Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cultural liberalism'
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Kymlicka, W. "Liberal equality and cultural community." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234294.
Full textGough, Michael John. "Rousseau, liberalism and the politics of multicultural citizenship." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390652.
Full textTaylor, Sam Lorraine. "The liberal state and cultural diversity." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285366.
Full textGerson, Gal. "Structures of knowledge in British progressive liberal thought 1890-1920 : society, nature and cultural legacies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264311.
Full textFletcher, Daniel Kevin. "The cultural contradictions of anti-capitalism : globalisation, resistance and the limits of liberalism." Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2727/.
Full textLanefelt, Lily Stroubouli. "Multiculturalism, Liberalism and the Burden of Assimilation." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-81978.
Full textVisanich, Valerie. "Generational differences and cultural change." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10876.
Full textPlaw, Avery. "Isaiah Berlin's pluralist thought and liberalism : a re-reading and contrast with John Rawls." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38258.
Full textThe reading of Berlin develops the following principal themes: (1) Berlin was a moderate but consistent historicist primarily concerned with the interpretive self-understanding of his own form of life; (2) Berlin was a strong but distinctive pluralist who argued for a limited but open-ended range of recognizable and rivalrous ultimate values and for an agitated equilibrium of these values in public life; (3) Berlin focused the bulk of his critical energy on defending an internally pluralistic range of traditionally liberal values within this agitated equilibrium, with an emphasis on liberty and pluralism. He nonetheless recognized that there were other equally ultimate values, not distinctively liberal, which were legitimate and deserving of consideration and even defense. Berlin's essential insight is into the contemporary rivalry of equally ultimate values revealed by the historicist exercise of the sympathetic imagination.
This interpretation of Berlin's thought suggests some deep points of dispute with Rawls' Political Liberalism, in particular over the regulative role of Rawls' political conception of justice in public reason. This dissertation argues that, when explored, these points of disagreement reveal two very different approaches to contemporary political thought, Berlin's grounded in an embrace of strong moral and political pluralism as the basis of political theory, and Rawls' grounded in an effort to tame such "simple" pluralism through the elaboration of a consensual normative framework of public life.
Winton, Samantha M. "Comparting pro- and anti-nudity college students on acceptance of self, cultural diversity, social responsibility, and secularism/liberalism." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1053.
Full textBachelors
Sciences
Psychology
Lucas, Doglas Cesar. "Direitos humanos e interculturalidade: um diálogo entre a igualdade e a diferença." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2008. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2481.
Full textCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
O cenário político-social do mundo contemporâneo desafia a efetividade dos direitos humanos como um conjunto comum de reciprocidades e de responsabilidades a ser respeitado pelos diversos povos do globo, seja por conta do rearranjo das relações internacionais, seja por conta da falta de efetividade das legislações protetivas dos Estados-nação, seja por conta do conflito intenso entre as posições culturais particulares e a universalidade dos direitos humanos. Uma vez que não guardam relação exclusiva com a nacionalidade, com a cultura, com a religião e com as tradições culturais particulares, os problemas que afetam a humanidade como um todo não podem ser enfrentados por uma cultura de direitos humanos que deposita sua validade apenas no reconhecimento positivo de cada país ou nas práticas culturais que pontuam a tradição de uma comunidade. Nesse contexto, uma cultura dos direitos humanos que queira enfrentar de modo eficiente os desafios de seu tempo precisa ser fundada na moralidade que é comum a todos os
Current sociopolitical world scenario challenges the effectiveness of human rights as a common group of reciprocities and responsibilities to be respected by the several people of the world, be it because of the rearrangement of international relations, be it because of the lacking effectiveness of the protecting legislation of the nation states, be it for the sake of the intense conflict between particular cultural positions and the universality of human rights. As they do not guard an exclusive relation with the nationality, culture, religion and particular cultural traditions, the problems that affect humanity as a whole may not be kept back by a human rights culture that deposits its validity only on the positive recognition of every country or on the cultural practices that make out a community´s tradition. In this connection, a human rights culture that wants efficiently face the challenges of modern times must ground on the morality common to all people, irrespective of time and place, in a juridic
Metcalfe, Eric William. "Are cultural rights human rights? : a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2002d1f-98de-4131-a758-58a8bb84d85d.
Full textAmat, Jordi. "La semilla del liberalismo. Política y literatura en torno a la actividad española del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (1958-1969)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392675.
Full textThis dissertation, The Seeds of Liberalism. Politics and Culture concerning Spanish Activity in the Congress for Cultural Freedom (1958-1969) is built upon philological tools and uses as primary sources autobiographical materials (a lot of them unpublished before). Its goal is to explain how a democratic political culture was rebuilt in Spain throughout –and against- General Franco´s dictatorship. Its main characters are writers, scholars and intellectuals that, evolving from a totalitarian allegiance (the most orthodox forms of Falangism or revolutionary Communism), would gradually converge towards the new post-war Liberalism that flourished against the context of Cold War. Different characters, winners and losers in the Spanish Civil War, coming from Franco’s Spain as well as from the Diaspora, established personal ties from the mid 50´s onwards, and ended up sharing tribunes in the Diaspora press (The cases of New York´s Ibérica por la Libertad, and Paris´ Cuadernos del Congreso por la Libertad y la Cultura are studied here). By these means, they created a political and cultural discourse shared by all of them, based on an Europeist matrix, and whose strength and development allows us to argue that there was once a web of Spanish Liberal and anti-Franco intellectuals, operating through several platforms connected to the Congress for Cultural Freedom. This institution had been created by American Intelligence as an undercover operation aimed at counteracting Soviet cultural hegemony in post-War Europe. Since 1953, Julián Gorkin was one of its qualified officials, and since 1956, Dionisio Ridruejo was identified as his referent in Spain. By the end of 1957, Gorkin wrote the report that activated the Congress´ interest in Spain. This interest was made it clear in the invitations extended to some intellectuals living in Spain to participate in international forums, and from 1960 onwards, in the institutionalization of two platforms aimed solely at activating the cause of Spanish Democracy: the Spanish committee of the Comité d´Écrivains and the Center for Studies and Documentation in Paris. The operation of the Spanish committee of the Comité d´Écrivains is described in this dissertation using the documents filed in the archives of its secretary, Pablo Martín Zaro, and in the archives of other members, especially the poet Marià Manent. The Center for Studies and Documentation in Paris was an institution presided by Salvador de Madariaga and directed by Julián Gorkin, who played a first-scale logistic role in the organization of the so-called Munich Conspiracy, one of the highlights of this web, since he assumed partially the doctrinal elaboration of the meeting. This dissertation concludes by showing how this web was dismantled due to several reasons, above all the scandal provoked by the disclosure, between 1966 and 1967, of the murky origins of the Congress for Cultural Freedom.
Eggen, Sigrid Anna. "Children's Welfare in Multicultural Societies : A Case study of the Norwegian Rom people's Resistance towards Education." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7843.
Full textThe Norwegian Rom community (Gypsies) leads a life outside large society. Most of the members are illiterate and poor and they are dependent on social security. Moreover, the Rom children are not going to school because education is not a part of the Rom culture. This situation raises various ethical dilemmas regarding cultural rights and obligations. In this thesis the author asks which of the conflicting rights should weigh most: The parent’s right to bring up their children in accordance with their own culture and beliefs, or the child’s right to education? The author’s argument is structured around two main problem areas. First, what is it with education that is good for all people? The short answer to this question is that education is important for functioning in society. Knowledge provides for a wider range of opportunities, and how to use this knowledge is up to each person. The other problem area is the limits of cultural toleration in liberal societies. Here, the author argues that although the right to culture is important, liberalism cannot accommodate illiberal practices. Childrearing that restricts the child’s access to the world outside its original community is one example of intolerable practices. In order to get the Rom children in to school, dialogue is the preferable way to go. However, if the establishment of dialogue is impossible because of fundamentalist or non-dialogical attitudes, an alternative argument is provided: Discursive paternalism is a compulsion to argue on contested norms. This compulsion reconciles individual freedom (autonomy) and paternalism, and can therefore be justified by liberals. Main references are Will Kymlicka, Martha Nussbaum, Chandran Kukathas, Adeno Addis and May Thorseth.
Lowe, Ruth E. "Overcoming the minority rights paradox : a new approach to intercultural deliberation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3683.
Full textLee, Dorothy Wing-huen. "The education of ideal citizens : an ethnographic study of two schools in Hong Kong." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/11764.
Full textNewman, Christy Elizabeth National Centre in HIV Social Research & School of Media & Communications UNSW. "Looking after yourself : the cultural politics of health magazine reader letters." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. National Centre in HIV Social Research and School of Media and Communications, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19192.
Full textGuimarães, Fernando Gavronski. "Direitos culturais e o utilitarismo liberal de John Stuart Mill." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/139207.
Full textThis dissertation deals with the problem of cultural rights from the viewpoint of the liberal utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill. It intends to include the author‘s political philosophy in the debates that have been held in recent decades between liberals and communitarians starting from the approach of the philosophical problem of identity. To this end, we try to undo common misconceptions and provide an integrated reading of Mill's philosophy based on careful analysis of his writings, aided by his most eminent interpreters. We attempt to demonstrate that it is based on a previous fundamental adhesion to utilitarianism, as well as from a particular position regarding the access to the truth, that arise the liberal convictions and the centrality of autonomy in his doctrine. Given these premises, we could find that the Millian state, exempting the assumption on the neutrality of public sphere derived from the liberal contractarian doctrine usually professed, reveals itself theoretically compatible with the task of guaranteeing cultural rights. Whilst Mill‘s broad view regarding goods that contribute to happiness is capable of dragging culture into the hedonistic calculus, which affects the measurement of utility over general happiness, his defense of autonomy and diversity seems to justify a special attention to social context which maximize the expression of individuality.
Lima, Éber Ferreira Silveira [UNESP]. "Entre a sacristia e o laboratório: os intelectuais protestantes brasileiros e a produção da cultura (1903-1942)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103171.
Full textCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Esta tese visa a mostrar como o protestantismo brasileiro, através de um grupo de intelectuais, inseriu-se culturalmente no tecido social urbano na primeira parte do século XX. A participação desses intelectuais protestantes deu-se na esteira de um modelo anterior, praticado por lideranças importantes da igreja evangélica no Brasil, como o pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), que foi também professor de ginásio e reconhecido gramático. Tais lideranças detinham uma postura religiosa conservadora que se refletiu em sua produção científica, voltada para a manutenção da sociedade brasileira nos padrões desejados pelas oligarquias rurais do país. Diferentemente da geração anterior, os intelectuais protestantes, que também eram líderes religiosos – a maior parte deles ligada à Igreja Presbiteriana Independente do Brasil, a mesma a qual pertencia Eduardo Carlos Pereira – assumiram o mesmo espírito de transformação e de modernização social que estava presente na burguesia urbana ascendente. Primeiramente, aspiraram a uma re-elaboração do protestantismo brasileiro, que julgavam muito aquém das necessidades no estabelecimento de um diálogo com a cultura brasileira. Em segundo lugar, desejavam que esse transformar da mentalidade protestante permitisse a evangelização das “classes cultas”, ou seja, das elites dirigentes brasileiras e da burguesia urbana. Fechadas as portas a eles, por lideranças conservadoras, das igrejas e de suas estruturas internas de poder, decidiram usar o expediente das revistas de cultura religiosa para falar ao universo protestante sem serem impedidos pelas lideranças das igrejas. Os principais articuladores dessas revistas foram os pastores presbiterianos Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Júnior, Othoniel Motta e Erasmo Braga. As revistas lançadas – Revista de Cultura Religiosa, Lucerna...
This thesis aims to show how Brazilian Protestantism, by a group of intellectuals, entered into the social fabric of urban culture in the first part of the twentieth century. The involvement of these Protestant intellectuals took place in the wake of a previous model, practiced by leaders of the mainline evangelical church, such as Pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), who was also a gym professor and a recognized Portuguese grammar teacher. These religious leaders held a conservative religious posture that was reflected in their scientific production, dedicated to the maintenance of Brazilian society in the patterns desired by the rural oligarchies of the country. Unlike the previous generation, the Protestant intellectuals, who were also religious leaders – most of them linked to the Independent Presbyterian Church of Brazil (IPIB), the same denomination to which Eduardo Carlos Pereira belonged to – took upon themselves the same spirit of transformation and social modernization that was present in the upcoming urban bourgeois. First, they aspired towards a re-elaboration of Brazilian Protestantism which they judged to be far short of establishing a dialogue with Brazilian culture. Second, they desired that the transformation of the Protestant mentality would permit an evangelization of the “educated and cultured class” of society; that is, of the Brazilian ruling elite and of the urban bourgeois. Since the doors were closed to them by the conservative leadership of the churches and their internal structures of power, they decided to use as a means of communication the journals of religious culture to speak to all Protestants without being prevented to do so by the Protestant leadership of the churches. The main speakers of these journals were the following Presbyterian pastors: Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Junior, Othoniel... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Yesmin, Shova Tahmina. "Liberal Citizenship in a Multicultural Society : Brian Barry's and William Galston's Approaches to Citizenship." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-138441.
Full textGlas, Cécile de. "La relation États-Unis – Europe, du délitement du lien transatlantique à la relégation du Vieux Continent. Fondements géopolitiques et culturels." Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0012/document.
Full textEurope gradually became, in the eyes of the Americans, a counter-model. The discrepancies between the United States and Europe result from a political and cultural caesura which was hidden from the beginning of the Cold war by the imperatives of bipolarity.The study of the anthropological foundations of the West highlights the theological, legal and logical unity of Europe and America from the Antiquity to the Enlightenment. The birth of the Western civilisation takes place at the intersection of the orbit of the romano-canonical civil law and that of Christianity.These discrepancies between Europe and the United States actually took shape from the origins of the political modernity. All the essential points of political philosophy – the links between religion and enlightened thinking, secularism, the conceptions of freedom and equality, the relationship between republic and democracy, the foundations of the political and social Prometheism – are areas of divergence.Concerning the post-modernity, we will then show how the liberal philosophy recycled pseudo-revolutionary ideas which led Europe to a manifold crisis, a type of nihilism, hidden by the disguise of the generalized commodification and the libertarian ideology. Unlike postmodern Europe, America partially managed to escape from these dynamics of disintegration. The “indispensable nation” managed to preserve the American national style the main characteristics of which are patriotism and religiosity
Rosén, Håkan. "Utanförskapet har fått ett fast grepp över vårt land : En kritisk diskurs- och ideologianalys av Folkpartiet liberalernas integrationspolitik." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6592.
Full textI denna studie analyseras Folkpartiet liberalernas integrationspolitik utifrån deras motion Egenmakt, arbete och jämlikhet – Liberal integrationspolitik. Fokus ligger på hur de behandlar utanförskapet och de människor som anses leva i utanförskap. En brännpunkt när utanförskap diskuteras är etnicitet varför detta också ligger i denna undersöknings centrum. Vidare ligger intresset på hur deras liberala ståndpunkter i motionen kommer till uttryck.
I analysen av det empiriska materialet använder jag mig av kritisk diskursanalys för att metoden inte uppfattar sig själv som politiskt neutral och är politiskt engagerad i social förändring, vilket jag finner väsentligt i en undersökning av ett politiskt dokument som säger sig eftersträva lika rättigheter och lika möjligheter och som riktar sig till alla människor som lever i utanförskap. För att analysera de liberala ideologiska ståndpunkterna i motionen använder jag mig även av kritisk ideologianalys. Båda dessa metoder fokuserar på maktfrågor.
De teoretiska utgångspunkter som ligger till grund för studien är socialkonstruktionism och postkoloniala studier. Socialkonstruktionismen innebär ett förhållningssätt till exempelvis etniciteter och kulturer som sociala konstruktioner skapade i interaktion människor emellan och vidare att samhällets påverkan är avgörande i konstruktionen av dessa kategorier. Postkoloniala studier utgår från att kolonialismens historiska processer fortfarande präglar världen och ävenledes synen på människor med annan etnicitet eller kulturell bakgrund än den vita västerländska bakgrunden.
Det som jag anser visa sig tydligast, och som är den viktigaste slutsatsen i min undersökning, är Folkpartiet liberalernas ignorerande av det individualistiska perspektivet i diskussionerna kring utanförskap, kultur och etnicitet. Den individuella dynamiken och samhälleliga mångfalden som är fundamental i liberalismens ideologi får i folkpartiets naturalistiska kulturkonstruktioner inget utrymme.
Neima, Charlotte Anna. "Dartington Hall and social reform in interwar Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289723.
Full textLeyva, Rodriguez Jorge Karel. "Culturalisme libéral et républicanisme néo-romain : réponses normatives à la diversité culturelle et religieuse." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-03178703.
Full textThis dissertation examines the responses that liberal culturalism and neo-Roman republicanism provide to the question of what position the democratic state should adopt in contexts characterized by the presence of individuals and groups who have different cultural and religious commitments to those of the majority culture and religion. Our study consists of an original and comparative theoretical reconstruction of the answers given to this question by eight dominant political theories within these two currents. Concerning liberal culturalism, this dissertation examines the answers given by the liberal theory of minority rights (Kymlicka), the perfectionist theory (Raz), the nationalist theory (Tamir) and the neutralist theory (Patten). Regarding the neo-Roman republicanism, this dissertation examines the theory of freedom and government (Pettit), the deliberative theory (Maynor), the critical theory (Laborde) and the republican patriotism (Viroli, Habermas and Laborde). This research is intended to contribute to the clarification and systematization of these theories and defend the idea that liberalism and republicanism are both philosophically compatible with the government consideration of cultural and religious diversity, in particular because of the adaptation of their fundamental principles to the contemporary pluricultural reality
Lane, Jonathon. "Anchorage in Aboriginal affairs: A. P. Elkin on religious continuity and civic obligation." University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3691.
Full textIn Australian Aboriginal affairs, the acculturative strand of assimilation developed in large part from Elkin’s religious and Idealist commitment, for which in the years 1928 to 1933 he won social-scientific authority. In competition with both an eliminationist politics of race and a segregationist politics of territory, Elkin drew upon religious experience, apologetics, sociology, and networks to establish a ‘positive policy’ as an enduring ideal in Aboriginal affairs. His leadership of the 1930s reform movement began within the Anglican Church, became national through civic-religious organs of publicity, and gained scientific authority as Elkin made religious themes a central concern in Australian anthropology. But from the 1960s until recently, most scholars have lost sight of the centrality of Idealism and religion in our protagonist’s seminal project of acculturative assimilation. This thesis aims to show how Elkin dealt with problems fundamental to twentieth century Aboriginal affairs and indeed to Australian modernity more generally – problems of faith and science, morality and expediency – in developing his positive policy towards Aborigines.
Lawlor, Rachel A. "Citizenship and Identity." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/95.
Full textMurray, Paul Leonard. "C Louis Leipoldt’s The Valley : constructing an alternative past?" Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24324.
Full textThesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Historical and Heritage Studies
unrestricted
Senary, Ashley M. "Deconstructing the Tszuj: Metrosexuality in Relation to Gender and Sexual Binaries." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1180489486.
Full textEtinson, Adam. "Human rights and the problem of ethnocentrism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c1a851e2-cca5-4ccc-9c62-97d0ead23392.
Full textLane, Jonathon. "Anchorage in Aboriginal affairs: A. P. Elkin on religious continuity and civic obligation." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3691.
Full textGómez, García Iván. "La deriva antiliberal en los EE.UU. vista por el cine jurídico contemporáneo (1930-2020)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672560.
Full textEl cinema jurídic ha estat una presència constant a la història del cinema nord-americà des dels seus orígens. Aquest gènere fílmic construeix respostes des del terreny cultural als riscos i amenaces als que ha fet front la democràcia dels Estats Units, i apel·la a certs principis fundacionals de la república com antídot enfront dels atacs duts a terme per diferents operadors públics i privats al sistema de drets i llibertats del país. El desenvolupament, evolució i canvis d’aquest cinema jurídic s’han vist molt marcats pel context sociopolític i han obeït a diferents factors d’ordre històric, ideològic i industrial. Aquest text suposa un intent de construir una història cultural d’aquest cinema jurídic a través de l’anàlisi detallada d’una sèrie de pel·lícules essencials del gènere i dels debats jurídics i polítics allà plantejats, que suposen l’elaboració d’un diagnòstic sobre la deriva antiliberal patida per la democràcia als Estats Units després de les grans lluites pels drets civils dels anys seixanta.
Trial films have been a constant presence in the history of American cinema since its origins. This film genre elaborates cultural responses to the risks and threats that American democracy has faced, and appeals to certain founding principles of the republic as an antidote to the attacks carried out by different public and private operators on the country’s system of rights and freedoms. The development, evolution and changes of this genre have been very marked by the sociopolitical context and have been due to different factors of a historical, ideological and industrial nature. This text is an attempt to build a cultural history of trial films through the detailed analysis of essential films of the genre and the legal and political debates raised there, which involve the elaboration of a diagnosis on the illiberal drift suffered for American democracy after the great civil rights struggles of the 1960s.
Kurtz, Roxanne Marie. "Liberalism and ethical life : on equality, neutrality, and culture." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/45896.
Full textIncludes bibliographical references (leaves 139-148).
Liberalism faces an apparent paradox. Its commitments to values such as neutrality and tolerance seem to recommend a hands-off attitude toward a society's ethical life. It seems the state should not regulate the value systems that underlie a society's ethos, group interests, or individual lives. Yet plausible sociological claims suggest that to respect liberal values, the state should interfere with ethical life. So, liberal justice appears to recommend sharply conflicting attitudes to ethical life. In three chapters, I argue that liberalism should adopt a limited hands-on attitude toward ethical life that avoids the apparent paradox.In the first chapter, "Meanness, generosity, and Rawlsian distributive justice," I contend that the liberal state should shape ethical life to respect the value of equality. A hands-off attitude blinds the state to its effects on the market ethos. These effects can interfere with distributive justice-e.g., if the ethos is marked by extreme greediness. A state that attends to its effects on ethical life may promote less greed and thereby a more just distribution.In the second chapter, "Examining the hoopla over opera: liberal neutrality as justified interference," I argue for liberal neutrality as neutrality of justified interference. This view permits constrained interference with ethical life, but permits no interference that is itself inadequately justified.
(cont.) I reject two other approaches: neutrality of justifications, which does not hold the state accountable for its interference with ethical life, and neutrality of interference, a consequentialist view that requires the state maintain a status quo with respect to ethical life. In the third chapter, "Confessions of an army brat-an outsider's insight into liberal egalitarianism multiculturalism," I suggest liberalism should better respect the value of culture. The problem is practical-it is difficult to appreciate and weigh both the value of cultural belonging and the threat that the state's interference with ethical life poses to cultures. A hands-off attitude toward ethical life allows too much interference with cultures, while too little interference conflicts with justice. Thus I propose a liberal multiculturalist principle that places the priority of culture (presumptively) above many secondary goods but below liberty and equality.
by Roxanne Marie Kurtz.
Ph.D.
Lennahan, Jamie Beth. "Escaping illiberal liberalism: A holistic approach to engaging with culture." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315824.
Full textDONADIA, A. O. "NEOPRAGMATISMO E RELIGIÃO: UMA ABORDAGEM DA RELIGIÃO COMO POLÍTICA CULTURAL EM RICHARD RORTY." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2017. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/9367.
Full textEsta pesquisa tem como objetivo examinar os elementos centrais da filosofia política liberal e uma descrição do que Rorty entende como justificativas para a defesa das instituições liberais. Analisaremos a estratégia anti-fundacionalista de Rorty para a defesa das instituições liberais contemporâneas. Feito isso, será tratado a utopia liberal de Rorty. Nesse contexto, Richard Rorty defende que o discurso religioso está em desacordo com seus ideais liberais. Como resultado, ele defende, em um primeiro momento, que a religião deve ser privatizada com o intuito de que o Estado liberal possa se manter neutro. Depois de demonstrar as escolhas que constituem a visão de Rorty, o trabalho apresentará, em particular, três posicionamentos que Rorty defende em seus escritos. O primeiro argumento é de que a religião deve ser privatizada, o segundo é a defesa da marginalização de organizações eclesiásticas e o terceiro é de que defender o pragmatismo resulta em defender uma utopia liberal secular. Neste trabalho, será explicado como esses argumentos surgem do compromisso de Rorty com seu neopragmatismo e como eles se encaixam dentro desta lógica. A começar com uma descrição, depois será demostrando que esses argumentos estão em desacordo com alguns dos pressupostos filosóficos de Rorty, que criam problemas práticos ao ideal social e político que Rorty defende e, por fim, abordamos a revisão do posicionamento de Rorty sobre o tema e indicamos uma possível inclusão da religião no espaço público por meio da noção de cultura literária.
Lobo, Sandra Maria Calvinho Ataíde. "O desassossego goês. Cultura e política em Goa do liberalismo ao . Acto Colonial." Doctoral thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/10822.
Full textPara consultar os anexos favor enviar email para: sandralobo@netcabo.pt
Nesta tese abordo alguns aspectos da história de Goa, desde a Monarquia Constitucional até à fundação do Estado Novo, perspectivados pelas suas elites intelectuais. Os percursos e posicionamentos destas elites edificaram-se nas encruzilhadas geradas pela construção das correntes de pensamento e das práticas políticas e culturais pós-iluministas, pela afirmação do colonialismo contemporâneo e pelo seu questionamento pelos movimentos nacionalistas anticoloniais, e, ainda, pela avaliação dos contextos locais, nacionais e internacionais em que se inscreveram. Nestas encruzilhadas estas elites foram contribuindo para a construção das correntes de pensamento político e cultural goesas e para a edificação da sua modernidade, numa época marcada pela crescente problematização das relações entre política e cultura. Dentro destas balizas problematizaram a condição goesa, a identidade goesa e o futuro local, português e indiano num mundo marcado pelo signo da mudança. Constituindo uma abordagem de história local, representa um esforço de contribuir para a reflexão goesa contemporânea, mas representa igualmente um sublinhar de como a história contemporânea, num diálogo permanente entre teoria e prática, se edificou num balanceamento instável entre princípios e ideais de aspiração universal e o impulso de distinção de heranças, condicionalismos ou desígnios próprios das sociedades particulares. Como tal, este local foi também pensado como perspectiva relevante na problematização da construção do pensamento e da acção política contemporâneos em geral e portugueses em particular, sobretudo do liberalismo e da democracia, em face da questão colonial e em face da imposição da modernidade como temporalidade própria para avaliar as sociedades e os povos e projectar o seu futuro.
Horácio, Heiberle Hirsgberg. "Liberalismo e religião na cultura política mineira do primeiro reinado: uma análise do periódico O Universal de Ouro Preto." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2009. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2809.
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Nesta dissertação, procurei compreender como no Primeiro Reinado (momento de edificação de um Estado Nacional propriamente brasileiro) a elite política mineira liberalconstitucionalista em seu projeto político didático-pedagógico de implementação de um liberalismo (tido pelos historiadores como moderado) norteado pela afirmação das leis e da Constituição que a permitiriam uma maior representatividade no âmbito governamental brasileiro, relacionou-se com aqueles que defendiam o poder centralizado nas mãos do Imperador, entre eles a Igreja (instituição base do absolutismo no Brasil) e com o simbolismo religioso. Tendo em vista o exercício dos liberais de elaborar e difundir uma visão diversificada da religião. Destaca-se nessa atuação liberal como meio de ação hegemônica a imprensa, aqui particularmente o periódico liberal O Universal (1825-1842) da capital Ouro Preto, que era o periódico de referência da província, o de maior longevidade e que possuía como mentor intelectual o deputado Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos.
Dans cete dissertation j'ai cherché comprendre comme dans le Premier Règne ( moment de l' élaboration d' Etat National Brésilién), l'élite politique libéral - constitutional de Minas Gerais, dans son projet politique didatique-pedagogique d'introduction d'un libéralisme (que les historiens jugent modéré) guidé par l'affirmation des lois et de la Constituition que va permettre une plus grande représentativité dans le contexte gouvernamental brésilién, on a rapporté avec les qu'ont soutenu le pouvoir centralizé dans les mains d'Empereur, entre eux l'Église (instituition base de l'absolutisme au Brésil) et avec le simbolisme religieux. Ayant n vue le exercice des liberaux d'élabore et iffuser une vision diversifiée de la religion. Qui s'est détachée dans cette action libéral omme un moyen d'action hegemonique, la presse, ici particuliérment le périodique "O Universal" -1825-1842 de la capital Ouro Preto, qui a été le périodique de référence de la province e le plus grand en longevité.
Peddle, David. "The horizon of political liberalism, citizenship, culture and the limits of rawlsian public reason." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0004/NQ38792.pdf.
Full textHamdah, Butheina. "Liberalism and the Impact on Religious Identity: Hijab Culture in the American Muslim Context." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo151335793140375.
Full textHager, Sandy. "'New Europeans' for the 'New European Economy' : Citizenship Discourses and the Lisbon Agenda." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5802.
Full textCombining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.
Lima, Éber Ferreira Silveira. "Entre a sacristia e o laboratório : os intelectuais protestantes brasileiros e a produção da cultura (1903-1942) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103171.
Full textBanca: José Carlos Barreiro
Banca: Andrea Lucia Dorini de Oliveira Carvalho Rossi
Banca: Luiz Alexandre Solano Rossi
Banca: José Adriano Filho
Resumo: Esta tese visa a mostrar como o protestantismo brasileiro, através de um grupo de intelectuais, inseriu-se culturalmente no tecido social urbano na primeira parte do século XX. A participação desses intelectuais protestantes deu-se na esteira de um modelo anterior, praticado por lideranças importantes da igreja evangélica no Brasil, como o pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), que foi também professor de ginásio e reconhecido gramático. Tais lideranças detinham uma postura religiosa conservadora que se refletiu em sua produção científica, voltada para a manutenção da sociedade brasileira nos padrões desejados pelas oligarquias rurais do país. Diferentemente da geração anterior, os intelectuais protestantes, que também eram líderes religiosos - a maior parte deles ligada à Igreja Presbiteriana Independente do Brasil, a mesma a qual pertencia Eduardo Carlos Pereira - assumiram o mesmo espírito de transformação e de modernização social que estava presente na burguesia urbana ascendente. Primeiramente, aspiraram a uma re-elaboração do protestantismo brasileiro, que julgavam muito aquém das necessidades no estabelecimento de um diálogo com a cultura brasileira. Em segundo lugar, desejavam que esse transformar da mentalidade protestante permitisse a evangelização das "classes cultas", ou seja, das elites dirigentes brasileiras e da burguesia urbana. Fechadas as portas a eles, por lideranças conservadoras, das igrejas e de suas estruturas internas de poder, decidiram usar o expediente das revistas de cultura religiosa para falar ao universo protestante sem serem impedidos pelas lideranças das igrejas. Os principais articuladores dessas revistas foram os pastores presbiterianos Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Júnior, Othoniel Motta e Erasmo Braga. As revistas lançadas - Revista de Cultura Religiosa, Lucerna... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This thesis aims to show how Brazilian Protestantism, by a group of intellectuals, entered into the social fabric of urban culture in the first part of the twentieth century. The involvement of these Protestant intellectuals took place in the wake of a previous model, practiced by leaders of the mainline evangelical church, such as Pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), who was also a gym professor and a recognized Portuguese grammar teacher. These religious leaders held a conservative religious posture that was reflected in their scientific production, dedicated to the maintenance of Brazilian society in the patterns desired by the rural oligarchies of the country. Unlike the previous generation, the Protestant intellectuals, who were also religious leaders - most of them linked to the Independent Presbyterian Church of Brazil (IPIB), the same denomination to which Eduardo Carlos Pereira belonged to - took upon themselves the same spirit of transformation and social modernization that was present in the upcoming urban bourgeois. First, they aspired towards a re-elaboration of Brazilian Protestantism which they judged to be far short of establishing a dialogue with Brazilian culture. Second, they desired that the transformation of the Protestant mentality would permit an evangelization of the "educated and cultured class" of society; that is, of the Brazilian ruling elite and of the urban bourgeois. Since the doors were closed to them by the conservative leadership of the churches and their internal structures of power, they decided to use as a means of communication the journals of religious culture to speak to all Protestants without being prevented to do so by the Protestant leadership of the churches. The main speakers of these journals were the following Presbyterian pastors: Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Junior, Othoniel... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
Suau, Mayol Tomàs. "El corporacionisme dels arquitectes a Catalunya (1874 – 1975). Compromís polític, social i cultural." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/107881.
Full textThis research work analyzes the association movement of the Catalan architects, mainly located in Barcelona, during a century, from 1874 to 1975. We have studied the trajectory of the different corporations (the Associació d'Arquitectes de Catalunya, the Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya and the Col•legi Oficial), their main traits and how they were determined by the historical and political events. In that sense, we have assessed both the corporations' evolution and vicissitudes and the understanding of the profession. We especially have studied the political, social and cultural side of theses entities. Thus, we have observed how the Catalan architects were influenced by their historical context and what kind of contributions they made from their professional fields. In this way, we deduce that during the Second Spanish Republic (1931 – 1936) and in the last decade of Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1964 – 1975), the architects became intellectuals, prioritizing their social vocation to their professional or economic interests. They carried out committed political actions and developed one of the best cultural programmes of Barcelona at the time. We also infer that the collective of the Catalan architects played a major role in shaping contemporary Catalonia, because it was an outstanding creator of knowledge and generator of opinion and debate.
Vautrin, Bruno. "Antonin Proust (1832-1905), député, ministre et défenseur des arts." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCH013/document.
Full textAntonin Proust (1832-1905), political figure, friend of the artists, historian, critic and salonnier, played an important political and cultural part. The life of this liberal republican is a plea for the protection of arts in the service of the Republic. He connects economic structure with artistic institutions and constantly advocates the useful arts. His aim is economic: to train artists in the service of the industry. He creates art schools and encourages the introduction of design at school. As budget rapporteur, he supports the protection and the development of arts. The unification of the arts which he advocates results in the creation of the ministry of the Arts. Advocate of the heritage, he takes part in the foundations of the Musée de sculpture comparée, of the musée des Arts décoratifs, and founds the École du Louvre to train curators. Buying for the State the works of Millet, Courbet and Manet, he promotes rebellious artists, unruly to the Academy of fine arts, and emerges as a partisan of controversial works. Organizing exhibitions to the glory of Courbet or Manet, he advocates boldness, individuality, freedom and naturalisme. Real artistic, industrial and political propaganda, the World Fair of 1889 which he organizes concretizes his ambitions. He gathers fine arts and useful arts. The Art Nouveau takes root there to blow up in 1900. His successes did not allow Proust to enter the history, but his action bore fruits in the sustainability of the structures he defended the foundation of or in the boom of craft arts and of the art market
Oliveira, Gustavo de Souza 1985. "Entre o rígido e o flexível = D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso e a reforma do clero mineiro (1844-1875)." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281880.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo da dissertação é analisar o ultramontanismo a partir das práticas religiosas do referido bispo, compreendendo a reforma eclesiástica como criadora de um cotidiano específico e não como simplesmente um movimento transplantado da Europa para o Brasil. Para tanto, estudamos algumas ações de D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso (1787-1875) durante seu bispado na Diocese de Mariana, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1844 e 1875. As medidas adotadas por ele tais como a reestruturação do seminário, as missões perpétuas e as visitas pastorais, somadas às ações dos padres e freiras, foram fundamentais para o entendimento do ultramontanismo como cultura religiosa. Diante de um clero que, apesar das tentativas de controle, continuava a viver da maneira que lhe convinha, a Igreja foi obrigada a alterar algumas de suas normas e se flexibilizar. Assim, a relação entre normas impostas e ações criadoras favoreceu uma reforma eclesiástica menos rigorosa. O movimento ultramontano, iniciado por D. Viçoso, em Minas Gerais, através de ações reformadoras, teve que enfrentar a grande dimensão da diocese, juntamente com a insuficiência numérica dos padres. O resultado foi uma reforma religiosa que tolerou um preparo mais rápido dos clérigos e a continuação no sacerdócio daqueles que possuíam histórico de escândalos
Abstract: The objective of this dissertation is to analyze ultramontanism from religious practices from the referred bishop, understanding ecclesiastic reform as the creator of a specific routine and not only as a movement transplanted from Europe to Brazil. Thus, we studied some actions by D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso (1787-1875) during his bishopric in dioceses in Mariana, Minas Gerais, from 1844 to 1875. The measures adopted by him as restructuration of the seminar, perpetual missions and pastorals visits, added to actions by priests and nuns, and were very important for the understanding of ultramontanism as religious culture. Opposite to the clergy, who despite controlling attempts, continued to live as they wished, Church had to change some of its rules and to make itself more flexible. Therefore, the relationship among imposed rules and creative actions favored a less strict ecclesiastic reform. The ultramontane movement, started by D. Viçoso, in Minas Gerais, through reformatory actions, had to face the great dimension of the dioceses, together with a numerical insufficiency of priests. The result was a religious reform that tolerated a faster education of the clergy and the continuation in priesthood of those with a record of scandals
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História
Son, Jessica. "Determinants of citizen well-being in the U.S. states : do policy liberalism and political culture matter? /." View online version, 2009. http://ecommons.txstate.edu/arp/314.
Full textParvin, Philip. "Liberalism, political theory, and the rights of minority cultures : just how different are the 'politics of difference'?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2270/.
Full textKarakostaki, Charitini. "Les fêtes nouvelles. Enquête sur les idéaux de la société ouverte et leur mise en scène : Paris 1981-2014." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH030.
Full textThe present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant
Schuck, Elena de Oliveira. "A proibição da burca na França : reflexões sobre a justiça a partir de uma perspectiva feminista." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/102189.
Full textThe recent French law banning women from wearing full-cover veils in public spaces has raised controversy in different political and social scopes. The law mentions the necessity of avoiding hidden faces in public spaces and its defenders often mention the law’s role in promoting secularism and gender equality. However, several policy makers and scholars are far from reaching agreement around this issue. Much of the opponents of the law see in this measure a way of promoting racism and segregation instead of justice, freedom, integration, women’s agency and gender equality. Putting at the frontline the position of some feminist scholars, we intend to develop a debate among theoretical feminism liberalism, multiculturalism and communitarism in order to understand the political and ideological dimension of this process. We will be addressing important issues such as justice, freedom and gender equity, which are fundamental to understand this debate. Our aim is to discuss the motivations for creating the law as well as its consequences in French society.
Leitch, David Gideon. "The politics of understanding language as a model of culture /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3331060.
Full textTitle from first page of PDF file (viewed Dec. 5, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-251).
Helvaci, Ahmet. "The influence of liberalism on Turkish economy, politics and civic culture with particular reference to the Ozal era." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301556.
Full textHoffacker, Jayna C. "Catholicism and Community: American Political Culture and the Conservative Catholic Social Justice Tradition, 1890-1960." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/42.
Full textGhimire, Bishnu. "Imagining India from the Margins: Liberalism and Hybridity in Late Colonial India." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1334344362.
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