Academic literature on the topic 'Culture and politics in Ukrain'

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Journal articles on the topic "Culture and politics in Ukrain"

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Rohozha, M. M. "POPULISM IN UKRAINIAN POLITICAL CULTURE." UKRAINIAN CULTURAL STUDIES, no. 2 (7) (2020): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/ucs.2020.2(7).09.

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The paper deals with populism as the phenomenon of political culture in Ukrainian context. The President Election in Ukraine, 2019, has opened the new page in the development of populism not only in Ukraine, but in the world in general. Before that, no political force had won in such a persuasive way. Political analysis and prognoses, proclaimed before the election, look weak today. The paper outlines that populism is homological to democratic foundations of public life, but hypertrophied and unbalanced. It upraises as the reaction on social crisis and challenge to the stable way of life in the presence of political disturbance in different social segments and is connected with the appearance the political leader who uses specific logics of articulation of messages, the shape and the way of their representations to get and keep the political power. Such messages concern the people, like the appeal to it as to the certain integrity; the immediacy of its perception; the adjustment to its demands; the simplification of its view on the public life up to the black and white tones; the offer of the simple and unambiguous decisions. Populism as the phenomenon of political culture provokes the spectrum of ethical problems. Among them such as: manipulation of concepts of the people's internal homogeneity, integrity and moral purity; opposition of the "people" and the "elite" in the terms of good and evil; active use of moral demagogy and the practice of opportunism; cohesion of business and the state, corruption, nepotism; destruction of public spirit; activation of ressentiment and so on. Today S. Žižek mentions culturalization of politics, and many scholars outline correlation of processes in culture and arts and in politics. Also they call contemporary form of populism as postmodern populism. Independent Ukraine is very sensitive to populist challenges. Here postmodern populism and its technologies of the games with reality have won the victory. It is not only the source of new political experience. It creates new political culture here and now, that demands from scholars to comprehend these processes in real time mode. Postmodern populism does not leave the hope for catharsis, for social stress relief. Soaked in laughter, contemporary political culture is ridicule, and it destroys the political space. Sense of unreality and futile strengthens the comprehension of the impossibility to change such order of things on the due one.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Political Culture and Democracy." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 25, no. 1 (January 7, 2011): 88–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325410388410.

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The 2004 Orange Revolution and election of opposition candidate Viktor Yushchenko, who had a stellar reputation in previous positions as National Bank Chairman and Prime Minister, was viewed as a new era in Ukrainian politics, ushering in deep seated reforms and a battle against corruption. Five years on, his opponent, Viktor Yanukovych, whose election in 2004 was annulled over election fraud, replaced him as President. The failure of the Yushchenko presidency to implement the majority of the hopes placed in it by millions of voters and protestors, specifically to decisively change the manner in which politics and economics are undertaken, is a good opportunity to analyse why Ukraine is a difficult country, an immobile state, in which to undertake change of any type. Yanukovych’s first year in office points to Ukraine undergoing a regression from the only tangible benefit to have emerged from “orange” rule; namely, democratization, media freedom, and free elections.
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Curta, Florin. "Pots, Slavs and ‘imagined communities’: Slavic archaeologies and the history of the early Slavs." European Journal of Archaeology 4, no. 3 (2001): 367–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/eja.2001.4.3.367.

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Despite recent emphasis on the impact of nationalism on archaeology, the discussion has centered more on the ideological framework of the culture-historical school of archaeology, particularly on the concept of archaeological culture. Comparatively little attention has been paid to how archaeologists contributed to the construction of the national past. This article examines Slavic archaeology, a discipline crisscrossing national divisions of archaeological schools, within the broader context of the ‘politics of culture’ which characterizes all nation-states, as ‘imagined communities’ (Anderson 1991). Indeed, the current academic discourse about the early Slavs in Ukraine, Russia, and Romania appears as strikingly tied to political, rather than intellectual, considerations. In eastern Europe, the concept of archaeological culture is still defined in monothetic terms on the basis of the presence or absence of a list of traits or types derived from typical sites or intuitively considered to be representative cultural attributes. Archaeologists thus regarded archaeological cultures as actors on the historical stage, playing the role individuals or groups have in documentary history. Archaeological cultures became ethnic groups, and were used to legitimize claims of modern nation-states to territory and influence.
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Alexey, Skovikov. "Women's Participation in Politics: Ukrainian Case." Studies of Changing Societies 2013, no. 3 (November 5, 2014): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/scs-2014-0153.

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AbstractThe international practices takes into account the question of women's participation in the political life of modern Ukraine. The selection of the state was due to the dynamic process of democratic transformation - the separation of powers, the formation of multi-party competition among political actors in the electoral process, the activity women in the various institutions of civil society. The position was claimed on the basis of empirical data range of academic institutions and reputable sociological centers, and also interviews with experts who said that the creation of real conditions for self-realization by women's interest in politics is only possible for long term. The process is controversial and caused by political culture, traditions and interests of the ruling class represented mainly by men.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Crime, politics and business in 1990s Ukraine." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47, no. 2 (May 22, 2014): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2014.04.011.

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In contrast to Russian studies, the study of crime and corruption in Ukraine is limited to a small number of scholarly studies while there is no analysis of the nexus between crime and new business and political elites with law enforcement (Kuzio, 2003a,b). This is the first analysis of how these links emerged in the 1990s with a focus on the Donbas (Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts) and the Crimea, two regions that experienced the greatest degree of violence during Ukraine’s transition to a market economy. Donetsk gave birth to the Party of Regions in 2001 which has become Ukraine’s only political machine winning first place plurality in three elections since 2006 and former Donetsk Governor and party leader Viktor Yanukovych was elected president in 2010 (Zimmer, 2005; Kudelia and Kuzio, 2014). Therefore, an analysis of the nexus that emerged in the 1990s in Donetsk provides the background to the political culture of the country’s political machine that, as events have shown since 2010 and during the Euro-Maydan, is also the party most willing in Ukraine to use violence to achieve its objectives.
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Strilchuk, Maryna V. "The Holocaust in Ukraine." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 1, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2019): 128. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/2611815.

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The national historiography of the Holocaust was analyzed in the article. The author described the main forms of representation of the theme in the Ukrainian researchers’ papers. The main trends and stages of Holocaust Studies in Ukraine were determined. The author analyzed the socio-political conditionality of the Holocaust historiography in different stages, from Soviet time till modernity. The author concluded that Ukrainian historians focuses on the key points of the history of the Holocaust in their papers: anti-Semitic propaganda in the occupied territory of Ukraine, the methods and forms of Jewish resistance to the Nazis, Ukrainian-Jewish relations during the Second World War, politics and culture of the memory of the Holocaust.
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Włodkowska-Bagan, Agata. "Kultura strategiczna in statu nascendi. Casus Ukrainy." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 4 (December 2020): 35–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.4.2.

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Analysis of Ukraine’s foreign and security policy (both doctrinal and practical) leads to a conclusion about the lack of coherence of its objectives and the inconsistencies in their implementation. The lack of a formed strategic culture is one of the reasons. The aim of the article is an analysis of Ukraine’s strategic culture, its conditions, characteristics and evolution. The key conditions of Ukraine’s strategic cultural are history, geopolitics and Russian aggression in 2014. Among the features of its strategic culture are: postcolonial state syndrome, Russia’s syndrome and disposition, split identity and inconsistency in action. Distrust is also an important feature of Ukraine’s strategic culture. Until 2014, continuity can be observed among other things, not only in the characteristics and behaviors typical of the post-colonial state but also in Russia’s syndrome and disposition. For more than 20 years, Ukrainian politics has also been consistently erratic, which has manifested itself in the goals set as their implementation. After 6 years of Russian aggression, there are signs of changes in strategic culture and foreign and security policy. However, it takes time to observe the trend and consolidation of certain features.
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ЛЕВКО, Мар’яна. "DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL CULTURE OF FUTURE OFFICERS IN EDUCATIONAL SPACE OF HIGHER MILITARY EDUCATIONAL ESTABLISHMENT." Збірник наукових праць Національної академії Державної прикордонної служби України. Серія: педагогічні науки 25, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 101–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32453/pedzbirnyk.v25i2.785.

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The article deals with analysis and generalization of methodological fundamentals of the development of political culture of future officers in the educational process of higher military educational establishments. It was clarified that formation of political culture of cadets depends on the teacher, since their general culture and personal qualities are a tool of influence upon them.A military instructor promotes development of political culture of future officers through the use of various methods, techniques and forms of training that help to form cadets’ interest in politics, political knowledge, education of political self-education, acquisition of democratic norms and values, desire to know and study political traditions of Ukrainian people and other world nations.Taking into account different methodological approaches including system, personality-oriented, culturological, activity-oriented, competence, integrative, axiological and acmeological to determine the component composition of political culture, research on the formation of various components of political culture, as well as peculiarities of professional activity of officers enabled to identify their political culture as an integral quality of a personality which contains a system of knowledge about the political aspects of professional activity of an officer of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, rules of professional communication, political behavior and political actions.Structural components of political culture of future officers include political orientation, political literacy, political readiness and political competence.On the basis of the analysis of scientific works, educational work of higher military educational establishments, the results of the ascertaining stage of the experiment on the formation of political culture of future officers, the following pedagogical conditions were determined: creation of positive motivation of future officers to master political culture; supplementing the content of professional subjects in the context of professional training of future officers with forms, methods and means of formation of components of political culture in the conditions of higher military educational establishments; involving cadets in educational personality-oriented activities through the use of the latest educational technologies and teaching a special course “Fundamentals of Formation of Political Culture of Future Officers in Higher Military Educational Establishments”; carrying out of regular monitoring of the level of formation of components of political culture of future officers in professional training in the conditions of higher military educational establishments.Efficiency of pedagogical conditions and structural and functional model of formation of political culture of future officers in professional training in higher military educational establishments is confirmed by the results of the formative stage of the experiment.
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Deliia, O. V. "Factors of political culture in the structure of political environment of public policy." Public administration aspects 6, no. 1-2 (March 31, 2018): 24–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/1520183.

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The macro-objective level of studying the political environment of state policy actualizes the comprehension of the political system in the structure of the external environment through the description of the category «political culture». In general, scientific understanding of the phenomenon of political culture has become a derivative of various research traditions. At the present stage, it is possible to identify several more or less formalized conceptual positions on this matter: subjective objective approaches, cultural and political doctrines.The essence of political culture unites the behavioral, activity aspects of subjects in the sphere of politics and the way the political system operates. Also, the notion of political culture captures the established system of values, norms, institutions, political consciousness that has developed historically, and the forms of political activity that correspond to it. At the same time, all these concepts, approaches have a point of intersection, which represents the main environmental feature of the phenomenon of political culture - universality, presence in one form or another in all spheres of social life.Domestic researchers recognize and underscore the importance of the influence of political culture on the whole complex of relations between the participants in the political process, the form of organization of state power, the form and effectiveness of the political system, the structure of institutions of power, the ability of political culture through its regulatory mechanisms to achieve social consensus, to promote or impede democratic development national state. At the same time, the problem of the environmental significance of political culture for public policy in foreign and domestic scientific discourses arises more theoretically than practical.In our case, the empirical basis for such a reflection was the information and analytical materials of the Razumkov Center «Political Culture and Parliamentarism in Ukraine: Current Status and Main Problems». Proceeding from this generalization, political culture in the structure of the political environment is a systematically organized integrity whose influence extends to its sphere components (mental, social, institutional, economic, etc.), Their interaction, the result of interaction. And finds its manifestation at all levels of society. The combination of these areas and their content is the conditions and factors of the public policy environment.
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Janicki, Joel J. "Coercion and Coerciveness in the Politics of Cold-War Ukraine and Taiwan." Bibliotekarz Podlaski Ogólnopolskie Naukowe Pismo Bibliotekoznawcze i Bibliologiczne 51, no. 2 (August 16, 2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36770/bp.598.

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The present study is devoted to an examination of the prison memoirs by the Ukrainian writer, Mykhaylo Osadchy (1936–1994) and the Taiwanese writer Tsai Tehpen (b. 1925) from the perspective of coercion. Osadchy was a member of the Sixtiers, a group of young Ukrainian intellectuals who brought about cultural renaissance in post-Stalin Ukraine. Their writings marked a strong reaction against Moscow’s policy of great-power chauvinism at the onset of the regime change that marked the end of Khrushchev’s liberalizing campaign. Osadchy was one of the victims of the subsequent wave of arrests of dissidents in the Soviet Union, including Ukraine, in 1965. His memoir, Cataract (1971) is a powerfully evocative response to trumped-up charges of subversion, anti-Soviet agitation and bourgeois nationalism, and a riveting description of life in a Mordovian labor camp, a work that posed a strong attack on official Soviet culture.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Culture and politics in Ukrain"

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Diuk, N. M. "M.P. Drahomanov and the evolution of Ukrainian cultural and political theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1986. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.381841.

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Fahriyev, Dilaver. "The Politics Of National Identity In Post-soviet Ukraine: 1991." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606899/index.pdf.

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This thesis analyzes the role of Ukrainian mythological discourses in the formulation of Ukrainian national identity. The main purpose of the present thesis is to explore the interaction between mythological discourses, which are defined as sets of popular beliefs, presuppositions and the patterns of self-identification rooted in the consciousness of ethnic collectivities, and the process of national identity formation in post-Soviet Ukraine. The main focus of the thesis is on the ways of the use of Ukrainian mythological discourses by post-Soviet Ukraine&rsquo
s political and intellectual elite preoccupied with the task of implementing their nation-building project in Ukraine. This thesis consists of six chapters. Following the introductory first chapter, the second chapter explores the concept of &ldquo
myth&rdquo
in nationalism studies. The third, fourth and fifth chapters discuss the nation-building process of post-Soviet Ukraine by examining cultural, political and social aspects. The concluding chapter discusses the main findings of the thesis.
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Sheynin, Ellen. "Schmid, Ulrich. 2015. Technologien der Seele. Vom Verfertigen der Wahrheit in der russischen Gegenwartskultur: Buchbesprechung." De Gruyter, 2017. https://tud.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A71380.

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Seit Beginn der kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen in der Ukraine und der anschließenden russischen Annexion der Krim ist das öffentliche Interesse an der neusten Geschichte Russlands und an Putins System international stark gestiegen. Auch im deutschsprachigen Raum sind in den letzten zwei Jahren auffällig viele Publikationen erschienen, die der aktuellen Situation in Russland und speziell dem russischen Machthaber gewidmet sind. Die Mehrheit dieser Veröffentlichungen stammt aus dem Gebiet der Journalistik oder Populärwissenschaft (Ewers, Philipp. 2015. Putin verstehen? : russische Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der Ära Wladimir Putin; Reitschuster, Boris. 2016. Putins verdeckter Krieg; Bidder, Benjamin. 2016. Generation Putin: Das neue Russland verstehen, u. a.), aber auch einige Fachwissenschaftler wagen sich an die hochaktuelle Thematik, die weit über den wissenschaftlichen Bereich hinausführen kann.
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Lakei, Iryna. "Reformy volebního systému na Ukrajině 1990-2012." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-197102.

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This thesis is focused on analyzing the reforms of the electoral system in Ukraine, during the period from gaining independence to the present. The main goal is to determine the reasons of the electoral reforms, and which political entities have become initiators of those changes in case of (non) existence inherent factors. The hypothesis of the thesis is whether political entities sought to maintain or strengthen its position in the Parliament, rather than contribute to the improvement of the electoral process.
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Mulholland, Mary-Lee. "Sensuous politics, salsa as culture critique." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp01/MQ36839.pdf.

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Szemere, Anna. "Pop culture, politics, and social transition /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9820881.

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Tiongson, Antonio T. "Filipino youth cultural politics and DJ culture." Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3199265.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed February 28, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 206-220).
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Reeves, Donna Marie. "U.S. culture and the politics of wilderness." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3337061.

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Tok, Nafiz. "Culture, identity and politics : an identity-based approach to culture-related issues." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365174.

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Ford, Jonathan. "The politics of print culture: Southey and Shelley." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.493318.

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Books on the topic "Culture and politics in Ukrain"

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Trud niepodleglosci: Ukraina na przelomie tysiacleci. Krakow: Instytut Studiow Strategicznych Fundacji "Miedzynarodowe Centrum Rozwoju Demokracji", 2003.

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Udovik, S. L. Gosudarstvennostʹ Ukrainy: Istoki i perspektivy. Kiev: "Alʹterpres", 1999.

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Politicheskiĭ prot︠s︡ess v Ukraine: Realʹnostʹ i tendent︠s︡ii ėvoli︠u︡t︠s︡ii gosudarstvennosti (1991-2005 gg.) : monografii︠a︡. Kiev: KiMU, 2009.

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Perezasnuvanni︠a︡ Ukraïny: Statti, publit︠s︡ystyka, prohnozy i sposterez︠h︡enni︠a︡ (1994-2013) = Reorganisation of Ukraine : articles, social and political essays, prognosis and observation (1994-2013). Lʹviv: Universum, 2013.

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Universität Wien. Forschungsschwerpunkt Europäische Integration und südöstliches/östliches Europa, ed. Die Ukraine auf dem Weg nach Europa: Die Ära Juschtschenko. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2011.

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Ri︠a︡bchuk, Mykola. Gleichschaltung: Authoritarian consolidation in Ukraine, 2010-2012. Kyïv: K.I.S., 2012.

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G, I︠A︡sin E., and Samuel P. Huntington Memorial Symposium on Culture, Cultural Change and Economic Development (2010 : Moscow, Russia), eds. Culture matters in Russia--and everywhere: Backdrop for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. Lanham: Lexington Books, 2015.

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Bilaniuk, Laada. Contested tongues: Language politics and cultural correction in Ukraine. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2004.

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Contested tongues: Language politics and cultural correction in Ukraine. Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 2005.

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The Ukrainian West: Culture and the fate of empire in Soviet Lviv. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Culture and politics in Ukrain"

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Szpociński, Andrzej. "Culture of peace in development and regression." In The Politics of Memory in Poland and Ukraine, 136–49. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003017349-11.

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Isaacs, Rico. "Political culture." In Politics, 92–118. Third edition. | New York : Routledge, 2019. | “Second edition published by Routledge 2002”—T.p. verso.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315629346-5.

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Callahan, William A. "Culture." In Visual Global Politics, 81–87. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2018. | Series: Interventions: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315856506-10.

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Jones, Bill. "Political culture." In British politics, 70–85. Second edition. | Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: The basics: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429199509-7.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Political Culture and Legitimacy." In Politics, 185–203. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25543-6_10.

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Smith, Gordon B. "Russian Political Culture." In Soviet Politics, 1–14. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19172-7_1.

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Adshead, Maura, and Jonathan Tonge. "Political Culture." In Politics in Ireland, 141–56. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-02032-1_9.

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Heywood, Andrew. "Political Culture and the Media." In Politics, 171–95. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-27244-7_8.

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Smith, Gordon B. "The Politics of Culture." In Soviet Politics, 273–93. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-19172-7_12.

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Hague, Rod, and Martin Harrop. "Political culture." In Comparative Government and Politics, 93–110. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31786-5_6.

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Conference papers on the topic "Culture and politics in Ukrain"

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Sakun, A. V., T. I. Kadlubovich, and D. S. Chernyak. "PHILOSOPHY OF MODERN POLITICAL CULTURE." In POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY, HISTORY AND SOCIOLOGY: DEVELOPMENT AREAS AND TRENDS IN UKRAINE AND EU. Baltija Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-91-4-38.

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Vanovska, I. M., and O. L. Skriabin. "Formation of political culture in students of higher military educational institutions." In CURRENT TRENDS AND FACTORS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF PEDAGOGICAL AND PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCES IN UKRAINE AND EU COUNTRIES. Baltija Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-588-80-8-2.2.

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Sabishchenko, Oleksandr. "BUSINESS MODEL CANVAS FOR A RENEWABLE ELECTRICITY DEVELOPER IN UKRAINE." In PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE: PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v1.01.

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Kollo, Fredik Lambertus, and Sunarso Sunarso. "Patriarchy Culture and Injustice for Women in Politics." In Proceedings of the Annual Civic Education Conference (ACEC 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/acec-18.2018.25.

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"Analysis of Constructs on Organizational Culture and Innovation Culture in Private Educational Institutions." In rd Joint International Conference on Accounting, Business, Economics and Politics. Tishk International University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23918/icabep2021p9.

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Fliadzhynska, Olha, and Anastasiya Prytychenko. "ANTI-CORRUPTION DISCLOSERS AND THEIR ROLE IN COMBATING AGAINST CORRUPTION IN UKRAINE." In PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE: PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT, chair Halyna Chyhryna. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v5.01.

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Sun, Fu-Jiang. "Analysis of the Relationship between Culture, Economy and Politics." In 3rd Annual International Conference on Social Science and Contemporary Humanity Development (SSCHD 2017). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/sschd-17.2017.1.

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Saprykina, Olga A. "Language Politics in the Portuguese Speaking Countries: Institutional Aspect." In Culture and Education: Social Transformations and Multicultural Communication. RUDN University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/09669-2019-346-351.

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Travica, Bob. "Information Politics and Information Culture: Case of a Festival Organization." In InSITE 2005: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2928.

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This article introduces the concepts of information politics and information culture and presents a case study that explores these concepts. The literature from the areas of IS theory and organization theory that provides a backdrop to these concepts is discussed. A case of an organization that has characteristics of both small business and voluntary organization is presented as initial validation of the concepts of information politics and information culture. The case draws on a longitudinal interpretivist study and tracks a trajectory of organizational design, information politics, information culture, management and organizational performance over 25 months. The primary finding is that the organization studied exhibited two distinct information politics and information cultures, each related to different development phases—the era of clan and the era of teams. The article also discusses particular aspects of information politics and information culture and how these relate to organizational performance. Derived are implications for further research on information politics and information culture as well as for a broader parent framework called Information View of Organization.
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Kichurchak, Marianna. "STRUCTURAL PECULIARITIES OF STATE FINANCING FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF CREATIVE INDUSTRIES IN THE ECONOMY OF UKRAINE." In PUBLIC COMMUNICATION IN SCIENCE: PHILOSOPHICAL, CULTURAL, POLITICAL, ECONOMIC AND IT CONTEXT. European Scientific Platform, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36074/15.05.2020.v1.13.

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Reports on the topic "Culture and politics in Ukrain"

1

Melnyk, Iurii. JUSTIFICATION OF OCCUPATION IN GERMAN (1938) AND RUSSIAN (2014) MEDIA: SUBSTITUTION OF AGGRESSOR AND VICTIM. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11101.

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The article is dedicated to the examination and comparison of the justification of occupation of a neighboring country in the German (1938) and Russian (2014) media. The objective of the study is to reveal the mechanics of the application of the classical manipulative method of substituting of aggressor and victim on the material of German and Russian propaganda in 1938 and in 2014 respectively. According to the results of the study, clear parallels between the two information strategies can be traced at the level of the condemnation of internal aggression against a national minority loyal to Berlin / Moscow and its political representative (the Sudeten Germans – the pro-Russian Ukrainians, as well as the security forces of the Yanukovych regime); the reflections on dangers that Czechoslovakia / Ukraine poses to itself and to its neighbors; condemnation of the violation of the cultural rights of the minority that the occupier intends to protect (German language and culture – Russian language and culture); the historical parallels designed to deepen the modern conflict, to show it as a long-standing and a natural one (“Hussites” – “Banderites”). In the manipulative strategy of both media, the main focus is not on factual fabrication, but on the bias selection of facts, due to which the reader should have an unambiguous understanding of who is the permanent aggressor in the conflict (Czechoslovakia, Czechs – Ukraine, Ukrainians), and who is the permanent victim (Germans – Russians, Russian speakers). The substitution of victim and aggressor in the media in both cases became one of the most important manipulative strategies designed to justify the German occupation of part of Czechoslovakia and the Russian occupation of part of Ukraine.
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Hauser, Allen. Patterns in creativity : an examination of Viennese culture and politics at the turn of the century. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5702.

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Prysyazhna-Gapchenko, Julia. VOLODYMYR LENYK AS A JOURNALIST AND EDITOR IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF UKRAINIAN EMIGRATION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11094.

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In this article considered Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenika (14.06.1922–02.11.2005) – one of the leading figures of Ukrainian emigration in Germany. First outlined basic landmarks of his life and creation. Journalistic and editorial activity of Volodymyr Lenik was during to forty years out of Ukraine. In the conditions of emigration politically zaangazhovani Ukrainians counted on temporality of the stay abroad and prepared to transference of the created charts and instituciy on native lands. It was or by not main part of conception of liberation revolution of elaborate OUN under the direction of Stepan Banderi, and successfully incarnated in post-war years. Volodymyr Lenik, executing responsible commissions Organization, proved on a few directions of activity, which were organically combined with his journalistic and editorial work. As an editor he was promotorom of creation and realization of models of magazines «Avangard», «Krylati», «Znannia», «Freie Presse Korespondenz», newspapers «Shliakh peremogy». As a journalist Volodymyr Lenik left ponderable work, considerable part of which entered in two-volume edition «Ukrainians on strange land, or reporting, from long journeys». Subject of him newspaper-magazine publications directed on illumination of school, youth, student, cultural, scientific problems, organization and activity of emigrant structures, political fight of emigration, to dethronement of the antiukrainskikh Moscow diversions and provocations. Such variety of problematic of works of V. Lenika was directed in the river-bed of retaining of revolutionary temperament in the environment of diaspore, to bringing in of it to activity in public and political life. Problematic of him is systematized publicism and journalistic appearances, which was inferior realization of a few important tasks, namely to the fight for Ukrainian independence in new terms, cherishing and maintainance of national identity, counteraction hostile soviet propaganda. On an example headed Volodymyr Lenikom a magazine «Knowledge» some aspects are exposed him editorial trade.
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Hotsur, Oksana. SOCIAL NETWORKS AND BLOGS AS TOOLS PR-CAMPAIGN IMPLEMENTATIONS. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.50.11110.

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The article deals with the ways in which social networks and the blogosphere influence the formation and implementation of a PR campaign. Examples from the political sphere (election campaigns, initiatives), business (TV brands, traditional and online media) have revealed the opportunities that Facebook, Telegram, Twitter, YouTube and blogs promote in promoting advertising, ideas, campaigns, thoughts, or products. Author blogs created on special websites or online media may not be as much of a tool in PR as an additional tool on social media. It is noted that choosing a blog as the main tool of PR campaign has both positive and negative points. Social networks intervene in the sphere of human life, become a means of communication, promotion, branding. The effectiveness of social networks has been evidenced by such historically significant events as Brexit, the Arab Spring, and the Revolution of Dignity. Special attention was paid to the 2019 presidential election. Based on the analysis of individual PR campaigns, the reasons for successful and unsuccessful campaigns from the point of view of network communication, which provide unlimited multimedia and interactive tools for PR, are highlighted. In fact, these concepts significantly affect the effectiveness of the implementation of PR-campaign, its final effectiveness, which is determined by the achievement of goals. Attention is drawn to the culture of communication during the PR campaign, as well as the concepts of “trolls”, “trolling”, “bots”, “botoin industry”. The social communication component of these concepts is unconditional. Choosing a blog as the main tool of a marketing campaign has both positive and negative aspects. Only a person with great creative potential can run and create a blog. In addition, it takes a long time. In fact, these two points are losing compared to other internet marketing tools. Further research is interesting in two respects. First, a comparison of the dynamics of the effectiveness of PR-campaign tools in Ukraine in 2020 and in the past, in particular, at the dawn of state independence. Secondly, to investigate how/or the concept of PR-campaigns in social networks and blogs is constantly changing.
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Kelly, Luke. Lessons Learned on Cultural Heritage Protection in Conflict and Protracted Crisis. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.068.

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This rapid review examines evidence on the lessons learned from initiatives aimed at embedding better understanding of cultural heritage protection within international monitoring, reporting and response efforts in conflict and protracted crisis. The report uses the terms cultural property and cultural heritage interchangeably. Since the signing of the Hague Treaty in 1954, there has bee a shift from 'cultural property' to 'cultural heritage'. Culture is seen less as 'property' and more in terms of 'ways of life'. However, in much of the literature and for the purposes of this review, cultural property and cultural heritage are used interchangeably. Tangible and intangible cultural heritage incorporates many things, from buildings of globally recognised aesthetic and historic value to places or practices important to a particular community or group. Heritage protection can be supported through a number of frameworks international humanitarian law, human rights law, and peacebuilding, in addition to being supported through networks of the cultural and heritage professions. The report briefly outlines some of the main international legal instruments and approaches involved in cultural heritage protection in section 2. Cultural heritage protection is carried out by national cultural heritage professionals, international bodies and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as well as citizens. States and intergovernmental organisations may support cultural heritage protection, either bilaterally or by supporting international organisations. The armed forces may also include the protection of cultural heritage in some operations in line with their obligations under international law. In the third section, this report outlines broad lessons on the institutional capacity and politics underpinning cultural protection work (e.g. the strength of legal protections; institutional mandates; production and deployment of knowledge; networks of interested parties); the different approaches were taken; the efficacy of different approaches; and the interface between international and local approaches to heritage protection.
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