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Journal articles on the topic 'Culture and politics in Ukrain'
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1
Rohozha, M. M. "POPULISM IN UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 2 (7) (2020): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2020.2(7).09.
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The paper deals with populism as the phenomenon of political culture in Ukrainian context. The President Election in Ukraine, 2019, has opened the new page in the development of populism not only in Ukraine, but in the world in general. Before that, no political force had won in such a persuasive way. Political analysis and prognoses, proclaimed before the election, look weak today. The paper outlines that populism is homological to democratic foundations of public life, but hypertrophied and unbalanced. It upraises as the reaction on social crisis and challenge to the stable way of life in the presence of political disturbance in different social segments and is connected with the appearance the political leader who uses specific logics of articulation of messages, the shape and the way of their representations to get and keep the political power. Such messages concern the people, like the appeal to it as to the certain integrity; the immediacy of its perception; the adjustment to its demands; the simplification of its view on the public life up to the black and white tones; the offer of the simple and unambiguous decisions. Populism as the phenomenon of political culture provokes the spectrum of ethical problems. Among them such as: manipulation of concepts of the people's internal homogeneity, integrity and moral purity; opposition of the "people" and the "elite" in the terms of good and evil; active use of moral demagogy and the practice of opportunism; cohesion of business and the state, corruption, nepotism; destruction of public spirit; activation of ressentiment and so on. Today S. Žižek mentions culturalization of politics, and many scholars outline correlation of processes in culture and arts and in politics. Also they call contemporary form of populism as postmodern populism. Independent Ukraine is very sensitive to populist challenges. Here postmodern populism and its technologies of the games with reality have won the victory. It is not only the source of new political experience. It creates new political culture here and now, that demands from scholars to comprehend these processes in real time mode. Postmodern populism does not leave the hope for catharsis, for social stress relief. Soaked in laughter, contemporary political culture is ridicule, and it destroys the political space. Sense of unreality and futile strengthens the comprehension of the impossibility to change such order of things on the due one.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Political Culture and Democracy." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 1 (January 7, 2011): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388410.
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The 2004 Orange Revolution and election of opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, who had a stellar reputation in previous positions as National Bank Chairman and Prime Minister, was viewed as a new era in Ukrainian politics, ushering in deep seated reforms and a battle against corruption. Five years on, his opponent, Viktor Yanukovych, whose election in 2004 was annulled over election fraud, replaced him as President. The failure of the Yushchenko presidency to implement the majority of the hopes placed in it by millions of voters and protestors, specifically to decisively change the manner in which politics and economics are undertaken, is a good opportunity to analyse why Ukraine is a difficult country, an immobile state, in which to undertake change of any type. Yanukovych’s first year in office points to Ukraine undergoing a regression from the only tangible benefit to have emerged from “orange” rule; namely, democratization, media freedom, and free elections.
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Curta, Florin. "Pots, Slavs and ‘imagined communities’: Slavic archaeologies and the history of the early Slavs." European Journal of Archaeology 4, no. 3 (2001): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.2001.4.3.367.
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Despite recent emphasis on the impact of nationalism on archaeology, the discussion has centered more on the ideological framework of the culture-historical school of archaeology, particularly on the concept of archaeological culture. Comparatively little attention has been paid to how archaeologists contributed to the construction of the national past. This article examines Slavic archaeology, a discipline crisscrossing national divisions of archaeological schools, within the broader context of the ‘politics of culture’ which characterizes all nation-states, as ‘imagined communities’ (Anderson 1991). Indeed, the current academic discourse about the early Slavs in Ukraine, Russia, and Romania appears as strikingly tied to political, rather than intellectual, considerations. In eastern Europe, the concept of archaeological culture is still defined in monothetic terms on the basis of the presence or absence of a list of traits or types derived from typical sites or intuitively considered to be representative cultural attributes. Archaeologists thus regarded archaeological cultures as actors on the historical stage, playing the role individuals or groups have in documentary history. Archaeological cultures became ethnic groups, and were used to legitimize claims of modern nation-states to territory and influence.
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Alexey, Skovikov. "Women's Participation in Politics: Ukrainian Case." Studies of Changing Societies 2013, no. 3 (November 5, 2014): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scs-2014-0153.
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AbstractThe international practices takes into account the question of women's participation in the political life of modern Ukraine. The selection of the state was due to the dynamic process of democratic transformation - the separation of powers, the formation of multi-party competition among political actors in the electoral process, the activity women in the various institutions of civil society. The position was claimed on the basis of empirical data range of academic institutions and reputable sociological centers, and also interviews with experts who said that the creation of real conditions for self-realization by women's interest in politics is only possible for long term. The process is controversial and caused by political culture, traditions and interests of the ruling class represented mainly by men.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Crime, politics and business in 1990s Ukraine." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (May 22, 2014): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.011.
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In contrast to Russian studies, the study of crime and corruption in Ukraine is limited to a small number of scholarly studies while there is no analysis of the nexus between crime and new business and political elites with law enforcement (Kuzio, 2003a,b). This is the first analysis of how these links emerged in the 1990s with a focus on the Donbas (Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts) and the Crimea, two regions that experienced the greatest degree of violence during Ukraine’s transition to a market economy. Donetsk gave birth to the Party of Regions in 2001 which has become Ukraine’s only political machine winning first place plurality in three elections since 2006 and former Donetsk Governor and party leader Viktor Yanukovych was elected president in 2010 (Zimmer, 2005; Kudelia and Kuzio, 2014). Therefore, an analysis of the nexus that emerged in the 1990s in Donetsk provides the background to the political culture of the country’s political machine that, as events have shown since 2010 and during the Euro-Maydan, is also the party most willing in Ukraine to use violence to achieve its objectives.
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Strilchuk, Maryna V. "The Holocaust in Ukraine." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611815.
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The national historiography of the Holocaust was analyzed in the article. The author described the main forms of representation of the theme in the Ukrainian researchers’ papers. The main trends and stages of Holocaust Studies in Ukraine were determined. The author analyzed the socio-political conditionality of the Holocaust historiography in different stages, from Soviet time till modernity. The author concluded that Ukrainian historians focuses on the key points of the history of the Holocaust in their papers: anti-Semitic propaganda in the occupied territory of Ukraine, the methods and forms of Jewish resistance to the Nazis, Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the Second World War, politics and culture of the memory of the Holocaust.
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Włodkowska-Bagan, Agata. "Kultura strategiczna in statu nascendi. Casus Ukrainy." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 4 (December 2020): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.4.2.
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Analysis of Ukraine’s foreign and security policy (both doctrinal and practical) leads to a conclusion about the lack of coherence of its objectives and the inconsistencies in their implementation. The lack of a formed strategic culture is one of the reasons. The aim of the article is an analysis of Ukraine’s strategic culture, its conditions, characteristics and evolution. The key conditions of Ukraine’s strategic cultural are history, geopolitics and Russian aggression in 2014. Among the features of its strategic culture are: postcolonial state syndrome, Russia’s syndrome and disposition, split identity and inconsistency in action. Distrust is also an important feature of Ukraine’s strategic culture. Until 2014, continuity can be observed among other things, not only in the characteristics and behaviors typical of the post-colonial state but also in Russia’s syndrome and disposition. For more than 20 years, Ukrainian politics has also been consistently erratic, which has manifested itself in the goals set as their implementation. After 6 years of Russian aggression, there are signs of changes in strategic culture and foreign and security policy. However, it takes time to observe the trend and consolidation of certain features.
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ЛЕВКО, Мар’яна. "DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL CULTURE OF FUTURE OFFICERS IN EDUCATIONAL SPACE OF HIGHER MILITARY EDUCATIONAL ESTABLISHMENT." Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія: педагогічні науки 25, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v25i2.785.
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The article deals with analysis and generalization of methodological fundamentals of the development of political culture of future officers in the educational process of higher military educational establishments. It was clarified that formation of political culture of cadets depends on the teacher, since their general culture and personal qualities are a tool of influence upon them.A military instructor promotes development of political culture of future officers through the use of various methods, techniques and forms of training that help to form cadets’ interest in politics, political knowledge, education of political self-education, acquisition of democratic norms and values, desire to know and study political traditions of Ukrainian people and other world nations.Taking into account different methodological approaches including system, personality-oriented, culturological, activity-oriented, competence, integrative, axiological and acmeological to determine the component composition of political culture, research on the formation of various components of political culture, as well as peculiarities of professional activity of officers enabled to identify their political culture as an integral quality of a personality which contains a system of knowledge about the political aspects of professional activity of an officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, rules of professional communication, political behavior and political actions.Structural components of political culture of future officers include political orientation, political literacy, political readiness and political competence.On the basis of the analysis of scientific works, educational work of higher military educational establishments, the results of the ascertaining stage of the experiment on the formation of political culture of future officers, the following pedagogical conditions were determined: creation of positive motivation of future officers to master political culture; supplementing the content of professional subjects in the context of professional training of future officers with forms, methods and means of formation of components of political culture in the conditions of higher military educational establishments; involving cadets in educational personality-oriented activities through the use of the latest educational technologies and teaching a special course “Fundamentals of Formation of Political Culture of Future Officers in Higher Military Educational Establishments”; carrying out of regular monitoring of the level of formation of components of political culture of future officers in professional training in the conditions of higher military educational establishments.Efficiency of pedagogical conditions and structural and functional model of formation of political culture of future officers in professional training in higher military educational establishments is confirmed by the results of the formative stage of the experiment.
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Deliia, O. V. "Factors of political culture in the structure of political environment of public policy." Public administration aspects 6, no. 1-2 (March 31, 2018): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1520183.
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The macro-objective level of studying the political environment of state policy actualizes the comprehension of the political system in the structure of the external environment through the description of the category «political culture». In general, scientific understanding of the phenomenon of political culture has become a derivative of various research traditions. At the present stage, it is possible to identify several more or less formalized conceptual positions on this matter: subjective objective approaches, cultural and political doctrines.The essence of political culture unites the behavioral, activity aspects of subjects in the sphere of politics and the way the political system operates. Also, the notion of political culture captures the established system of values, norms, institutions, political consciousness that has developed historically, and the forms of political activity that correspond to it. At the same time, all these concepts, approaches have a point of intersection, which represents the main environmental feature of the phenomenon of political culture - universality, presence in one form or another in all spheres of social life.Domestic researchers recognize and underscore the importance of the influence of political culture on the whole complex of relations between the participants in the political process, the form of organization of state power, the form and effectiveness of the political system, the structure of institutions of power, the ability of political culture through its regulatory mechanisms to achieve social consensus, to promote or impede democratic development national state. At the same time, the problem of the environmental significance of political culture for public policy in foreign and domestic scientific discourses arises more theoretically than practical.In our case, the empirical basis for such a reflection was the information and analytical materials of the Razumkov Center «Political Culture and Parliamentarism in Ukraine: Current Status and Main Problems». Proceeding from this generalization, political culture in the structure of the political environment is a systematically organized integrity whose influence extends to its sphere components (mental, social, institutional, economic, etc.), Their interaction, the result of interaction. And finds its manifestation at all levels of society. The combination of these areas and their content is the conditions and factors of the public policy environment.
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Janicki, Joel J. "Coercion and Coerciveness in the Politics of Cold-War Ukraine and Taiwan." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 51, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.598.
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The present study is devoted to an examination of the prison memoirs by the Ukrainian writer, Mykhaylo Osadchy (1936–1994) and the Taiwanese writer Tsai Tehpen (b. 1925) from the perspective of coercion. Osadchy was a member of the Sixtiers, a group of young Ukrainian intellectuals who brought about cultural renaissance in post-Stalin Ukraine. Their writings marked a strong reaction against Moscow’s policy of great-power chauvinism at the onset of the regime change that marked the end of Khrushchev’s liberalizing campaign. Osadchy was one of the victims of the subsequent wave of arrests of dissidents in the Soviet Union, including Ukraine, in 1965. His memoir, Cataract (1971) is a powerfully evocative response to trumped-up charges of subversion, anti-Soviet agitation and bourgeois nationalism, and a riveting description of life in a Mordovian labor camp, a work that posed a strong attack on official Soviet culture.
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Kotyńska, Katarzyna. "Rekonstruowanie pamięci. Problemy udostępniania ukraińskiej prozy lat dwudziestych i trzydziestych XX wieku polskiemu odbiorcy." Slavica Wratislaviensia 173 (October 7, 2020): 267–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.173.22.
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In the 1920s and 1930s novels and short stories crucial for understanding Ukrainian culture of the 20th century were written and published both in Soviet Ukraine and in Galicia. Such literary texts are essential in creating a comprehensive picture of Ukraine, as well as the Ukrainian-Polish relations. Because of politics and history, literary texts of the mature Ukrainian modernism were almost entirely unavailable in Polish translations. This paper discusses key historical, cultural and political reasons that have caused this situation. It also presents the new Polish scholarly and publishing projects aiming to familiarize Polish readers with Ukrainian modernism. In the conclusion, the author of the article mentions the current problems hindering the publication of the key Ukrainian novels and short stories of the 1920–1930s in Polish translations.
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Nataliia, BONDARENKO. "WOMEN’S POLITICAL RIGHTS IN A SOCIETY OF GENDER EQUALITY." Foreign trade: economics, finance, law 117, no. 4 (September 10, 2021): 132–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31617/zt.knute.2021(117)12.
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Background. In the XX-XXI centuries politics is becoming an increasingly professional field of activity, to which more and more women are joining. Insufficient representation of the latter in state bodies gives grounds for doubts about the democracy of the state system, which determined the relevance of the study. Analysis of recent research and publications. Various aspects of the position of woman in Ukrainian politics have been studied by T. Martseniuk, Ya. Radysh, V. Smachylo, and G. Yurovska, but today we are required to carry out a comprehensive legal analysis of the formation of a gender equality society in Ukraine. The aim of the article is to study national legislation on the issue of gender equality in the political sphere, taking into account international standards; analysis of mechanisms for increasing the number of women in politics based on the generalization of the experience of developed democracies. Materials and methods, that were used - dialectical, comparative analysis, systemic, formal and legal scientific methods and principles. Results. An important aspect of the struggle of women for their political rights was that the latest constitutions of the states enshrined the principle of equality of citizens, including in the electoral process, regardless of gender, race and political views. Analysis of the political experience of social democracies has shown that the participation of women deputies in the work of parliaments and other representative institutions is extremely important and effective for society as a whole, because they focus on health care, upbringing, education, social protection of population, etc. In Ukraine, equality between woman and man has been established de jure, but gender stereotypes regarding the distribution of roles continue to dominate society and consciousness. The most successful international practices include the creation of a parliament on the basis of gender equality through the application of: positive actions for the implementation of gender quotas; creation of state institutions to monitor the observance of equal rights for women and men; implementation of gender expertise of bills. Conclusion. Our study has improved the thesis that in Ukraine there is an objective need to change the patriarchal type of political culture. In this regard, we have proposed measures that can increase the status of Ukrainian woman in politics: to further monitor national legislation; introduce national mechanisms to ensure the representation of women in government; create the necessary economic conditions for the implementation of women's political activity. Keywords: gender equality, democracy, parliamentarism, women’s political rights.
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Myshlovska, Oksana. "Delegitimizing the Communist Past and Building a New Sense of Community: The Politics of Transitional Justice and Memory in Ukraine." International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity 7, no. 1 (November 2, 2019): 372–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/hcm.561.
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This article studies the way in which the crimes of the communist regime have been dealt with since the late Soviet period, and the way the legacies of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) have been subject to reevaluation. During the Soviet period, policies such as the rehabilitation of victims of mass repression were initiated from above, while the documentation of human rights violations and revelations of mass repressions and death by hunger were undertaken by the dissident movement from below. Since the late perestroika period, the focus on the crimes of the communist regime has been used by the opposition in Ukraine in the struggle for the restitution of group rights. Affirmative action concerning the Ukrainian language, culture and history was seen as the restoration of historical justice. This resulted most recently in the adoption of so-called ‘decommunization’ laws, which has been a controversial and contested issue in Ukraine. The article discusses the factors that shaped the way Ukraine has handled the communist past and constructed new narratives, and reflects on the reason why a ‘politics of regret’ has not resonated yet with political actors involved in the state legitimization struggle.
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Gerasymchuk, Andriy, and Bogdan Boiko. "The problem of dialogue between Orthodoxy and Catholicism in modern conditions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 66 (February 26, 2013): 477–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2013.66.298.
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Humanity in the conditions of globalization is getting closer and unified in the realm of economy, politics, culture. This is to some extent characterized by interfaith relations.The confessional network in Ukraine has already almost finished. If some new religious movements appear, they will not be very successful, but will remain at the level of individual communities. Believers in their confessional preferences are largely determined. Sometimes there is even a curtailment of the activities of some new, as for Ukraine, currents. There are dozens of different religious trends in Ukraine, but the largest among them is Orthodoxy (UOC-MP, UOC-KP, UAOC) and Catholicism (UGCC and RCC).
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Kobets, Yuliia. "Christian democracy as a modern political doctrine." Good Parson: scientific bulletin of Ivano-Frankivsk Academy of John Chrysostom. Theology. Philosophy. History, no. 14 (January 29, 2020): 119–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.52761/2522-1558.2019.14.11.
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Christian Democracy is one of the youngest political doctrines of our time, a product of the twentieth century. But it influenced the formation of the post-war order of Europe, of the world, and the formation of new political parties and whole party systems, and a new type of political culture. The reaction of Christianity to manifestations of anti-clericalism and socialism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. became Christian democracy. Christian democracy is a fairly broad concept. In its content, it includes the direction of socio-political thought, political movement as well as a network of public organizations and associations. The article discusses the essence of the concept "Christian democracy", its contentfulness in the twentieth century. The key stages of the development of modern political doctrine of Christianity and the main principles are analyzed. The article traces the institutional development of Christian-democratic organizations. Particular attention is devoted to the Christian Democratic parties of the countries of Western Europe, which are the most powerful in the world. Characteristics of the development of Christian Democratic parties in Ukraine are given, and tendencies of their further development are revealed. The question of the ideological and social significance of Christian democracy in the context of the formation of Western political culture is explored. The basic tasks and directions of development of Christian Democratic Movement as Important Parameters of Christian Politics, and the Importance of Political Participation of Christian Parties in the World and in Ukraine are formed. The main principles of Christian democracy are outlined: solidarity, subsidiarity, personalism, responsibility, decentralizationю These principles laid the specific understanding of the concept of "person-society-state". The concept of the doctrine of Christian democracy as the basis for the formation of a pluralistic society and a deligatory state is highlighted.
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Wojakowski, Dariusz. "Naród ukraiński jako przedmiot powszechnego niezrozumienia." Kultura i Społeczeństwo 59, no. 2 (May 12, 2015): 63–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/kis.2015.59.2.4.
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The article contains an analysis of the academic and popular political discourses concerning the Ukrainian nation. Its aim is to point out atypical phenomena which could constitute little-known factors destabilizing or integrating national self-representation in Ukraine. The inconsistency of these concepts occurs above all at the level of macro-social discourses. What is involved is the presence in politics of content associated with the radical right and its primordial understanding of the nation, accompanied by low support for any sort of national or civil idea among the inhabitants of Ukraine. In the academic discourse the dominant western European theories of nation clash with a specific understanding of the terminology used in Russian scholarship. On the other hand, in local discourses at the meso-social level, there are phenomena that could be integrating factors for the image of the Ukrainian nation. There, language, popular culture, and various ideas about the past intermingle. In southern Ukraine, concepts can be found in which the nation is a political category quite aside from ethnic differences or the language of communication. Soviet times introduced the state factor, which is independent of ethnicity and which was later given content (rather worse than better) by the Ukrainian state. In these cases, Ukrainianness appears as a superior principle in regards to ethnic differentiation. The political situation of Ukraine since 2014, however, does not favor the development of this model of the Ukrainian nation.
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Marácz, László. "The Politics of Language Policies: Hungarian Linguistic Minorities in Central Europe." Politeja 12, no. 8 (31/2) (December 31, 2015): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.12.2015.31_2.04.
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The paper will adopt the position that language is an intrinsic and largely non‑negotiable part of individual culture and identity. The recognition of one’s own language receives more and more support in international political and institutional frameworks. The promotion of linguistic diversity is the official policy of the European Union. Due to such policies, it is to be expected that languages will remain in contact in the context of all sorts of levels of governance. In order to manage linguistic diversity in multilingual and multicultural areas, the introduction of a global regime of language policies is unavoidable. These policies will need to satisfy transnational requirements and conditions, like universal human rights and the norms and standards of Europeanization set by the EU, OSCE, Council of Europe, and so on. However, because there are manifold connections between language and power, as we know from the work of political scientists such as Pierre Bourdieu, and sociolinguists such as Peter Nelde, that a language element is always a part of intergroup conflict. Hence, it is to be expected that language policies will be subject to power conflicts and hegemonic strives. In order to support my claim, I will analyze the language policies of states with Hungarian language minorities in Central Europe, particularly Romania, Slovakia, Serbia (Vojvodina), and Ukraine (Trans‑Carpathia). The policies can be studied in terms of concrete variables, like individual/collective rights, territorial rearrangements, thresholds, the Language Charter, multilingual education, the linguistic landscape, and so on. The range in which these variables are instantiated is determined by local politics; hence, it is a case of the politics of language policy.
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Zhurzhenko, Tatiana. "“Capital of Despair”." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 3 (July 11, 2011): 597–639. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410387646.
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The Great Famine of 1932—33, known in Ukraine as the Holodomor and silenced for decades by the Soviet regime, holds a special place in national memory. It was after the Orange Revolution that the Holodomor became the core of a new identity politics, which conceptualized the Ukrainian nation as a “postgenocide” community, a collective victim of the Communist regime. But the official interpretation of the Famine as a genocide met ambivalent responses in the regions. While formally complying with the official political line, the regional political elites in Eastern and Southern Ukraine often refused to accept the official interpretation of history and sabotaged orders coming from Kyiv. The present article focuses on the official commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Holodomor in Kharkiv, the former capital of Soviet Ukraine and epicenter of the famine. The “memory wars” in Kharkiv during 2006 to 2009 have revealed more than just tensions between the center promoting a new national identity and a reluctant “Sovietized” region adhering to its political mentality and commemorative culture. In fact, the official narrative of the Holodomor as a genocide and the corresponding memory regime have been contested, renegotiated, and modified on the regional level, through the conflicts and the bargaining of the local political actors. The borderland identity of Kharkiv, its geographic proximity to Russia, added an international dimension to the local memory wars as the Holodomor issue became a stumbling block in Ukrainian-Russian relations.
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Nashunwuritu, Baiyinbateer, and Duoxi. "RESEARCH ON THE ANCIENT MONGOLIAN PLACE-NAME ALONG THE SILK ROAD." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLI-B4 (June 13, 2016): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprsarchives-xli-b4-91-2016.
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“Silk Road” is an ancient commercial trade channel connecting China with Asia, Africa and Europe and a major link of the economy, politics and culture of the East and West as well. In the 13th Century, with the westward expedition of Mongolian, the communication and integration of culture among different countries was accelerated, which led to many Mongolian place-names scattered in the countries along the silk-road, such as Khwarezmia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Kipchak, Persian, involving today's Russia, Poland, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Hungary, Austria, Italy, Serbia, Syria, Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, India and many other countries and regions. The place-name is a kind of important factor that can represent the changes of culture, economic in history. We analyzed the current place-names in different countries or regions with different language to find out ancient Mongolian place-names, and marked the names on the digital map. Through the changes and transition of the place-name, we explored the development of Mongolian language changes itself, Mongolian blends with other languages, and furtherly reveal information of culture exchange.
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Nashunwuritu, Baiyinbateer, and Duoxi. "RESEARCH ON THE ANCIENT MONGOLIAN PLACE-NAME ALONG THE SILK ROAD." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLI-B4 (June 13, 2016): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xli-b4-91-2016.
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“Silk Road” is an ancient commercial trade channel connecting China with Asia, Africa and Europe and a major link of the economy, politics and culture of the East and West as well. In the 13th Century, with the westward expedition of Mongolian, the communication and integration of culture among different countries was accelerated, which led to many Mongolian place-names scattered in the countries along the silk-road, such as Khwarezmia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, Kipchak, Persian, involving today's Russia, Poland, Ukraine, Bulgaria, Hungary, Austria, Italy, Serbia, Syria, Iran, Afghanistan, Iraq, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, India and many other countries and regions. The place-name is a kind of important factor that can represent the changes of culture, economic in history. We analyzed the current place-names in different countries or regions with different language to find out ancient Mongolian place-names, and marked the names on the digital map. Through the changes and transition of the place-name, we explored the development of Mongolian language changes itself, Mongolian blends with other languages, and furtherly reveal information of culture exchange.
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Voronkova, Valentina, Marina Maksimenyuk, and Vitalina Nikitenko. "THE CONCEPT OF OF HUMAN DIMENSION IN THE CONTEXT OF ANTHROPOLOGICAL DISCOURSE OF HUMANISTIC MANAGEMENT." Laisvalaikio tyrimai 1, no. 7 (2016): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.33607/elt.v1i7.230.
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Grounding of research. Human dimension comes from the fact that reserves of humanistic development of economics, politics and culture are to be found in man himself, the development of his consciousness and spiritual capital. Without the development of anthropological capital, further development and improvement of society become impossible. The most important resource of human dimension appears intensification of anthropological capital and human existence. Anthropological principles of human dimension are terms of saving human, natural, social and political resources. In its substantive characteristics,concept of human dimension includes theoretical and conceptual grounding of“typical”tasks of humanization of politics, economy, ecology, social policy, science, education and culture.Problem situation.In the context of philosophical and anthropological dimensions, emphasis is shifted to human ontology, in which doctrine of the meaning of human life and the possibilities of its comprehension, in particular by examining the conflict of human world-attitude and self-creation is central.Through the anthropological principle, an attempt to explain the man himself and the surrounding world,comprehend the man and the surrounding world, understand the man as a unique phenomenon, as the creatorof history and culture is made. Fundamental questions of philosophical and anthropological discourse–the attitude of man to the world and the world to man:What is the world we live in? What is man's place in this world? What is the man himself and what is the nature of his consciousness? Research problems. Philosophical and anthropological aspect of humanistic management is fundamental in European philosophy, so we turn to the reception of man in the projection of anthropological dimensions of human being, which are reduced to the following trends, existing in the world today.The aim of research: analyse the concept of the human dimension as the anthropological basis of humanistic management tasks. Conclusions. To fulfill all tasks of concept of human dimension as the anthropological basis of humanistic management, it is necessary to form the elite of humanitarian managers, exercise social and humanitarian policy by forming the key objectives of humanitarian management activity in human dimensional direction: a) national (semiotic); b) personal growth and activity self-determination (anthropological); c)spatial; d) strategic thinking and political action. Promote development of human dimensional outlook of humanitarian managers and development of human dimensional technologies, which are a set of scientifically grounded methods and special techniques of indirect impact on society through the management of social human behavior. Promote modernization of human dimensional European space of Ukraine, which requires:establishing a modern human dimensional culture of public management; full integration of Ukraine into the information space; strengthening the Ukraine's presence in the global humanitarian space.Keywords:human dimension, anthropological discourse,humanistic management.
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Zdioruk, Serhiy. "Etno-confessional features of Ukraines integration into the united Europe." Religious Freedom, no. 20 (March 7, 2017): 107–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2017.20.873.
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In all societies, at least prior to the Enlightenment, religion served as a basis for formation of ideology determining the existence of culture. All important areas of society and its institutions were determined by the religious legitimacy this way or the other. Today they are separated from the order of life and culture specified for the society as a whole by the religion and have the status of independent subsystems. However, in fact, religion has become one of the spheres of social life. Now it coexists with the art, philosophy, science, politics, economics and so on. According to the differentiation and specialization of society the individual acquires the status of free and autonomous entity: he is not required to submit to the power of the religious tradition. He is free to use the opportunities to choose any branch of knowledge opening prospects for his capacities. Man has the right to profess any religion or profess none being limited to purely secular activities.
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Ryabinin, Yevgeny. "Russia’s Exogenous Factor in the Donbass Conflict." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 13 (December 31, 2020): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2020.1.6.
Full textAbstract:
The hypothesis of this research is that Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Before the political and military crisis in 2013, it was an indirect influence, whereas since 2014 it has been a direct impact in many spheres.
It is necessary to underline that Ukraine has always been split into two parts in terms of foreign policy priorities, language, religion, and culture. This fact was mentioned by Samuel Huntington, who predicted an intense crisis in bilateral relations between Russia and Ukraine in his work Clash of Civilizations. There were two parties in Ukraine that were widely supported in South-Eastern Ukraine, namely the Party of Regions and the Communist Party. The former never spoke about the integration of Ukraine as part of Russian integrational projects because its politicians were afraid of aggressive Russian capital. So they only used pro-Russian rhetoric to win elections. The Communist Party openly backed integration with Russia, but didn’t get enough support as for this idea. It is also demonstrated that there were no parties that were backed financially by Russia, because the parties that offered a kind of a union with Russia never got any seats in the parliament.
Since 2014, Russia has been imposing its influence on Ukraine in various spheres, such as economics, politics, diplomacy, the military sphere, etc. Having signed two cease-fire agreements, Russia and Ukraine have failed to apply them and the crisis continues to this day.
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Podvyshennyi, Alexander. "THE INFLUENCE OF WESTERN CULTURE ON THE FORMATION OF CARPATHIAN UKRAINE IN THE NOVEL «SUN FROM THE WEST» BY ULAS SAMCHUK." LITERARY PROCESS: methodology, names, trends, no. 17 (2021): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2412-2475.2021.17.7.
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The relevance of this article is due to the fact that in recent decades Ulas Samchuk is rapidly returning to the Ukrainian literary discourse. In view of the European integration policy of the Ukrainian State, more and more attention is paid to the methods of cultural imperialism, imagology, comparative studies, Occidental philosophy, etc., which we used in this text. In our study, considerable attention is also paid to the influence of Western culture and politics on the formation of the national idea of the Ukrainian nation – the formation of the Ukrainian Conciliar Independent State. We learned that a significant role in the development of the ethnopsychological charisma of the Hutsuls was played by Ukrainians from exile, who during the interwar period inhabited Czechoslovakia, Poland, France and the United States, and with the beginning of events began to return home. The novel-report «Sun from the West» (1949) provides invaluable material on the basis of which we can trace in a clear chronological sequence the change of worldview paradigm of Ukrainians from silent observers to active, fully conscious citizens who set the task of forming a political nation. its integration into the Western world. Nevertheless, Ulas Samchuk draws the reader's attention to the fact that the Ukrainian people have not yet been able to become a nation, given the events in Carpathian Ukraine. He lacked the will to fight, national dignity and self-awareness, education, spirituality and culture. That is why many European grandees did not seriously assess the ambitions of the young Ukrainian state to claim independence and did not allow the Ukrainian Government to defend its positions on an equal footing. The main reason for such a political crisis was, in fact, the lack of a well-supplied army that could protect its borders. Further research should be devoted to the memoirs and diaries of Ulas Samchuk, in which he continues to reflect on the place and role of Ukraine in building a new world order in the context of the conflict of Western and Eastern civilizations.
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Korchagin, Kirill. "Serguey Zhadan’s Melancholic Nomadism and National Imagination in Ukraine." Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 9, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 319–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.3220.
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A recent state crisis in Ukraine launched the process of the re-treatment of national and state borders not only in public politics and media, but also in culture and literature. According to Deleuze and Guattari, contemporary humans live in the epoch when nomadic subjectivity comes on the scene in order to change the regime of national spatial imagination. Nomadic existence regarding individuals as always “on the road” seems to be a tool for the de- and re-territorialization that shapes new cultural and state borders. This paper regards Serhiy Zhadan, one of the most prominent contemporary Ukrainian poets, and his treatment of the Ukrainian nation and its borders. For Zhadan, the need for poetry practice has to participate in the nation-building process intensified after Maidan. The key concept for this process’s comprehensionis melancholia, which could help to draw an image of contemporary Ukranian subjectivity.
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Izdebska, Magdalena, Iwona Piątkowska-Chmiel, and Ewa Jagiełło-Wójtowicz. "Cytotoxic Effect of Combined Treatment with Ukrain and Methotrexate on Kidney Cells of Green Monkey." Bulletin of the Veterinary Institute in Pulawy 56, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10213-012-0011-7.
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Abstract In in vitro study on green monkey kidney (GMK) cell culture, the cytotoxicity of Ukrain, methotrexate (MTX), and their combination was investigated. The effect of these drugs and their combination on viability (MTT test) and apoptosis of the cells was assessed. The IC10 and IC50 values for Ukrain and MTX were also indicated. After 24 h of incubation of GMK cells with Ukrain, IC10 amounted to 84.6 μmol/L and IC50 was 256.3 μmol/L, while MTX IC10 amounted to 7.18 μmol/L and IC50 was 154.8 μmol/l. After 24 h of simultaneous incubation of GMK cells with 50 μmol/L of Ukrain and 5.5 μmol/L of MTX, 15.33 % of cytotoxicity of the drugs in LDH test was found. The most significant increase in the cytotoxicity (42.10 %) was noted after 24 h incubation of GMK cells with 150 μmol/L of Ukrain and 5.5 μmol/L of MTX. Likewise, in the MTT assay the greatest decrease in the cells viability was found after incubation with 150 μmol/L of Ukrain and 5.5 μmol/L of MTX. The evaluation of apoptosis also indicated the adverse effect of combined application of both drugs on GMK cells.
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Dobrzhanska, Olena, and Oleh Pavliuk. "Political Identities of Ukrainian Society in the Context of the EU Eastern Partnership Policy." Studia i Analizy Nauk o Polityce, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 79–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/sanp.9840.
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The dynamics of European integration in Ukraine, defined by the Eastern Partnership Programme over the last decade, has attained many undeniable successes. Still, the current geopolitical situation leaves room for risks for both Ukraine and the entire community of European states. Faced with Russia’s armed aggression, Ukraine is especially intent upon tackling the barriers of volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity, which for years have been inherent in its foreign policy, and its choice of European identity. That having been said, the issue of political identity remains as urgent as ever, since taking account of the identifying features, and the study of the evolution and trends of the political identity of Ukrainian society paves the way for Ukraine’s integration into the European political system.
Now, the identity of Ukrainians, which is still at the formative stage, can be described as partially ambivalent. In the meanwhile, a tendency towards acquiring the European system of values, in contrast to the Russian and Soviet ones, is being observed as well.
Among the prevalent political identities that have emerged in Ukrainian societies under various historical, geopolitical, and cultural circumstances, two incompatibles yet competing groups—Western, represented by Ukrainian and European identities, and Eastern, represented by Russian and Soviet identities—can be discerned. In this regard, identities are not interpreted in terms of ethnicity but as politically constructible.
The article analyses Ukraine’s European integration successes over the last years, which not only contributes to the upstream dynamics of European and Ukrainian identities but also prevents competitive identities from going forward. Today, the European foreign policy course indisputably unites the Ukrainian nation, having a positive impact on its cooperation with the European Union in terms of politics, economy, and culture.
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Vlasenko, Lev. "History of Ukraine-China Bilateral Trade." Modern Economics 25, no. 1 (February 23, 2021): 40–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31521/modecon.v25(2021)-06.
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Annotation. Introduction. During the years of Ukrainian independence, China has risen from a relatively insignificant country in Asia to the biggest trade partner of Ukraine surpassing even Russia and other post-Soviet republics both in amount and the importance of bilateral trade. To fully understand the current dynamics of bilateral trade between Ukraine and China, it is necessary to explore the history of these relations from ancient times to the current stage to improve the strategy for cooperation between Ukraine and China. Purpose. To study the history of bilateral trade relations of Ukraine and China from first diplomatic contacts to contemporary relations, to identify patterns and trends that affect the dynamics of trade, to outline mistakes and shortcomings of Ukrainian diplomacy, and to provide recommendations for improvement. Result. The revealed pattern of diplomatic and trade relations between Ukraine and China may be considered as an indicator s that China has been viewing Ukraine as a political entity even before the declaration of independence in 1991. International relations between Ukraine and China have a deep and strong historical tradition with a wide range of forms and methods of cooperation in the fields of politics, economics, and culture. Conclusions. The revealed dynamics of bilateral trade prove that the negative trends in trade between Ukraine and China are not always related to the competitiveness of the Ukrainian economy or global market conditions and may have resulted from the mistakes and failures of Ukrainian diplomacy. To prevent these mistakes in the future, it is necessary to have qualified specialists trained to work with China and conduct effective negotiations at the highest level and monitor their correct coverage in the official documents and press. Keywords: international trade; bilateral trade; Ukraine-China trade; Soviet-China trade.
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Bilenka, A. "Evolution of the scenic speech in the domestic cultural and historical process." Culture of Ukraine, no. 72 (June 23, 2021): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.31516/2410-5325.072.01.
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The purpose of this paper is to examine the evolution and transformation of Ukrainian scenic speech according to the scheme: folk speech — literary speech — scenic speech in the context of the historical and cultural process.
The relevance of the research is that the analysis of the peculiarities of the Ukrainian scenic language, the study of its formation and its role in the domestic cultural process will help overcome the crisis of speech culture caused by ethnic heterogeneity and politics of modern Ukraine.
The methodology. The author has used historic and theatric approaches that made it possible to identify the characteristics of scenic language as an important component of the culture of the ХХ century, which allows us to explore the relationship between the current state of the scenic speech with the language culture of the XXI century. Also chronological analysis was used, which allows to reproduce the process of evolution of the Ukrainian scenic speech in chronological order.
The results. As a result, we can introduce the evolution process of the Ukrainian language according to the scheme: folk language — literary language — scenic language. The historical and cultural reasons of the language situation in Ukraine from the beginning of the Christianization of Kyivan Rus’ to the present are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the period of the end of the XIX — first half of the XX century as the most important stage in the formation process of the general principles of the scenic speech in the context of the historical and cultural process.
The topicality. An attempt is made for the first time to identify the main phase of the formation of scenic speech in the context of the historical and cultural process.
The practical significance. The key results of this research can be used by theaters and higher educational institutions of culture and art of Ukraine for further improvement of studying, researching process and practical activity.
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O.V. Syniachenko, M.V. Yermolaeva, S.M. Verzilov, K.V. Liventsova, T.Yu. Syniachenko, and S.F. Verzilova. "Neurology of Ukraine in the mirror of exonumia." INTERNATIONAL NEUROLOGICAL JOURNAL 16, no. 8 (March 10, 2021): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22141/2224-0713.16.8.2020.221962.
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The main goal was to analyze the history of neurology of Ukraine using exonumia materials. Exonumia (a form of medallic educational art) is a branch of historical science numismatics (from the Latin numisma — coin), which originated in the 19th century and became closely related to economics, politics, culture and law; it includes the thematic study of medals and plaques. The medal became the prototype of a commemorative (memorial) coin. This work presents a catalogue of 43 numismatic materials (medals), including some unique ones, presented for the first time, brief biographies of physicians (21 persons) who have made an invaluable contribution to the formation of this scientific discipline. Unfortunately, for now the memory of famous doctors of the past has not been sufficiently marked by the release of numismatic (exonumia) products, so in the future we hope for a systematic approach to this matter, for the purposeful promotion of the achievements of neurology by meaning of numismatics, which provides an illustrative example for studying the history of medicine, contributes to an increase in the level of education of doctors. The authors expect the appearance of new interesting materials of such small forms of art.
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Lewis, Simon. "Border Trouble: Ethnopolitics and Cosmopolitan Memory in Recent Polish Cinema." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 33, no. 2 (April 16, 2019): 522–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325418815248.
Full textAbstract:
The border shifts and population exchanges between Central and East European states agreed at the 1945 Potsdam Conference continue to reverberate in the culture and politics of those countries. Focusing on Poland, this article proposes the term “border trouble” to interpret the politicized split in memory that has run through Polish culture since the end of the Second World War. Border trouble is a form of cultural trauma that transcends binaries of perpetrator/victim and oppressor/oppressed; it is also a tool for analyzing the ways in which spatial imagination, memory, and identity interact in visual and literary narratives. A close analysis of four recent feature films demonstrates the emergence of a visual grammar of cosmopolitan memory and identity in relation to borderland spaces. Wojciech Smarzowski’s Róża (“Rose,” 2011) and Agnieszka Holland’s Pokot (“Spoor,” 2017) are both set in territories that were transferred from Germany to Poland in 1945. Wołyń (“Volhynia,” released internationally as “Hatred,” 2016) and W ciemności (“In Darkness,” 2011), also directed by Smarzowski and Holland respectively, are set in regions that were under Polish administration before the war but were transferred to Soviet Ukraine in 1945. All four productions break new ground in the memorialization of the post-war legacy in Poland. They deconstruct hitherto dominant discourses of simultaneity and ethnic homogeneity, engaging in Poland’s wars of symbols as a third voice: anti-nationalist, but also refusing to essentialize cosmopolitan identity. They show the evolution of border trouble in response to contemporary political and cultural developments.
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Ciuciura, Theodore. "Provincial Politics in the Habsburg Empire: The Case of Galicia and Bukovina." Nationalities Papers 13, no. 2 (1985): 247–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905998508408024.
Full textAbstract:
The creation of an Austrian province, titled “The Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria” (“with the Grand Duchy of Cracow” added later) was the result of the first partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1772. The addition of this territory to the already imposing number of Habsburg's realms was ostensibly based on the dubious claim of the Hungarian kings to sovereignty over the medieval Ruthenian (Ukrainian) realm of Galicia and Volhynia. Under the subsequent Polish rule, the southern part of this duchy was organized as thewojewództwo ruskie(Ruthenian [Ukrainian] Province), which was one of the several provinces in the so-calledZiemie Ruskie(Ruthenian Lands) of the Commonwealth, or rather of theKorona(Kingdom of Poland),vis-à-visthe Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Galicia as an Austrian creation included small parts of the adjacent Ruthenian provinces of Podilia (Podole), Volhynia and Belz, (i.e. Galicia proper), and in the west also the province of Cracow, with territorial enclaves, really medieval relics, such as the “Duchy of Oświȩcim [Auschwitz]” and “Duchy of Zator” (i.e. the non-historical “Western Galicia”). Under Austrian rule, Galicia became a common home for Ukrainians (officially called Ruthenians) in the eastern counties and Poles in the western counties. Many Poles lived in Galicia proper. The Polish or Latin-Polish culture deeply influenced the Ukrainian population. However, it stubbornly, though inarticulately, maintained a sense of ethnic community with the Ukrainians who lived under the Russian imperial rule. A prominent Polish historian (and for more than a decade President of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Cracow), Stanislaw Smolka, ascertains the “common features” of the “ethno-historical indivudiuality” known in Polish history as Ruś (Ruthenia) which had been “dormant through the centuries but never moribund [obumarla].” This Ruthenia “at the present attempts to find for herself a new distinguishing name and wants it to be ‘Ukraine'.” He also determines “the historical continuity” in the past of the old Ruthenia of Yaroslav and Monomakh and the “Ruthenian Lands” of the Commonwealth.
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Radyshevsky, Rostyslav. "EUROCENTRISM AS A SOURCE OF YURIY KOSACH’S OUTLOOK." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 297–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.297-303.
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The article «Eurocentrism as the source of Y. Kosach’s outlook» investigates the problem of Occident and Ori- ent in Y. Kosach’s literary-critical legacy. The concepts of «Europe» and «West» in the writer’s apprehension are considered in details. The conceptualization of epochs and historical figures in the context of culture, politics and history is traced. The main attention is paid to the problem of the affinity of Ukrainian and Western European cultures, the basis of which is the common feature – the synthesis of experiment and tradition, what matches Ukrainian nation as a European nation with the millennial state past. The problem of eternal connection of Ukraine with the West’s tradition is seen as the main axis around which Kosach concentrated all other problems. At the same time, attention is also focused on the unifying features of the Ukrainian writ- ers’ style, which Kosach distinguishes for analysis, meaning not the «form of content», but the «style of content». Similarly, in the close connection with the problem of the occidentality of Ukrainian culture, the problem of the «Ukrainian mission of the defense of Western Civilization» and the painful problems connected not only with Ukrainian history but also with the Ukrainian character, the Ukrainian way of thinking are considered. The author emphasizes that as a result of a poetic research, the artist created the myth-poetic conception of Ukrainian state existence, imagining Ukraine as «Imperium Ucrainum», «Third Rome», convinced that empires do not die, continuing to live in myths, capturing the thoughts of contemporaries, becoming a ground on which the former might and glory of the state are reviving. Аccording to Kosach, just writers perform the function of development and dissemination of national myths in society – repeatedly in the history of mankind the works of literature played the role of a vector of direction of public tastes. Thus, «Aeneid» by Virgil became the cornerstone of the imperial ideological concept by Octavian Augustus, and «An- dromaque» by Racine led the political ground for the legitimate rule of Louis XIV from the rulers of Troy. Much attention is paid to Kosach’s criticism of «Polish mythology» by A. Mickiewicz and H. Sienkievicz; dependence between «Polish mythology» and creation of own Kosach’s mythology is established in the literary essay «On the guard of the nation». The article emphasizes the relevance and far-sightedness of Y. Kosach’s views through the conception of such an old-new concept as «information warfare».
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Kowalski, Mariusz. "Generational cycles and changes in time and space." Geographia Polonica 92, no. 3 (2019): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7163/gpol.0148.
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The cyclical character of definite processes observed under both Polish and American conditions in fact emerges as of a universal nature, finding its analogies throughout the world, though first and foremost within the European cultural circle. It is also possible to speak of its far reaching synchronicity, encompassing change on both local and global scales. This is witnessed by successive culminations of cycles with the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, the revolutionary surges of the 1830s and 1840s, the events of the 1860s and 1870s, the turbulences and wars of the early 20th century (notably World War I), then World War II, the great transformations of the 1980s, and the recently observed increase in political tension in various parts of the world (e.g. the Middle East, Ukraine, etc.). In the economic sphere the symptoms are shifts in the business climate, which can even be calculated by reference to quantitative indicators. Then, in the sphere of culture, it is possible to denote successive periods in literature and the arts. In the political sphere in turn, events that shape the state or territorial order are to be observed readily. The present article thus seeks to propose the existence of a universal and synchronous 30-40 years long generation cycle, which manifests itself in real symptoms in the world of politics, and for instance in the cyclicity seen to characterise intensity of change on the political map of Europe.
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Podolskyi, Anatolii. "Places of Memory for the victims of the Holocaust in Ukraine: the totalitarian legacy and historical and political challenges of today." Political Studies, no. 1 (2021): 106–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.53317/2786-4774-2021-1-7.
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The article is devoted to the study of the formation of culture and policy Memory of the Holocaust victims in modern Ukraine. On the example of the international scholar and educational project „Protecting Memory”, which has been going on in Ukraine for more than ten years, the author analyzes the current state, trends, challenges and prospects of creating places of Memory and culture honoring the memory of World War II victims. war, including Ukrainian Jews and Ukrainian Roma. The article also provides a thorough analysis of the fundamental differences in the policy of remembrance for the victims of the Holocaust during the communist regime in Ukrainian lands and in modern democratic Ukraine. In the period from 1945 to 1991, the Communist authorities of the Ukraine banned a special memory of Jewish people, which were the victims of the Holocaust, all victims of National Socialism (official title of the Nazi part − NSDAP in German) during World War II were marked by the euphemism of the Soviet regime as „peaceful Soviet citizens”. The anti-Semitic policy was particularly harsh between 1948 and 1953, when Ukrainian Jews affected by the Nazi occupation came under the brunt of Soviet postwar repression. Thus, the feature of the tragic fate of Jewish communities during the domination of the Nazi anti-Semitic ideology and practice was completely leveled. The USSR denied the identities of civilian victims of the Nazi occupation, especially Jewish people and Roma. Only in the days of sovereign and independent Ukraine, the identity and memory of the victims of the Holocaust and the Roma Genocide in Ukraine were revived. One of the most powerful examples of restoring the historical memory of these civilian victims of the Nazi regime in Ukraine was the „Protecting Memory” project. Thanks to this project, during 2010−2020 in five regions of Ukraine − Lviv, Rivne, Volyn, Vinnytsia, Zhytomyr regions, 20 Memorials to Ukrainian Jewish people and Roma who were killed by Nazi punitive forces and their helpers during the German occupation of Ukraine in 1941−1944 were established. Key words: Holocaust, Antisemitism, Nazism, Stalin repressions Memory politics, World War II, Ukrainian Jews, Ukrainian Roma.
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Абылкасымова, А., A. Abylkasymova, Валентина Кальней, Valentina Kalney, Сергей Шишов, and Sergey Shishov. "To the Question of Formation of Public Consciousness and Spiritual and Moral Culture of Students in the System of Continuous Pedagogical Education." Scientific Research and Development. Socio-Humanitarian Research and Technology 7, no. 1 (April 26, 2018): 3–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_5ad99efd6e9485.38575930.
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The article is written within the framework of the project "Formation of social consciousness and spiritual and moral culture of students in the system of continuous pedagogical education on the basis of the Patriotic idea "Mangilik El". There is an imposition through the media, including the Internet, on the territory of Russia, Kazakhstan, Ukraine, Belarus, etc. Western, supposedly "universal" values with an emphasis on liberalism and the free market. Only the rights and freedoms of the individual, without emphasis on the laws of community living in society, are put at the centre of this work. It divides, individualizes society, provokes in the youth environment of excessive competition. The article presents the results of the study self-positioning of student youth. Young people's perception of themselves and their expectations of others portray an image of a person living in a state of heightened anxiety and a highly actualized need for security, material well-being and recognition focused on himself/herself and private life, ready for action and responsibility in the distance of his/her inner circle. The key components of his ideas about success in life: family and children, financial well-being, business work (55–60%) emerge from this self-attitude. Complement the normative model of success self-realization and the possibility of self-manifestation, education, health, beauty, sports (35–40%). The second plan — the criteria of success associated with the outside world (to be useful to society and people — 18%, recognition and respect from others, finding important contacts and connections, access to information and communication in social networks — 12–15%, politics and participation in political and public organizations — 1%). The model of success in life of young people today is largely confined to the man himself.
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Bevz, T. A. "VALUES AND IDENTITIES OF THE REGIONAL ELITE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 2 (7) (2020): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2020.2(7).04.
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The article focuses on values as the basis of conscious choice. Values determine the future, determine the unity, cohesion of society and self- identification. Values are produced, distributed by elites and perceived by different social groups. The regional political elite is a certain group with a kind of corporate self-consciousness, its own independent system of values, which are fixed with help of certain external attributes, a system of selecting new members. The regional political elite was the creator of values and meanings in the politics of the region and played a significant role in shaping values, ideological preferences, views and attitudes to any political events, phenomena and processes. The policy of regional identity is conditioned by the culture of regional elites, their ideas about the past and future of the region and the country. After all, historical memory is an important element of national identity. The basic factor for the regional political elite of Sumy region in the processes of actualization of regional identities was the symbolic representation of the past, first of all, the history of the region. Most representatives of the Sumy regional political elite declared the values of paternalism, cooperation and democracy as a priority. The manifestation of political identity was a set of values, principles and motivations that representatives of the regional political elite recognize as basic for their political group. The regional political elite of Sumy region was the bearer of ideas and values, which were characterized by regional identity, regional interests and values, common history. Identity markers for the regional political elite of Sumy region were Ukraine as a homeland; Sumy region as a region it manages, business center, place of residence; public holidays as mechanisms of symbolic representation; historical memory, history of the region and history of the Cossacks.
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І.І., Каліна. "МЕТОДОЛОГІЧНІ ПІДХОДИ ДО ФОРМУВАННЯ ДЕТЕРМІНАНТІВ РОЗВИТКУ ЦИФРОВІЗАЦІЇ УКРАІНИ." Economics and Management, no. 86(2) (May 22, 2020): 63–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.36919/2312-7812.2.2020.63.
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The article highlights the methodological approaches to the formation of determinants of digitalization of Ukraine, which include four main components: technology, communication, society and politics, economics. These determinants of the development of digitalization are closely related and for each domestic enterprise, they have different ways of using them. The main components consist of step systems, which, when used effectively, affect the digital development of both enterprises and the state as a whole. Determinant of development - technology consists of a seven-stage system: semantic (web), Big Data, Cloud Computing, augmented (augmented) reality, the Internet of Things, convenience and ease of use, visualization. Determinant of development - communication consists of an eight-level system: personalization of data, interaction and participation, mobility, «available around the clock», digital assistants, internationalization, culture and norms of behavior, media convergence. The determinant of development - society and politics consists of an eight-tier system: the need for security, protection of confidentiality, government regulation, transparency, integration of society into the network, demographic change, social inequality, archiving. Determinant of development the economy consists of a seven-tier system: global commerce, joint consumption, involvement of society in creative innovations, social cooperation, flexibility of activity in time and space, streamlining of work, lifelong learning. The economy is undergoing complex transformation processes, which are influenced by a number of determinants of digitalization. The purpose of the determinants of the development of
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Kovryk-Tokar, Larysa. "The European identity formation in Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 102–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.102-109.
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Every nation is quite diverse in terms of his historical destiny, spiritual priorities, and cultural heritage. However, voluntary European integration, which is the final aim of political integration that began in the second half of the twentieth century from Western Europe, provided for an availability of large number of characteristics in common in political cultures of their societies. Therefore, Ukraine needs to find some common determinants that can create inextricable relationship between the European Community and Ukraine. Although Ukrainian culture is an intercultural weave of two East macrocivilizations, according to the author, Ukraine tends to Western-style society with its openness, democracy, tolerance, which constitute the basic values of Europeans.
Keywords: Identity, collective identity, European values, European integration
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Moser, M. Ye. "COUNCIL OF UKRAINE IN THE VISION OF IVAN FRANKO." Linguistic and Conceptual Views of the World, no. 67 (1) (2020): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6397.2020.1.08.
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The secret places of the native language is a powerful instrument of the Ukrainian state builder. According to Oleksandr Potebnia, the link between languages and ideas, between languages and the associative ideas as well as the culture of a people generates the striving toward a societal unification according to the feature of national identity. In the 19th century, Ukrainians in the Austrian (since 1867: Austro-Hungarian) and in the Russian Empires felt their closeness not only due to similar living conditions, but first and foremost due to their common native language, the language of their reasoning. They strove for unification while they found themselves in different state formations, as is reflected in literary sources as well as in the language of historical and scholarly sources written by eminent Ukrainian intellectuals. In this article, we attempt to demonstrate that this is also true for Ivan Franko’s texts, and we highlight his role for the process of the unification of all parts of Ukraine. Franko was a leading Ukrainian thinker who worked as a writer, journalist and editor of periodicals. He was also a talented organizer of cultural and educational societies, and he was active in politics. The liberation and the unification of the Ukrainian people was an essential part of his program in all these spheres. His ideas exerted great impact on Galician intellectuals and had a genuine effect on the unification of Ukraine and, particularly, on the «Act zluky» (the «Unification Act») of 22 January 1919.
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Makhovka, Viktoriia, and Olha Nesterenko. "Characteristics of international business development between ukraine and poland." ЕКОНОМІКА І РЕГІОН Науковий вісник, no. 2(73) (September 23, 2019): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.26906/eir.2019.2(73).1623.
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The essence of international business, its active development and expansion, that influence the integration of economic systems and intensification of business relations between countries, are considered. The attention is paid to the international market of the European Union, first of all to Polish-Ukrainian cooperation due to the modern development of international business. The importance of the development of trade and business between Ukraine and Poland is determined, taking into account close relations in the field of economy, politics, culture and historical connections. The legal framework between Ukraine and Poland is substantiated, which ensures the proper development of bilateral cooperation at the level of strategic partnership and emphasizes the presence of an active dialogue between countries. The main agreements between Ukraine and the European Union, which influence the economic cooperation between Ukraine and Poland, are considered, taking into account Polish membership in the EU. The implementation of special projects by the European Union to support the development of Polish-Ukrainian cooperation is determined. The increase of the intensity of economic exchange between Ukraine and Poland, the active development of trade and investment in various spheres of business and the growth of economic indicators are determined. The peculiarities of the development of the small business sector and its influence on the stabilization of socio-economic processes between European countries are substantiated, emphasizing Poland's experience in development of the small business as a driving force on the way to economic integration. The main aspects and characteristics of international business between Poland and Ukraine are determined and the main differences in doing business in these countries are revealed, emphasizing the perspectives of development.
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Nikžentaitis, Alvydas. "Kultura pamięci i polityka historyczna w dzisiejszej Rosji." Acta Baltico-Slavica 42 (December 31, 2018): 39–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/abs.2018.006.
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Memory culture and historical politics in today’s RussiaConsidering that other countries are still conducting their studies, it is too early to make conclusions and summarise the question of Russia’s memory culture and historical politics. However, it is possible to share some insights concerning this topic:(1) This analysis indicates that Russia’s case is in stark contrast to the opinions of those theorists who negate the existence of national memory culture. In Russia, this culture began to materialise in 2005, after the complicated period of post-Soviet transformation. What became central was the narrative of the empire (derzhava), whose status should also be recognised by the rest of the world. The main symbolical resource used in the construction of the motif of powerful Russia is a myth of victory in the Great Patriotic War. More recently, however, this general myth has been strengthened by selected facts from other historical periods.(2) Symbolical figures of Russia’s memory culture – both those developing and those already formed – are continuously reinterpreted. Since 1992 the myth of victory has undergone a few stages of transformation: the first years of Boris Yeltsin’s presidency (until 1995) were dominated by active efforts to deconstruct this myth; in the period between 1995 and 2000 it was restored, with a particular stress put on the status of Russian people as the unconquered victim; in 2000–2005, the State regained its vital place in the structure of the myth. Recently, the myth has been instrumentalised and used as an argument in Russia’s confrontation with the West. The period since 2011 has seen a noticeable increase in attempts to expand the symbolic instrumentarium through active use of selected facts from other historical periods(3) Although what dominates in Russia is the imperial mega narrative (derzhava),there is also an alternative stream that makes a substantial opposition – the myth of a victim. The years 2009–2013 have shown us that the memory of Stalin’s crimes is really strong. In this sense, the structure of memory in Russia, although with some exceptions, is comparable to the Polish one. On the other hand, substantial differences are noticed in comparison with Germany, Lithuania or Belarus. Those countries have only one memory culture, although with different topics included in the content. Ukraine remains beyond the regional context: even though the process of forming a single policy of remembrance is in place, it is only in its initial phase. Kultura pamięci i polityka historyczna w dzisiejszej RosjiBadania nad zagadnieniem kultury pamięci w Rosji i krajach ościennych ciągle trwają, dlatego nie można jeszcze mówić o ich podsumowaniu. Istnieją jednak przesłanki, by przedstawić pewne wnioski na ten temat.1. Przeprowadzona analiza ukazuje, że przypadek Rosji wyraźnie przeczy poglądom tych teoretyków, którzy negują możliwość istnienia narodowej kultury pamięci. Po skomplikowanym etapie transformacji postsowieckiej w Rosji kultura pamięci w 2005 roku nabrała konkretnych kształtów. W jej centrum znalazła się opowieść o imperium (dieržava), którego status powinna uznać także reszta świata. Podstawowym symbolicznym zasobem dla toposu silnego państwa rosyjskiego jest mit zwycięstwa w Wielkiej Wojnie Ojczyźnianej. Jednak w ostatnim czasie do wzmocnienia mitu centralnego aktywnie wykorzystuje się także selektywnie wybrane fakty z innych epok historycznych.2. Symboliczne figury tworzącej się czy też już ukształtowanej kultury pamięci są w Rosji stale reinterpretowane. Także mit zwycięstwa po 1992 roku przeszedł kilka etapów transformacji: w pierwszych latach prezydentury Borysa Jelcyna (do roku 1995) dominowały aktywne próby dekonstrukcji tego mitu, w latach 1995–2000 był on odnowiony, akcentowano przede wszystkim status rosyjskiego narodu jako niepokonanej ofiary. W latach 2000–2005 w centrum mitu znów usytuowano państwo, a w ostatnim czasie został on poddany instrumentalizacji i wykorzystany jako argument w konfrontacji Rosji z Zachodem. Po 2011 roku wyraźnie widać próby ilościowego rozszerzenia zasobu instrumentarium symbolicznego za pomocą aktywnego wykorzystania wybranych faktów z innych epok historycznych.3. Choć w Rosji wyraźnie dominuje meganarracja imperialna (dieržava), to jednak ma ona swoją konkurencję. W Rosji nadal w silnej opozycji do mitu zwycięstwa pozostaje mit ofiary. Lata 2009–2013 wyraźnie pokazały żywotność pamięci o ofiarach stalinowskich. W tym sensie struktura pamięci Rosji, choć z pewnymi wyjątkami, może być porównywana do polskiej, jednocześnie różniąc się istotnie od niemieckiej, litewskiej czy białoruskiej. W tych krajach dobitnie wyrażona jest jedna kultura pamięci, choć jej treść zawiera różne wątki tematyczne. W kontekście regionalnym nie mieści się Ukraina, w której jednolita polityka pamięci jest wprawdzie formowana, ale to dopiero początek procesu.
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Horobets, О. О. "A Statistical Analysis of Book Publishing Industry in Ukraine: 1917–2017." Statistics of Ukraine 85, no. 2 (August 22, 2019): 4–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(85)2019.02.01.
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A broad statistical analysis of the book publishing industry over 1917–2017 is performed, with focus on the dynamics of industry indicators in 1991–2017. It is shown that throughout this period the average annual growth in the number of books and brochures produced by the book publishing industry made 620 units, or 5.13%. But the circulation had overall negative dynamics: its average annual decline made 3310 thousand, or 3.9%. The largest absolute decline in the circulation is recorded in 1993, 1999, and 2015. It is revealed that the per capita output in the industry was 1.5 books in 2013, 0.8 in 2015, and 1.1 in 2017. It is stressed that because books constitute a culture component and contribute in the moral enrichment of the society and book reading enhance the education level of a nation, the book supply of the population observed throughout the period of the Ukraine’s independence is unacceptable. A fact raising concern is that reading ranks fifth as a way of recreation in the Ukrainian society.
It is demonstrated that the assumption about minor significance of a printed book in the digital era is fallacious and ungrounded. Transformations in science and technology, politics or economy have been persisting in Ukraine, but its people remain to be book readers. A book may change the format or production methods and materials, but a book is an integral attribute of the humanity. The events in Ukraine, both positive and negative, had strong impact on the development and change of socio-economic paradigms, which had implications for the book publishing industry. The development of any industry cannot be considered in isolation, by taking its dynamics off the context of socio-political processes and phenomena. It is shown that in the present-day conditions, when the living standards of the population are largely dependent on the salary rate or the household income, the need to purchase books had lower priority than meeting vital necessities of daily life. The importance of a further in-depth study of the external factors with impact on the industry development is stressed.
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Ilin, Mykhailo. "The Search for the Peaceful Development of Humankind: How South Korea’s Experience Can Be Useful for Ukraine." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 729–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-48.
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The article deals with the summit held in Seoul, South Korea, in February 2019. The author outlines the issues of peaceful development of humanity, which were submitted for discussion by the summit participants, lists the speakers and highlights their main messages. At the summit, representatives of different nations and religions have expressed their concern about the challenges our societies are facing, especially in the context of the crisis on the Korean Peninsula. The author traces the common and distinctive features between South Korea and Ukraine. Korea was divided into South and North by a secret agreement between the USA and the USSR. Subsequently, two states were created, while the Korean War cemented the division of the country. The situation is very similar to the conflict in the Donbas, but in this case, no one consented that another country would control part of our territory. The experience of Korea proves that if the conflict situation is not solved immediately and results in the emergence of a new globally recognized state, the unification of the country may take decades. Now Korea is drawing on global expertise of public organizations, members of the government, religious figures and media to unify the country. The author summarizes the positive experience of the development of Korea, which may be projected to Ukraine. Korea is putting in a lot of effort into the education of the population. Culture of the nation has become the main policy line of the state, which is heavily investing in the development of its citizens’ potential. The ability to master cutting-edge technologies depends on the level and quality of education in a country. South Korea’s market economy encourages private business to invest in technological advancement. The author emphasizes that South Korea has achieved great success in science and technology thanks to the development of human resources. It is the development of human potential that contributes to scientific and technological progress, and as a result, to the economic growth of the country. Keywords: South Korea, scientific and technical development, culture, politics, summit.
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Nikiliev, Oleksandr. "Ukraine at the context of the language politics in the middle of the 1940-s - the end of the 1980-s (on the example of Dnipropetrovsk region)." Grani 24, no. 2 (February 28, 2021): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172114.
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It was highlighted the process and was analysed the reasons pf spreading Russian language and narrowing the sphere of the using Ukrainian language in Ukraine in the second part of the 1940s-1980-s. On the materials of Dnipropetrovs’k region, one of the most developed region of the republic in the agrarian and agricultural sphere, it was shown that it was caused by the politics of the highest state-party leadership of the URSR and the most powerful agricultural construction in the first afterwardecade in the region's towns/cities during that the wide-involvement of the significant mass of people happened from different territories of the Soviet state and their subsidence on the permanent residence in the cities that made the using of Russian language objectively acceptable as the language of the international communication. The combination of these two factors contributed the large-scale deterioration of the Russian language in all spheres of production , administrative and managerial, cultural, everyday life and in the production, was identified the russification of the high, secondary special and professional education, general schools, nursery schools. Russian language became the language of the everyday life for the majority of the urban population. It was detected that the same tendencies started to appear in the village environment. It was analysed the forms and methods of its russification. The attention is focused on the factors that was promoted the wide-spreading and the fixing of the Russian language in the region. The serious influence on this situation had the policy that began to do in the USRS after the ending of the World War II on the initiative of the secretary of the CPSU Zhdanov A. It was called «zhdanivshchyna». The new outbreak of repression was happened during this period that was directed against scientific and creative intelligence. It was happened under the slogan of the struggle with "crawl" in front of west with "the rootless cosmopolitanism", "nationalism", the departure from marxism-leninism doctrine in science, culture, art. It is indicated that, as a result of such policy of the state, the region evolved from monolingual to bilingual. It's known that the situation with permanent ringing of the using of Ukrainian language didn't wick the negative among the population of the region. This position was based on the socially-economic factors (the best security of the industrial and grocery goods, higher salary compared to non-industrial regions, and the level and quality of life). The narrowing of the language sphere of the most Ukrainian ethnic region testified about the inorganic nature of the processes of the language policy in the Republic and the great role of the party-stare leadership in a sphere of the region russification. It's assigned that the process of russification supervised by the manifestations of anger up to the national history, culture, the perception of everything Ukrainian as less valuable. It's shown the demographic intertance of the carried out policy.
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Chekalenko, Liudmyla. "National Branding: International Experience." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 686–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-44.
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The article deals with the experience of foreign countries in the formation and promotion of national branding policy. According to the author, in order to strengthen Ukraine’s position in the world, it is necessary to begin with developing and enhancing the level of bilateral cooperation. Particular attention should be attached to such a mechanism of interaction as the dissemination of information and improvement of a state’s image. The author draws attention to the fact that a crucial component of creating the image of a state is territorial branding aimed at promoting and popularizing specific territories. Territorial branding contributes to the restoration of infrastructure, emergence of a skilled workforce, promotion of local entrepreneurship and public-private structures, identification and attraction of adjacent companies and industrial facilities, creation of local attractions, development of social infrastructure and cultural facilities. Certain opportunities lie in the promotion of branding of Ukrainian agricultural products. According to the author, public diplomacy, a network of embassies, a series of publications in well-known advertising agencies should help address these issues. This helps to attract foreign capital with the ensuing efficient promotion of a branding object. The author argues that Ukraine needs a multi-directional policy aimed at comprehensive development of its national brands in order to facilitate successful exports, tourism, culture promotion, and to attract investment to ensure economic prosperity. The information provided by the author is intended to draw the attention of Ukrainian authorities to the improvement of the foreign policy and investment image of Ukraine. Keywords: politics, national branding, territorial branding, cooperation, branding, experience, Ukraine.
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Vinogradova, Nadezhda S. "The Image of Russia in the Russian Television (Research Conducted in 2017-2019)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-3-397-408.
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The image of Russia is one of the key components for determining the self-identity of the population, the growth of trust in the government, and an understanding of current politics and economics conducted in the country. The purpose of this study is to identify the image of Russia in Russian political and non-political television programs for the period of 2017-2019. The research methodology included content analysis of Russian television programs. Quantitative and qualitative methods, including case studies, were used to interpret the data. The image of a country consists of a spatial (territorial) image, an image of a population, an image of power, and an image of a leader. In the analysis, subjective, objective, spatial, temporal and communicative sections were identified. The performed analysis made it possible to identify some features of the formation of the image of Russia in TV shows. The resulting image is directly dependent on the event context and is its reflection. The underlying parameters, such as political culture, are not considered. The main topics raised in TV shows were the conflict in Ukraine, conflict in Syria, sanctions and international relations of Russia, the USA and the EU, election of the President of the Russian Federation and the election of the President of the United States. The image of the country is translated as strong, cognitively complex, dynamic. Most of the messages are positive, since they are focused on the domestic audience, the policy of the channels themselves is designed to show the diversity of opinions, but, at the same time, to raise the country’s prestige in the eyes of the audience. The negative characteristics of the image involve the comments of foreign politicians and experts, which are broadcast on Russian television. Changes in the spatial image due to the reunification with Crimea are shown most vividly. This topic has been relevant for a period of five years. The political leader is represented as strong both in the international arena and in dealing with domestic issues.
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Staniec, Jillian. "Remain True to the Culture?" Ethnologies 30, no. 1 (September 19, 2008): 59–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/018835ar.
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Abstract A series of dance seminars was held in Ukraine and Saskatchewan from 1971 to 1991, hosted by a left-wing political and cultural organization, the Association for United Ukrainian Canadians. These seminars heavily influenced the development of Ukrainian dance in Saskatchewan and Canada by introducing new dance techniques, choreography, and costuming from Soviet Ukraine. They were also very controversial, challenging the definition of Ukrainian Canadian identity in Canada during the Soviet era.
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Potikha, Zinaida. "Relations between the national diaspora in Canada and Ukraine (1991–2014)." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 2 (2018): 24–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2018.2.2428.
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The article illustrates the relations between the national diaspora in Canada and Ukraine during 1991–2014. It is emphasized that during the long-term presence of Ukrainians in the cities of Canada the Ukrainian diaspora has been growing and consolidating around the civic organizations and Ukrainian cultural centers with the biggest ones being located in Ontario and Alberta, which are the places with the largest Ukrainian population. It provides the analysis of influence of the Ukrainian diaspora on the cooperation between Ukraine and Canada through civic organizations, the most influential of which are the following: Ukrainian Canadian Congress — acts as the representative of the Ukrainian diaspora before the government and people of Canada, coordinates and promotes its involvement in the cultural and public life of the country, and unites 33 Ukrainian and all-Canadian organizations and their branches; Ukrainian Catholic Women’s League of Canada — supports the religious education and Ukrainian publishing houses, arranges religious seminars on the study of Bible, Ukrainian rituals and traditions; Plast — promotes the complex patriotic self-education of the Ukrainian youth based on the Christian ethics principles, as the conscientious, responsible and meaningful citizens of the local, national and global communities and the Ukrainian society leaders; they also hold the leading positions in the civic organizations — in student’s clubs or in the Ukrainian Canadian Congress. At the same time, in Ukraine the civic organizations, such as the “Ukraine-Svit” company and Ukrainian World Coordinating Council cooperate with the national diaspora in Canada. It is emphasized that the intensification of relations between the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada and Ukraine is the key component of the modern national ethnical policy. It is concluded that the Ukrainian diaspora in Canada created the positive image of Ukraine abroad that contributed to the recognition of its independence in 1991 and further establishment of connections between the countries. The article substantiates the perspectives for bilateral cooperation of countries in the field of politics, economics, trade, culture and education.
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Freeman, Joanne B. "The Culture of Politics: The Politics of Culture." Journal of Policy History 16, no. 2 (April 2004): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2004.0007.
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In a way, there is an unspoken subtext to this “state-of-the-field” panel on political history. For at least some of us, there is a whisper of uneasiness associated with this topic, a small internal voice concerned about the health and survival of political history. In the relatively recent past, the flowering of social history challenged and eventually toppled the dominance of political history—a fine development, given that in the long reach of history politics is only part of the story. Unfortunately, this shift of balance left some scholars with a bad taste in their mouths. Some social historians have retained a lingering antipathy toward political history as a looming presence—an elite-driven, chronologically organized, “imperalist” narrative that threatens to subsume scholarship once again. Some political historians, in turn, feel besieged by social history and its seeming focus on minority and underprivileged populations to the exclusion of much else. Both of these emotionalized outlooks rest on distorted and exaggerated assumptions. But for many political historians, the end result is a current of nervous tension about the place of their field in the larger scheme of historical scholarship.