrants in the U.S. and how their culture, gender, and religiosity contribute to these processes. Data was collected by conducting 112 online surveys and 12 face-to-face semi-structured interviews, with the sample population stemming from the Arab Muslim communities in Columbia, Kansas City, and St. Louis, Missouri. Binary logistic regression and Chi-square tests were used to analyze this quantitative data through SPSS while thematic analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data. The resulting analysis showed that second generation immigrants tended to be more individualistic, have a lower level of religiosity, and utilize and utilize dominating as a conflict management style to handle their interpersonal conflict. Level of religiosity had a significant relationship with the obliging, compromising, integrating, avoiding, and dominating conflict management styles. Gender had a significant association with the obliging, compromising, avoiding, and dominating conflict management styles. Finally, culture had a significant predictive relationship with obliging, integrating, compromising, and dominating conflict management styles.

<p>Multiple studies have shown that culture, religiosity, and gender influence people’s behavior in managing their conflict; however, there has been little investigation of the impact of the acculturation process on these variables utilized by first generation Arab Muslim immigrants in the United States. My study follows a sequential explanatory model with a mixed methods approach, and specifically explores the conflict management styles utilized by first generation Arab Muslim immigrants in the U.S. and how their culture, gender, and religiosity contribute to these processes. Data was collected by conducting 145 online surveys and 12 face-to-face semi-structured interviews, with the sample population stemming from the Arab Muslim communities in Columbia, Kansas City, and St. Louis, Missouri. Binary logistic regression and Chi-square tests were used to analyze this quantitative data through SPSS while thematic analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data. The resulting analysis showed that first-generation immigrants tended to be more collectivistic, have a higher level of religiosity, and utilize a wider variety of conflict management styles including obliging, compromising, integrating, and avoiding. In addition, gender had a significant relationship only with the avoiding conflict management style, while level of religiosity had a significant relationship with the obliging, compromising, integrating, and dominating conflict management styles. Finally, culture had a significant predictive relationship with integrating and avoiding conflict management styles.</p>

The Arab Spring refers to the protests and revolutions that spread across Middle Eastern and North African Muslim countries in the spring of 2011. It was the first “social media revolution”, which demonstrated the spread of social revolution and the way civil protests and demands for political reforms can swiftly spread globally through social media. Following the social movement in the Arab World, the turmoil in the Middle East continued with the Israeli Social Justice movement of summer 2011, which was also identified as a social media revolution. Same as in the Arab World, in Israel too new media increased the role of the public, who could influence political issues by bypassing the monopoly of the political establishment and traditional media on the political discourse. The research examines the way that the concept of democracy in the region changed in the digital age. The findings show that social media became crucial in shaping the political discourse and determined dramatic changes in the balance of political power in Israel and Arab countries. Through digital technology and online campaigns politics changed as young Arabs and Israeli altered public agenda from the traditional religious and political Arab-Israeli conflict to social and economic issues.

This month's issue of BJPsych International focuses on the Middle East, with papers on psychiatric care in conflict zones, the persistence of institutionalisation in Arab countries, service delivery in Iraq, improved media attitudes towards mental illness in Qatar and integration of mental health services into primary care in that country.

The trade conflict between the United States of America and China has affected the global economy in general and the economy of a large number of countries in particular. The economic war is a real test of the theoretical frameworks that talk about the economic approach to hegemony, as well as the assumptions of the balance of global forces and the data of the multipolar world, the nature of international interactions and the position of China in them, and the extent of a transformation in the global system based on American supremacy. This research deals with analyzing the impact of the ongoing trade conflict between them on the Arab economies and on Iraq in particular, identifying the repercussions and their causes, and setting possible ways to avoid or mitigate the harm of this conflict on the Iraqi economy. The Arab countries, especially the oil ones, have been affected by the trade conflict between the United States of America and China in many directions due to the fact that these countries are exposed to the global economy and have economic relations with the two parties to the conflict, and this is what calls the Arab countries to change their economic and trade policies to reduce the impact of this conflict. In addition to the importance of Iraq following a policy of economic and commercial diversification in a way that enhances the country's political independence, and the need to seize the useful and available opportunities from its relations with both the United States of America and China.

This study investigates the most important legal matters of arbitration of Arab oil contracts. It has focused on the independent nature of arbitration, and the distinguished characteristics which make arbitration the most preferable means to settle international economic disputes. The study as well as sheds light on the arbitration agreement which included in the oil contracts in a way that excludes this agreement from the legal rules that usually prevent such agreements from developing in scope and content on the one hand, whereas on the other hand the study takes a look on the arbitration tribunal resulting from the arbitration agreement that included in the oil contracts which have special characteristics that distinguishes them from any other contracts in other economical and trading ventures. This study has concluded that it is better for the disputes resulting from the oil contracts to be resolved via arbitration without necessarily arbitrated affecting the judicial immunity function. additionally, settlement of disputes in issuing the arbitration decision should be voluntarily implemented by the two parties in conflict. Finally, the researcher recommends arbitration as the only viable tool for settling conflicts/disputes of oil contracts in oil producing Arab nations because it’s the fastest, most reliable, least expensive and time saving method of conflict resolution.