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Journal articles on the topic 'Cultural liberalism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 20 February 2023

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1

Hidayatullah, Muhammad Fahmi, Muhamad Anwar Firdausi, Yusuf Hanafi, and Zawawi Ismail. "THE DIALECTICS OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIBERALISM IN THE TRANSCULTURAL ERA." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/eh.v23i2.13956.

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Trans culture is a cross-cultural condition which can develop or survive within the life of a community. Religion and culture as the pillars for unity in the cross-cultural era can potentially develop into liberalism. This study aims to reveal the process of religious and cultural liberalism along with the solutions. It uses a qualitative-analysis method with hermeneutic approach based on the thoughts of the figures of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in East Java. To collect the data, the researchers conduct in-depth interviews and data analysis of the works and news on religious and cultural liberalism. The study discovers the dialectic model of religious liberalism by making human rights the main source of law, which is called theological-capitalism. Besides, it finds cultural liberalism in the form of an identity crisis, which is called enculturation-liberalism. To overcome the religious liberalism, we can use clarification techniques and logical-systematic thinking. Meanwhile, the solution to deal with cultural liberalism is through cultural realism and socio-cultural learning. Transkultural adalah kondisi lintas kebudayaan yang dapat berkembang atau bertahan di kehidupan masyarakat. Agama dan budaya sebagai pilar persatuan yang dalam era lintas kebudayaan berpotensi berkembang pada paham liberal. Tujuan penelitian ini mengungkap proses liberalisme agama dan budaya yang disertai solusi dalam menangkalnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif-analisis dengan pendekatan hermeneutik berdasarkan pemikiran tokoh Ulama’ NU Jawa Timur. Dalam menggali data, dilakukan interviu mendalam serta analisis data dokumentatif karya dan berita liberalisme agama dan budaya. Hasil penelitian ditemukan model dialektika liberalisme agama dengan menjadikan Hak Asasi Manusia sebagai sumber hukum utama disebut teologis-kapitalistik, sedangkan dialektika liberalisme budaya dalam bentuk krisis identitas disebut enkulturasi-liberalistik. Solusi dalam menaggulangi liberalisme agama dengan menggunakan teknik klarifikasi dan berfikir logis-sistematis. Sedangkan solusi menghadapi liberalisme budaya melalui realisme culture dan socio-culture learning.

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2

Moore, Margaret. "Political Liberalism and Cultural Diversity." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 8, no. 2 (July 1995): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003210.

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One of the most important and divisive issues facing heterogeneous or culturally diverse states—and most states are culturally diverse—is the relation between these different cultures and the state.This question was raised initially in contemporary liberal political philosophy in terms of the fruitful debate between liberals and communitarians. Sandel, for example, criticized Rawls’s A Theory of Justice and, by extension, all liberal theories for falsely abstracting from conceptions of the good, abstracting from culturallyspecific conceptions, and grounding his liberal principles in terms of an abstract Kantian individualism. Liberal theorists countered by complaining that communitarians falsely conceived of a single homogeneous community. Although Rawls’s revised defense of liberal justice in his 1993 book Political Liberalism does not refer directly to the liberal-communitarian debate, nevertheless, his new grounding of liberal political principles, as principles which would be acceptable to individuals with diverse conceptions of the good, seems to justify liberal principles in terms of contemporary conditions, and, at the same time, challenges the relevance of those theories which appeal to any notion of a homogeneous ‘community’.

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3

Mendus, Susan. "Cultural Pluralism and Dilemmas of Justice. By Monique Deveaux. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000. 205p. $35.00. Becoming Free: Autonomy and Diversity in the Liberal Polity. By Emily R. Gill. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. 292p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 801–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402260463.

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What does liberalism imply about our duties to minority cultures, and what do the claims of such cultures imply about the nature of liberalism? These may seem like different ways of asking roughly the same question and, in a sense, so they are. Both formulations invite us to consider the relationship between liberalism and diversity, and both do so in the specific context of group, as distinct from individual, identity. However, and as these two books demonstrate, it makes a difference which question we take as our starting point. Emily Gill begins with a question about the fundamental commitments of liberalisn, and having answered that question, she then goes on to investigate the implications for cultural membership. By contrast, Monique Deveaux begins by asking what justice requires for cultural minorities, and having answered that question, she then goes on to investigate the implications for our understanding of liberal democratic theory and practice.

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4

AITKEN, ROB. "Provincialising embedded liberalism: film, orientalism and the reconstruction of world order." Review of International Studies 37, no. 4 (May 12, 2011): 1695–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000131.

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AbstractThis article explores conceptions of post-war world order promoted in appeals to ‘filmic internationalism’ – an Anglo-American movement of filmmakers, artists, and cultural bureaucrats who became committed to social-realist documentary films throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Examining this movement, I argue, allows us to reflect on the cultural consititution of embedded liberalsim, a vision of post-war order pursued not only in political-economic but also in cultural terms. Moreover, retelling the story of filmic internationalism also unsettles our accounts of embedded liberalism by foregrounding the lingering importance of imperial governmentality to interwar conversations regarding post-war world order. Traces of imperial governmentality are visible in both the ways in which filmmakers conveived the cultural agency of ‘other’ populations as well as the universal conceit with which they promoted a form of social governance. Recovering these ‘other’ stories, I argue, is a critical gesture which provincialises embedded liberalism by situating it in a more diverse set of contexts than is often acknowledged.

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5

Bahr, Stephen J., and Anastasios C. Marcos. "Cross-Cultural Attitudes Toward Abortion." Journal of Family Issues 24, no. 3 (April 2003): 402–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x02250892.

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Using data from 1,494 Greeks and 1,993 Americans, this study finds that social abortion attitudes are a separate dimension from physical abortion attitudes. According to our structural equation model, abortion attitudes are influenced significantly by religiosity and sexual liberalism. The model explains social abortion attitudes significantly better than physical abortion attitudes. Although the model is applicable to both countries, there are three major differences between Greece and the United States. First, in Greece religiosity has a smaller impact on sexual liberalism, and sexual liberalism has a much weaker impact on both types of abortion attitudes, particularly social abortion attitudes. Second, in Greece religiosity is more strongly related to abortion attitudes than in the United States, particularly to social abortion attitudes. Third, education has a weaker influence in Greece than in the United States.

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6

Spitz, Elaine, and Gottfried Dietze. "Liberalism Proper and Proper Liberalism." Eighteenth-Century Studies 20, no. 1 (1986): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2738610.

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7

Jones, Tod. "Liberalism and Cultural Policy in Indonesia." Social Identities 13, no. 4 (July 2007): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630701459123.

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8

Slavitt, David R. "Cultural conservatism, political liberalism: From criticism to cultural studies." Academic Questions 10, no. 4 (December 1997): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-997-1130-0.

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9

Vincent, K. Steven. "Doctrinaire liberalism." European Legacy 10, no. 3 (June 2005): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770500084861.

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10

Rebel, G. M. "Turgenev’s depictions in contemporary cultural studies." Voprosy literatury, no. 6 (February 7, 2019): 142–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2018-6-142-166.

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A review of S. Volkov’s History of Russian Culture during the Romanovs Rule. 1613–1917 [Istoriya russkoy kultury v tsarstvie Romanovykh. 1613–1917] and A. Davydov’s Neopolitical Liberalism in Russia [Neopoliticheskiy liberalism v Rossii], the article is concerned with depiction of I. Turgenev’s personality and creative legacy. Both historians set ambitious culturological goals for themselves, yet their interpretations of the subject betrays their very tentative knowledge of historical and cultural realia, as well as poor grasp of art’s aesthetic nature. Volkov chooses to build his story around a para-literary gossip verging on an abusive lampoon, with Turgenev’s character downgraded and distorted, and the scale of his work completely overlooked. In his search of ‘neopolitical liberalism’ in Russian literature, Davydov finds it in unexpected places, while missing it altogether in Turgenev’s works, where it constitutes an ideological foundation and key element of their meaning and poetics. The studies by Volkov and Davydov tend to sacrifice historical-literary and artistic material in favour of prejudice and subjectivity, as well as arbitrary concepts.

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11

BEHRENT, MICHAEL C. "LIBERAL DISPOSITIONS: RECENT SCHOLARSHIP ON FRENCH LIBERALISM." Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (February 20, 2015): 447–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244314000845.

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The story of French liberalism is, we are often told, one of exceptions, eccentricities, and enigmas. Compared to their British counterparts, French liberals seem more reluctant to embrace individualism. Whereas liberals in the English-speaking world typically espouse what Isaiah Berlin called “negative liberty”—a sphere of private autonomy from which the state is legally excluded—French liberals have often proved highly accommodating towards “positive liberty”—that is, liberty insofar as it is tethered to collectively defined ends. Most crucially, rather than seeking to shield individuals and civil society from an intrusive state, French liberals—consistent with a broader trend in French political culture—are inclined to see the state as an essential and even emancipatory political tool. In this vein, Jean-Fabien Spitz writes in a recent collection entitledFrench Liberalism from Montesquieu to the Present Day,Contemporary historians, political scientists, and philosophers all seem to share a simple idea: French political culture, marked as it is by legalism and statism, constitutes an exception to the main trend in modern political thought, which has been to discover and assert the principles of modern liberty.In addition to departing from some of Anglo-American liberalism's main tenets, French liberalism exhibits other oddities: as Larry Siedentop argued in an important essay, its idiom has tended to be historical (rather than theoretical), institutional (as opposed to ethical) and sociological (not legal or political).2This somewhat idiosyncratic variation on “normal” liberalism has led some scholars to characterize liberalism's French iteration as a “chaotic mixture.”3Others have questioned the extent to which liberalism is really a significant French political tradition at all. France's Revolutionary culture has been described as ultimately “illiberal,” leading some historians to speak of a FrenchSonderweg,4in which France's “special path” consists in the fact that it entered the modern age without having developed genuinely liberal institutions.

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12

CRAIG, DAVID. "THE LANGUAGE OF LIBERALITY IN BRITAIN,C.1760–C.1815." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 3 (January 9, 2018): 771–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000610.

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While the word “liberalism” only appeared in Britain from the 1820s, this article argues that its prehistory must pay attention to the language of “liberality.” It suggests that until the 1760s, to be “liberal,” and to demonstrate “liberality,” were primarily associated with the exercise of charity, but that thereafter they increasingly came to refer to having an open mind: there were frequent appeals to the “liberal” and “enlightened” spirit of the times. Those latitudinarians and Dissenters pushing for more toleration in the 1770s were particularly attracted to “liberal” language, and pioneered the idea that “liberality of sentiment” was a necessary accompaniment to the pluralism thrown up by the right of private judgment. Only from the mid-1790s did anti-Jacobins start to fixate on this terminology, arguing that liberality was insidious because under the cover of a virtue it nurtured the indifference which enabled the enemies of religion to triumph. These arguments did not appeal beyond orthodox circles, but they indicate how established the language of “liberality” had become—it provides a framework for understanding the reception of “liberalism” after 1815.

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13

Parekh, Bhikhu. "The Cultural Particularity of Liberal Democracy." Political Studies 40, no. 1_suppl (August 1992): 160–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01819.x.

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Liberal democracy is liberalized democracy: that is, democracy defined and structured within the limits set by liberalism. The paper outlines the constitutive features of liberalism and shows how they determined the form and content of democracy and gave rise to liberal democracy as we know it today. It then goes on to argue that liberal democracy is specific to a particular cultural context and cannot claim universal validity. This, however, does not lead to cultural relativism as it is possible to formulate universal principles that every good government should respect. The paper offers one way of reconciling universalism and cultural diversity.

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14

Nederveen Pieterse, Jan. "TheHuman Development Reportand Cultural Liberty: Tough Liberalism." Development and Change 36, no. 6 (November 2005): 1267–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0012-155x.2005.00464.x.

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15

Tomasi, John. "Kymlicka, Liberalism, and Respect for Cultural Minorities." Ethics 105, no. 3 (April 1995): 580–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293728.

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16

Mallon, Ron. "Political Liberalism, Cultural Membership, and the Family." Social Theory and Practice 25, no. 2 (1999): 271–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/soctheorpract199925216.

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17

Johnson, James. "Liberalism and the Politics of Cultural Authenticity." Politics, Philosophy & Economics 1, no. 2 (June 2002): 213–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470594x02001002003.

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18

Archard, David. "Negotiating Diversity: Liberalism, Democracy and Cultural Difference." Contemporary Political Theory 6, no. 4 (October 25, 2007): 496–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.cpt.9300312.

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19

PARAMORE, KIRI. "LIBERALISM, CULTURAL PARTICULARISM, AND THE RULE OF LAW IN MODERN EAST ASIA: THE ANTI-CONFUCIAN ESSENTIALISMS OF CHEN DUXIU AND FUKUZAWA YUKICHI COMPARED." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (July 6, 2018): 527–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000240.

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How and why are universalist modes of political thought transformed into culturally essentialist and exclusionary practices of governance and law? This article considers this question by analyzing the interaction between Confucianism and liberalism in East Asia. It argues that liberalism, particularly as it was used in attacking Confucianism, was instrumental in embedding ideas of cultural particularism and cultural essentialism in the emergence of modern political thought and law in both China and Japan. Both Confucianism and liberalism are self-imagined as universalist traditions, theoretically applicable to all global societies. Yet in practice both have regularly been defined in culturally determined, culturally exclusivist terms: Confucianism as “Chinese,” liberalism as “British” or “Western.” The meeting of Confucian and liberal visions of universalism and globalism in nineteenth-century East Asia provides an intriguing case study for considering the interaction between universalism and cultural exclusivism. This article focuses on the role of nineteenth-century global liberalism in attacks upon the previous Confucian order in East Asia, demonstrating the complicity of liberalism in new, culturally essentialist and particularist constructions of governance and law in both China and Japan.

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20

Rogers, Michael, and Annabel Patterson. "Early Modern Liberalism." Sixteenth Century Journal 30, no. 1 (1999): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2544919.

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21

Emmons, Terence. "Liberation or Liberalism?" Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 5, no. 1 (2004): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2004.0008.

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22

Gillen, Paul. "Review: Postcolonial Liberalism." Media International Australia 109, no. 1 (November 2003): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900125.

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23

Grenier, Yvon. "The Romantic Liberalism of Octavio Paz." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 17, no. 1 (2001): 171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2001.17.1.171.

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My aim in this article is to contribute to a better appreciation of Octavio Paz's political thought, and to highlight how Paz's work is useful to improve our understanding of some of the fundamental dilemmas of contemporary Western societies. Ido this by examining Paz's unorthodox and syncretic use of two largely opposing intellectual traditions, liberalism and romanticism. I conclude with some remarks on how art can inspire fresh thinking about politics. En el presente artíículo me propongo contribuir a un major entendimiento del pensamiento políítico de Octavio Paz y demostrar cóómo su obra sirve para comprender algunos de los dilemmas fundamentals que enfrentan las sociedades occidentals contemporááneas.Miplanteamiento tiene como punto de partidaeluso no ortodoxo y sincréético que hace Paz de dos tradiciones intelectuales diametralmente opuestas, el liberalismo y el romanticismo. Concluyo con unos comentarios sobre el mundo de el arte y cóómo puede inspirarnos a renovar nuestra manera de pensar lo politico.

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24

Levin, Michael. "Why Liberalism Failed." European Legacy 24, no. 6 (February 11, 2019): 679–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2019.1576344.

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25

Stankovic-Pejnovic, Vesna. "Freedom, liberalism, multiculturalism." Filozofija i drustvo 22, no. 2 (2011): 191–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fid1102191s.

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In this article author proves connection between liberalism and multiculturalism in individual?s political freedom. Individual freedom connected with political participation, in multicultural contexts, can be shown as means to achieve group recognition demands. Liberal conception of liberty in multicultural context shows that a major interest of multicultural groups through political participation necessary respect individual?s liberty. Multiculturalism follows liberal demand for freedom of choice and participation as preconditions for self determination determined by the reason, but through politics of difference, because for multiculturalism is not acceptable liberal thesis of cultural homogenous society.

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26

Watts, Rob, and Gregory Melleuish. "Cultural Liberalism in Australia: A Study in Intellectual and Cultural History." Pacific Affairs 71, no. 1 (1998): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2760864.

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27

Roe, Michael, and Gregory Melleuish. "Cultural Liberalism in Australia: A Study in Intellectual and Cultural History." American Historical Review 103, no. 1 (February 1998): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650926.

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28

Foster, Roger. "The catastrophe of neo-liberalism." Philosophy & Social Criticism 43, no. 2 (August 2, 2016): 123–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453716651666.

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My article provides a systematic interpretation of the transformation of capitalist society in the neo-liberal era as a form of what Karl Polanyi called ‘cultural catastrophe’. I substantiate this claim by drawing upon Erich Fromm’s theory of social character. Fromm’s notion of social character, I argue, offers a plausible, psychodynamic explanation of the processes of social change and the eventual class composition of neo-liberal society. I argue, further, that Fromm allows us to understand the psychosocial basis of the process that Polanyi calls cultural catastrophe. This requires an elucidation of the major social forces of financialization and emancipation which, I argue, proved to be important formative factors in the emergence of neo-liberal society. The cultural catastrophe of neo-liberalism concerns the working class, whose prevailing social character has become misaligned with the new expectations and requirements of neo-liberal society.

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Collste, Göran. "Cultural Pluralism and Epistemic Injustice." Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics 13, no. 2 (August 27, 2019): 152–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jnmlp-2019-0008.

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Abstract For liberalism, values such as respect, reciprocity, and tolerance should frame cultural encounters in multicultural societies. However, it is easy to disregard that power differences and political domination also influence the cultural sphere and the relations between cultural groups. In this essay, I focus on some challenges for cultural pluralism. In relation to Indian political theorist Rajeev Bhargava, I discuss the meaning of cultural domination and epistemic injustice and their historical and moral implications. Bhargava argued that as a consequence of colonialism, “indigenous cultures” were inferiorized, marginalized, and anonymized. Although cultures are often changing due to external influences, I argue that epistemic injustice implies that a culture is forced to subjection, disrespected, and considered as inferior and that it threatens the dominated people’s epistemic framework, collective identity, and existential security. Finally, I refer to John Rawls’s theory of political liberalism as a constructive approach to avoid parochialism and Western cultural domination.

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Adiprasetya, Joas. "In Search Of A Christian Public Theology In The Indonesian Context Today." DISKURSUS - JURNAL FILSAFAT DAN TEOLOGI STF DRIYARKARA 12, no. 1 (April 22, 2013): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.36383/diskursus.v12i1.121.

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Abstract: This article deals with the contemporary task of Christian public theology in constructing a contextual model that is able to maintain the dialectic of commonality and particularity. Such a model must pay attention to the search for common ground among many cultural-religious identities, while at the same time it must respect those identities in their own paticularities. The sensitivity to and solidarity with the victims of the New Order’s’ regime must also be fundamental elements of such a model. To do so, this article discusses two competing theories in social philosophy (liberalism and communitarianism), and their parallel theories in theology (revisionism and post-liberalism). The necessity to construct a more balanced third way between those theories is needed, if Indonesian Christians want to be open to their social and political call and faithful to their Christian distinctiveness. Keywords: Public theology, liberalism, communitarianism, revisionism, post-liberalism, commonality, particularity. Abstrak: Artikel ini membahas tugas kontemporer teologi publik Kristen dalam mengkonstruksi sebuah model kontekstual yang mampu mempertahankan dialektika kesamaan dan kekhususan. Model semacam ini haruslah memperhatikan usaha menemukan dasar bersama di antara banyak identitas kultural-religius, sekaligus pada saat bersamaan menghargai identitas-identitas tersebut di dalam keunikan mereka masing-masing. Kepekaan dan solidaritas pada para korban di bawah rejim Order Baru di masa silam harus menjadi unsur-unsur mendasar bagi model semacam itu. Artikel ini mendiskusikan dua teori yang saling bersaing di dalam filsafat sosial (liberalisme dan komunitarianisme), dan teori-teori sejajar di dalam teologi (revisionisme dan pascaliberalisme). Tuntutan untuk mengkonstruksi sebuah jalan ketiga yang lebih seimbang antara teori-teori tersebut sungguh dibutuhkan, jika orang-orang Kristen Indonesia ingin berbuka pada panggilan sosial dan politis mereka sembari tetap setia pada keunikan Kristiani mereka. Kata-kata Kunci: Teologi publik, liberalisme, komunitarianisme, revisionisme, pascaliberalisme, komunalitas, partikularitas.

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Gray, John. "Agonistic Liberalism." Social Philosophy and Policy 12, no. 1 (1995): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500004581.

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In all of its varieties, traditional liberalism is a universalist political theory. Its content is a set of principles which prescribe the best regime, the ideally best institutions, for all mankind. It may be acknowledged — as it is, by a proto-liberal such as Spinoza — that the best regime can be attained only rarely, and cannot be expected to endure for long; and that the forms its central institutions will assume in different historical and cultural milieux may vary significantly. It will then be accepted that the liberal regime's role in political thought is as a regulative ideal, which political practice can hope only to approximate, subject to all the vagaries and exigencies of circumstance. Nonetheless, the content of traditional liberalism is a system of principles which function as universal norms for the critical appraisal of human institutions. In this regard, traditional liberalism — the liberalism of Locke and Kant, for example — represents a continuation of classical political rationalism, as it is found in Aristotle and Aquinas, where it also issues in principles having the attribute of universality, in that they apply ideally to all human beings.

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32

Kymlicka, Will. "Liberalism and the Politicization of Ethnicity." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 4, no. 2 (July 1991): 239–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900002927.

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Most liberal democracies exhibit cultural pluralism, that is, citizens of the same country belong to various cultural communities, and so speak different languages, read different literatures, practice different customs. Most contemporary liberal political philosophy, on the other hand, assumes that countries are “nation-states”. Citizens of the same state are assumed to share a common nationality, speak the same language, develop the same culture. My concern in this paper is with how liberals have adapted their principles to deal with cultural pluralism.

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33

Schuster, Anke. "Does Liberalism Need Multiculturalism?" Essays in Philosophy 7, no. 1 (2006): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/eip20067119.

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In this paper I will argue that liberal multiculturalism is neither a necessary nor a convincing extension of liberalism. In evaluating the two main strands of liberal multiculturalism, I will first analyse the approaches of Charles Taylor and Bhikhu Parekh as the main proponents of the version that focuses on the cultures themselves and raises the issue of the value of cultures in connection with public discourse. I will then turn to Amy Gutmann and Will Kymlicka as liberal multiculturalists who use the liberal norm of individual equality as a starting point. I will show that the arguments adduced in favour of liberal multiculturalism fail, due to the following shortcomings. Taylor’s approach is underspecified with respect to the relationship between the process of evaluating cultures and its outcome. Gutmann’s theory fails to bridge the gaps between the individual, cultural belonging and positive duties of the state. Parekh’s and Kymlicka’s theories lead back to liberalism. I conclude that the idea of cultural difference has little of substance to add to the liberal view of social justice.

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Vega, Judith. "A neorepublican cultural citizenship: beyond Marxism and liberalism." Citizenship Studies 14, no. 3 (June 2010): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13621021003731781.

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35

Breuilly, John. "Review Article : German Liberalism." European History Quarterly 17, no. 1 (January 1987): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569148701700106.

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36

Dollinger, Marc. "American Jewish Liberalism Revisited: Two Perspectives Exceptionalism and Jewish Liberalism." American Jewish History 90, no. 2 (2002): 161–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajh.2003.0025.

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37

Sahin, Bican. "Toleration, Political Liberalism, and Peaceful Coexistence in the Muslim World." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v24i1.414.

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How can Muslim societies marked by religious, cultural, and ethnic diversity secure peace and stability? I argue that the principle of toleration provides the most appropriate environment for the peaceful coexistence of these differences, for individuals living in a polity can adopt different moral views and experience their cultural, ethnic, and other differences peacefully. Toleration is mainly a characteristic of liberal democratic regimes. However, different traditions of liberalism lead to different versions of liberal democracy. Also, not all versions of liberalism value toleration to the same degree. I argue that a liberal democracy based on “political” rather than “comprehensive” liberalism provides the broadest space for the existence of differences, for it does not present a shared way of life, but only a political framework within which individuals and groups with different worldviews can solve their common political problems. However, a liberal democracy based on comprehensive liberalism requires cultural groups and/or individuals to subscribe to fundamental liberal values (e.g., autonomy), and this stance limits its room for toleration. Thus, if liberal democracy is going to be introduced into the Muslim world to bring about peace and stability, it must be a liberal democracy based on political, rather than comprehensive, liberalism.

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Sahin, Bican. "Toleration, Political Liberalism, and Peaceful Coexistence in the Muslim World." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i1.414.

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How can Muslim societies marked by religious, cultural, and ethnic diversity secure peace and stability? I argue that the principle of toleration provides the most appropriate environment for the peaceful coexistence of these differences, for individuals living in a polity can adopt different moral views and experience their cultural, ethnic, and other differences peacefully. Toleration is mainly a characteristic of liberal democratic regimes. However, different traditions of liberalism lead to different versions of liberal democracy. Also, not all versions of liberalism value toleration to the same degree. I argue that a liberal democracy based on “political” rather than “comprehensive” liberalism provides the broadest space for the existence of differences, for it does not present a shared way of life, but only a political framework within which individuals and groups with different worldviews can solve their common political problems. However, a liberal democracy based on comprehensive liberalism requires cultural groups and/or individuals to subscribe to fundamental liberal values (e.g., autonomy), and this stance limits its room for toleration. Thus, if liberal democracy is going to be introduced into the Muslim world to bring about peace and stability, it must be a liberal democracy based on political, rather than comprehensive, liberalism.

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Cofnas, Nathan. "A debunking explanation for moral progress." Philosophical Studies 177, no. 11 (October 30, 2019): 3171–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11098-019-01365-2.

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Abstract According to “debunking arguments,” our moral beliefs are explained by evolutionary and cultural processes that do not track objective, mind-independent moral truth. Therefore (the debunkers say) we ought to be skeptics about moral realism. Huemer counters that “moral progress”—the cross-cultural convergence on liberalism—cannot be explained by debunking arguments. According to him, the best explanation for this phenomenon is that people have come to recognize the objective correctness of liberalism. Although Huemer may be the first philosopher to make this explicit empirical argument for moral realism, the idea that societies will eventually converge on the same moral beliefs is a notable theme in realist thinking. Antirealists, on the other hand, often point to seemingly intractable cross-cultural moral disagreement as evidence against realism (the “argument from disagreement”). This paper argues that the trend toward liberalism is susceptible to a debunking explanation, being driven by two related non-truth-tracking processes. First, large numbers of people gravitate to liberal values for reasons of self-interest. Second, as societies become more prosperous and advanced, they become more effective at suppressing violence, and they create conditions where people are more likely to empathize with others, which encourages liberalism. The latter process is not truth tracking (or so this paper argues) because empathy-based moral beliefs are themselves susceptible to an evolutionary debunking argument. Cross-cultural convergence on liberalism per se does not support either realism or antirealism.

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Cha, In-Suk. "Reform Liberalism Reconsidered." Diogenes 48, no. 192 (December 2000): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/039219210004819209.

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Dick, Alexander. "Romanticism, liberalism, criticism." European Romantic Review 19, no. 2 (April 2008): 125–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10509580802030326.

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Galante, Mirian. "La prevencióón frente al despotismo. El primer liberalismo en Nueva Españña y Mééxico, 1808––1834**." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 24, no. 2 (2008): 421–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2008.24.2.421.

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Este artíículo aborda el proceso de definicióón del liberalismo mexicano desde la crisis monáárquica de 1808 hasta 1834, poniééndolo en estrecha relacióón con la consolidacióón progresiva, a lo largo del desarrollo emancipador, del principio de soberaníía popular como el fundamento legíítimo del poder y del gobierno representativo como el mejor sistema para hacer efectiva dicha soberaníía. Si hasta entonces el objetivo del liberalismo era la prevencióón frente a la tiraníía de uno, la ampliacióón del cuerpo políítico derivada de las abdicaciones de Bayona produciráá la reaccióón de algunos polííticos que temíían especialmente el despotismo de los muchos, esto es, el establecimiento de la democracia. En esta tensióón se expresaron diversas estrategias constitucionales que en definitiva tendíían a incrementar, controlar o reducir el núúmero de agentes, instituciones o mecanismos fiscalizadores implicados en la toma de decisiones. This article is concerned with the process of defining Mexican liberalism from the time of the 1808 crisis of the Spanish Monarchy until 1834. It emphasizes the progressive consolidation of the principle of popular sovereignty as the foundation of legitimate authority and of representative government as the best system to assure that sovereignty. Initially, liberalism was concerned with preventing the tyranny of one individual. However, the abdications of the Spanish Monarchs at Bayonne, which resulted in the expansion of the body politic, led some political leaders to fear the despotism of the many, that is, the establishment of democracy. As a result, they pursued constitutional strategies that were meant either to increase the control or to reduce the number of individuals, institutions and oversight mechanisms involved in the decision-making process.

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Patton, Paul. "Liberalism and Its Future." European Legacy 24, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 220–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2018.1513120.

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Beilharz, Peter. "Socialism after communism: Liberalism?" European Legacy 1, no. 2 (April 1996): 538–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779608579450.

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O'Brien, Peter. "Making (Normative) Sense of the Headscarf Debate in Europe." German Politics and Society 27, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 50–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2009.270303.

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This article analyzes the most influential weltanschauungen at play in the politics of immigration in Europe. I categorize relevant value judgments into what I, following Theodore Lowi, call "public philosophies." I highlight three competing public philosophies in the politics of immigration in Europe: 1) liberalism; 2) nationalism; and 3) postmodernism. Liberalism prescribes universal rights protecting the autonomy of the individual, as well as rational and democratic procedures (rules of the game) to govern the pluralism that inevitably results in free societies. Against liberalism, nationalism stresses community and cultural homogeneity in addition to a political structure designed to protect both. Rejecting both liberalism and nationalism, postmodernism posits insurmountable relativism and irreducible cultural heterogeneity accompanied by ultimately irrepressible political antagonism. I examine the three outlooks through a case study of the headscarf debate. The article concludes with consideration of how normative ideas combine with other factors to influence policymaking.

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Vail, Mark I. "Reordering German Liberalism." German Politics and Society 40, no. 4 (December 1, 2022): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2022.400402.

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Abstract This article analyzes economic policy debates and parties’ policy positions during the 2021 Bundestag election campaign, with an emphasis on shifting conceptions of the economic role of the state. Focusing on fiscal and labor market policy, it argues that the election campaign and the commitments of the new Ampel coalition reflect increasing support for more robust state involvement in the economy. It argues further that these shifts in elite discourse demonstrate a continuing rethinking of Germany's economic model and the need to rebalance the relationship between public authority and the decentralized model of social organization and policy responsibility central to German liberalism.

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Dunlop, William L., Nicole Harake, and Dulce Wilkinson. "The Cultural Psychology of Clinton and Trump Supporters." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 2 (October 3, 2017): 193–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617732611.

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Master narratives are culturally constituted stories that guide individual and collective behavior. Here, we examined Clinton and Trump supporters’ master narratives of election night 2016 and deviations from these narratives in relation to political ideology. In Study 1, Clinton and Trump voters ( N = 177) wrote stories about election night and completed measures of liberalism and right-wing authoritarianism (RWA). Stories were interpreted using an inductive approach, leading to the identification of six narrative dimensions. Three linguistic categories were also considered. Study 2 ( N = 341) consisted of a direct replication in which our inductively derived coding system was applied to participants’ responses deductively. Across studies, the narratives constructed by Clinton and Trump supporters differed on five of the six inductive/deductive dimensions and one of the three linguistic dimensions assessed. In addition, many of these dimensions, which included “redemption” and “hope for America’s future,” were associated with liberalism and RWA.

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Sandel, Michael J. "Populism, liberalism, and democracy." Philosophy & Social Criticism 44, no. 4 (March 13, 2018): 353–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0191453718757888.

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The right-wing populism ascendant today is a symptom of the failure of progressive politics. Central to this failure is the uncritical embrace of a neo-liberal version of globalization that benefits those at the top but leaves ordinary citizens feeling disempowered. Progressive parties are unlikely to win back public support unless they learn from the populist protest that has displaced them —not by replicating its xenophobia and strident nationalism, but by taking seriously the legitimate grievances with which these ugly sentiments are entangled. These grievances are not only economic but also moral and cultural; they are not only about wages and jobs but also about social esteem.

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Lenihan, Don. "Liberalism and the Problem of Cultural Membership: A Critical Study of Kymlicka." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 4, no. 2 (July 1991): 401–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003015.

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Moral conviction embodies an inescapable element of passivity, Hegel argued, a constitutive identification with morality’s demands, that cannot arise from autonomous decision, but only from the training and socialization that creates our very sense of self.Charles LarmoreIn the opening pages of Liberalism, Community and Culture Will Kymlicka tells us that the book was motivated by two concerns:One is my discomfort with recent communitarian discussions of culture and community, and with the kinds of criticisms they have brought against liberalism. The other is a discomfort with the way liberals have responded with indifference or hostility to the collective rights of minority cultures (1).

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Chiu, Daina C. "The Cultural Defense: Beyond Exclusion, Assimilation, and Guilty Liberalism." California Law Review 82, no. 4 (July 1994): 1053. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3480939.

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