Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Cultural liberalism'
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Kymlicka, W. "Liberal equality and cultural community." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234294.
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Gough, Michael John. "Rousseau, liberalism and the politics of multicultural citizenship." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390652.
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Taylor, Sam Lorraine. "The liberal state and cultural diversity." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285366.
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Gerson, Gal. "Structures of knowledge in British progressive liberal thought 1890-1920 : society, nature and cultural legacies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264311.
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Fletcher, Daniel Kevin. "The cultural contradictions of anti-capitalism : globalisation, resistance and the limits of liberalism." Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2727/.
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This thesis seeks to explore the cultural tendencies of contemporary anti-capitalism by relating such tendencies to the wider cultural context. It is argued that contemporary anti-capitalist movements such as the Occupy movement are marked by a self-emancipatory ethos that emerges as an inherent feature of a global society pervaded by Western bourgeois cultural tendencies. It is argued that the self-emancipatory ethos is constituted by an essential contradiction, simultaneously bringing out being-over desires (or desires for power over humanity and nature) and being-with desires, (or desires for horizontal connections or associations with humanity and nature). Employing a post-structuralist perspective and insisting on the improbability of cultural transcendence, the thesis suggests that contemporary anti-capitalist movements tend to radicalise, rather than absolutely oppose, Western-bourgeois cultural tendencies, and explores how radical groups feed radical undercurrents into the liberal-democratic mainstream to contribute to the development of Western society. In developing the concept of self-emancipatory contradiction, the thesis seeks to radicalise the philosophical perspective employed by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. It traces these authors' philosophical perspective back to the philosophy of desire developed by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari in the late 1960s and early 1970s, linking this philosophy to the political and social upheavals that developed from the revolt of May 1968 in France. While insisting that Deleuze and Guattari helped usher in a postmodern break in the 1960s, the thesis seeks to place this break within the history of self-emancipatory struggle in the West, exploring how the break exacerbated the self-emancipatory contradiction to feed into the development of neoliberal culture from the late 1970s onwards. In placing the postmodern break in its cultural context, the thesis explores the origins and early development of the Western-bourgeois ethos of self-emancipation, focusing on early liberalist philosophy and key democratising political upheavals in Western history.
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Lanefelt, Lily Stroubouli. "Multiculturalism, Liberalism and the Burden of Assimilation." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-81978.
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Should a liberal state meet claims for accommodation of cultural difference with a liberal multicultural approach that grants cultural rights to minorities? The present thesis tries to answer this question by investigating if a liberal state may adopt a multicultural approach and still remain liberal. The purpose of the thesis, more specifically, is to study whether the accommodation of multiculturalism through cultural rights can be based on liberal values or not. The inquiry focuses on three influential liberal multicultural approaches which claim that cultural rights are congruent with equality, toleration and autonomy respectively. The coherence of these models is, however, questioned in the thesis. These models may neither be claimed to promote liberal values in a coherent and unambiguous way, nor be described as the adequate response to the type of burden of assimilation that members of minority cultures experience in liberal states. The main conclusion of the study is that liberal multiculturalism does not follow consistently from liberal premises and that the possibility of a normative conjunction between multiculturalism and liberalism therefore should be characterized as an open question in political theory. From liberal premises, a liberal neutralist model of integration based on anti-discrimination and equality of opportunity, in fact, still seems to be the most promising basis for a multicultural policy. It is argued in the thesis that this model can be developed if combined with a liberal scheme for deliberation on multicultural issues based on the principle of equality of opportunity.
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Visanich, Valerie. "Generational differences and cultural change." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10876.
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Young people are arguably facing complex life situations in their transition into adulthood and navigating their life trajectories in a highly individualised way. For youth in post-compulsory education, their training years have been extended, their years of dependency have increased and they have greater individual choice compared to previous youth generations. This study develops an understanding of the process of individualisation applied to youth in late modernity and explores it in relation to the neo-liberal climate. It compares the life situation of this youth generation with youth in the early 1960s, brought up with more predefined traditional conditions, cemented in traditional social structures. The processes that led to generational changes in the experiences of youth in the last forty-five years are examined, linked to structural transformations that influence subjective experiences. Specifically, the shifts of the conditions of youth in post-compulsory education are studied in relations to socio-economic, technological and cultural changes. This study discusses the Western Anglo-American model of changes in youths life experiences and examines how it (mis)fits in a more conservative Catholic Mediterranean setting. The research investigates conditions in Malta, an ex-colonial small island Mediterranean state, whose peculiarities include its delayed economic development compared to the Western setting. The core of the research comprises of primary data collection using in-depth, ethnographical interviews, with two generations of youth in different socio-historical context; those who experienced their youth in the early 1960s and youth in the late 2000s. This study concludes that the concept of individualisation does indeed illuminate the experiences of youth in late modernity especially when compared to the experiences of youth forty-five years ago. However the concept of individualisation is applied in a glocalised manner in line with the peculiarities of Malta that has lagged behind mainstream developments in Western Europe and still retained traditional features. Building on the individualisation concept, I use an empirically grounded concept of compromised choices to describe the increase in the bargaining of choice happening at different fronts in the life experiences of youth, especially in the life biography of women, choices in education and the job market and choices in consumption.
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Plaw, Avery. "Isaiah Berlin's pluralist thought and liberalism : a re-reading and contrast with John Rawls." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38258.
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This dissertation argues that Isaiah Berlin and John Rawls can be seen as seminal contributors to two quite distinct revivals of political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It suggests that coming to grips with the different underlying character of these revivals and writers is important to understanding political theory and liberalism today. However, while the importance Berlin's of Berlin's work is increasingly recognized, there remain puzzling controversies concerning its overall character and import and in particular concerning its relationship to the dominant forms of American political thought, and Rawls' work in particular. This dissertation offers a novel interpretation of Berlin's political thought and liberalism, and a preliminary exploration of its relationship with Rawls' political thought.The reading of Berlin develops the following principal themes: (1) Berlin was a moderate but consistent historicist primarily concerned with the interpretive self-understanding of his own form of life; (2) Berlin was a strong but distinctive pluralist who argued for a limited but open-ended range of recognizable and rivalrous ultimate values and for an agitated equilibrium of these values in public life; (3) Berlin focused the bulk of his critical energy on defending an internally pluralistic range of traditionally liberal values within this agitated equilibrium, with an emphasis on liberty and pluralism. He nonetheless recognized that there were other equally ultimate values, not distinctively liberal, which were legitimate and deserving of consideration and even defense. Berlin's essential insight is into the contemporary rivalry of equally ultimate values revealed by the historicist exercise of the sympathetic imagination.
This interpretation of Berlin's thought suggests some deep points of dispute with Rawls' Political Liberalism, in particular over the regulative role of Rawls' political conception of justice in public reason. This dissertation argues that, when explored, these points of disagreement reveal two very different approaches to contemporary political thought, Berlin's grounded in an embrace of strong moral and political pluralism as the basis of political theory, and Rawls' grounded in an effort to tame such "simple" pluralism through the elaboration of a consensual normative framework of public life.
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Winton, Samantha M. "Comparting pro- and anti-nudity college students on acceptance of self, cultural diversity, social responsibility, and secularism/liberalism." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1053.
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Lucas, Doglas Cesar. "Direitos humanos e interculturalidade: um diálogo entre a igualdade e a diferença." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2008. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2481.
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O cenário político-social do mundo contemporâneo desafia a efetividade dos direitos humanos como um conjunto comum de reciprocidades e de responsabilidades a ser respeitado pelos diversos povos do globo, seja por conta do rearranjo das relações internacionais, seja por conta da falta de efetividade das legislações protetivas dos Estados-nação, seja por conta do conflito intenso entre as posições culturais particulares e a universalidade dos direitos humanos. Uma vez que não guardam relação exclusiva com a nacionalidade, com a cultura, com a religião e com as tradições culturais particulares, os problemas que afetam a humanidade como um todo não podem ser enfrentados por uma cultura de direitos humanos que deposita sua validade apenas no reconhecimento positivo de cada país ou nas práticas culturais que pontuam a tradição de uma comunidade. Nesse contexto, uma cultura dos direitos humanos que queira enfrentar de modo eficiente os desafios de seu tempo precisa ser fundada na moralidade que é comum a todos os
Current sociopolitical world scenario challenges the effectiveness of human rights as a common group of reciprocities and responsibilities to be respected by the several people of the world, be it because of the rearrangement of international relations, be it because of the lacking effectiveness of the protecting legislation of the nation states, be it for the sake of the intense conflict between particular cultural positions and the universality of human rights. As they do not guard an exclusive relation with the nationality, culture, religion and particular cultural traditions, the problems that affect humanity as a whole may not be kept back by a human rights culture that deposits its validity only on the positive recognition of every country or on the cultural practices that make out a community´s tradition. In this connection, a human rights culture that wants efficiently face the challenges of modern times must ground on the morality common to all people, irrespective of time and place, in a juridic
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Metcalfe, Eric William. "Are cultural rights human rights? : a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2002d1f-98de-4131-a758-58a8bb84d85d.
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The liberal conception of the state is marked by an insistence upon the equal civil and political rights of each inhabitant. Recently, though, a number of writers have argued that this emphasis on uniform rights ignores the fact that the populations of most states are culturally diverse, and that their inhabitants have significant interests qua members of particular cultures. They argue that liberals should recognize special, group-based cultural rights as a necessary part of a theory of justice in multicultural societies. In this thesis I examine the idea of special cultural rights. In the first part (Chapters 1 to 4), I begin by setting out some of the different conceptions of culture and multiculturalism that are involved in the debate over cultural rights. I then discuss three claims made by supporters of special cultural rights: (1) that having culture is an essential part of individual autonomy; (2) that people have morally significant interests qua members of particular cultures; and (3) that these interests are inadequately protected by existing liberal conceptions of human rights. Although I conclude that (1) is correct, I argue that both (2) and (3) are mistaken. Among other things, I suggest that the version of culture relied upon by supporters of special cultural rights is an implausible one and I outline what I take to be a more plausible, cosmopolitan conception of culture. In the second part (Chapters 5 to 9), I begin by looking at specific instances of cultural rights-claims, and analyzing the concept of cultural rights qua rights. I consider the practical and conceptual difficulties with special cultural rights at great length. But the core of my thesis is that our interest in culture lies in its contribution of worthwhile goals and options, and that this interest lies in culture generally rather than in particular cultures. Hence, adopting a special or group-based distribution of any right to culture would seem to be inconsistent with liberal egalitarian principles. If there are such things as cultural rights, I argue, they are general rather than special rights. I conclude by offering a very preliminary account of what a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights might involve in the case of the right to free association and language rights.
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Amat, Jordi. "La semilla del liberalismo. Política y literatura en torno a la actividad española del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (1958-1969)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392675.
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La tesis doctoral La semilla del liberalismo. Política y literatura en torno a la actividad española del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (1958-1969) pretende ser una aportación más, construida con las herramientas de la filología y usando como fuente primaria materiales autobiográficos en buena parte inéditos, para conocer cómo pudo refundarse una cultura política democrática en España a lo largo y contra la dictadura del General Franco.
Sus protagonistas son escritores, académicos e intelectuales que, partiendo de adscripciones totalitarias (el falangismo más ortodoxo, el comunismo revolucionario), acabaron convergiendo en el territorio del nuevo liberalismo de postguerra que maduró ya en el contexto de la Guerra Fría (tal como lo define Tony Judt). Vencedores o vencidos de la Guerra Civil española, tanto en el interior como en el exilio, establecieron lazos personales entre ellos desde mediados de la década de los cincuenta, conviviendo en tribunas de la prensa del exilio (estudio los casos de Ibérica por la Libertad de Nueva York y Cuadernos del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura de París) y generando un discurso cultural y político compartido que era de matriz europeísta y cuya intensidad y desarrollo nos permite sostener la hipótesis que existió una red de intelectuales liberales y antifranquistas españoles que fue operativa gracias a distintas plataformas del Congreso por la Libertad de la Cultura (CLC). Dicha institución había sido ideada a finales de la década de los cuarenta por la Inteligencia norteamericana como una operación encubierta para contrarrestar la hegemonía soviética en el campo intelectual de la postguerra europea. Desde 1953 el CLC tenía a Julián Gorkin como uno de sus funcionarios cualificados –la reconsideración de la trayectoria intelectual de Gorkin desde 1939 hasta 1975 es una de las principales aportaciones que presentamos-, desde 1956 identificaron a Dionisio Ridruejo como su referente en el interior y a finales de 1957 Gorkin redactó el informe que activó el interés del comité ejecutivo del CLC por España.
Este interés se manifestó primero invitando a intelectuales del interior a participar en foros internacionales –coloquios en Lourmarin y Copenhague- y desde 1960 en la institucionalización de dos plataformas con financiación propia dedicadas exclusivamente a la causa de la democracia en España: la comisión española del Comité d’Écrivains –cuya actividad se describe en la tesis a través de la documentación
conservada en el archivo de su secretario Pablo Martí Zaro y algunos de sus miembros (en especial el poeta Marià Manent)- que acabó transformándose básicamente en una editorial más de ensayo ideológico a finales de los sesenta y el Centro de Estudios y Documentación de París, organismo presidido por Salvador de Madariaga y dirigido por Julián Gorkin que tuvo un papel logístico de primera magnitud en la organización del Contubernio de Múnich –momento de plenitud de la red liberal en la medida que asumió en parte la elaboración discursiva de la reunión-. La tesis desvela la logística que hizo posible la revista Mañana. Tribuna Democrática –dirigida desde Madrid, pero impresa y distribuida desde París- y estudia buena parte de una actividad cultural de la que hasta ahora no se tenía noticia suficiente en la medida que no se había dado a conocer –pensamos en los debates sobre la estética del realismo que se desarrollaron en 1963 en Madrid o los debates también inéditos que se produjeron a finales de 1964 durante una reunión clandestina entre intelectuales catalanes y castellanos–.
A partir de la lectura de varias actas de reuniones de aquel comité antifranquista –como lo denominaba José Luis Cano en sus dietarios,-, la tesis, que concluye interrogándose sobre los fundamentos morales de la Transición política, detalla cómo esa red empezó a desfibrarse por causas diversas, pero en especial por el escándalo provocado por la revelación entre 1966 y 1967 del origen opaco del CLC.This dissertation, The Seeds of Liberalism. Politics and Culture concerning Spanish Activity in the Congress for Cultural Freedom (1958-1969) is built upon philological tools and uses as primary sources autobiographical materials (a lot of them unpublished before). Its goal is to explain how a democratic political culture was rebuilt in Spain throughout –and against- General Franco´s dictatorship. Its main characters are writers, scholars and intellectuals that, evolving from a totalitarian allegiance (the most orthodox forms of Falangism or revolutionary Communism), would gradually converge towards the new post-war Liberalism that flourished against the context of Cold War. Different characters, winners and losers in the Spanish Civil War, coming from Franco’s Spain as well as from the Diaspora, established personal ties from the mid 50´s onwards, and ended up sharing tribunes in the Diaspora press (The cases of New York´s Ibérica por la Libertad, and Paris´ Cuadernos del Congreso por la Libertad y la Cultura are studied here). By these means, they created a political and cultural discourse shared by all of them, based on an Europeist matrix, and whose strength and development allows us to argue that there was once a web of Spanish Liberal and anti-Franco intellectuals, operating through several platforms connected to the Congress for Cultural Freedom. This institution had been created by American Intelligence as an undercover operation aimed at counteracting Soviet cultural hegemony in post-War Europe. Since 1953, Julián Gorkin was one of its qualified officials, and since 1956, Dionisio Ridruejo was identified as his referent in Spain. By the end of 1957, Gorkin wrote the report that activated the Congress´ interest in Spain. This interest was made it clear in the invitations extended to some intellectuals living in Spain to participate in international forums, and from 1960 onwards, in the institutionalization of two platforms aimed solely at activating the cause of Spanish Democracy: the Spanish committee of the Comité d´Écrivains and the Center for Studies and Documentation in Paris. The operation of the Spanish committee of the Comité d´Écrivains is described in this dissertation using the documents filed in the archives of its secretary, Pablo Martín Zaro, and in the archives of other members, especially the poet Marià Manent. The Center for Studies and Documentation in Paris was an institution presided by Salvador de Madariaga and directed by Julián Gorkin, who played a first-scale logistic role in the organization of the so-called Munich Conspiracy, one of the highlights of this web, since he assumed partially the doctrinal elaboration of the meeting. This dissertation concludes by showing how this web was dismantled due to several reasons, above all the scandal provoked by the disclosure, between 1966 and 1967, of the murky origins of the Congress for Cultural Freedom.
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Eggen, Sigrid Anna. "Children's Welfare in Multicultural Societies : A Case study of the Norwegian Rom people's Resistance towards Education." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-7843.
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The Norwegian Rom community (Gypsies) leads a life outside large society. Most of the members are illiterate and poor and they are dependent on social security. Moreover, the Rom children are not going to school because education is not a part of the Rom culture. This situation raises various ethical dilemmas regarding cultural rights and obligations. In this thesis the author asks which of the conflicting rights should weigh most: The parent’s right to bring up their children in accordance with their own culture and beliefs, or the child’s right to education? The author’s argument is structured around two main problem areas. First, what is it with education that is good for all people? The short answer to this question is that education is important for functioning in society. Knowledge provides for a wider range of opportunities, and how to use this knowledge is up to each person. The other problem area is the limits of cultural toleration in liberal societies. Here, the author argues that although the right to culture is important, liberalism cannot accommodate illiberal practices. Childrearing that restricts the child’s access to the world outside its original community is one example of intolerable practices. In order to get the Rom children in to school, dialogue is the preferable way to go. However, if the establishment of dialogue is impossible because of fundamentalist or non-dialogical attitudes, an alternative argument is provided: Discursive paternalism is a compulsion to argue on contested norms. This compulsion reconciles individual freedom (autonomy) and paternalism, and can therefore be justified by liberals. Main references are Will Kymlicka, Martha Nussbaum, Chandran Kukathas, Adeno Addis and May Thorseth.
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Lowe, Ruth E. "Overcoming the minority rights paradox : a new approach to intercultural deliberation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3683.
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The minority rights paradox is articulated at the level of political theory, is deployed by liberal democratic institutions, and can be observed in the political discourse of mass communications. Minority groups, it is argued, are paradoxically claiming purported rights that are unsupported by the values upon which the claimants base their claim. On the one hand, minority claims are made on the basis of rights secured by a liberal democracy; on the other hand, the claims undermine the legitimacy of liberal reasoning—the same reasoning that legitimizes the rights on which the claims are made. The self-referential implications of this paradox are as follows: Either the minority claim negates its own justification or the underlying justification renders the claim moot. In either case, the charge of paradox effectively puts an end to the conversation by dismissing minority rights claims before they are properly understood. My aim is to first, come to terms with political dialogues in which the charge of paradox occurs and second, to overcome the stultifying effects of the minority rights paradox through a deliberative approach to negotiating the concept and content of minority rights claims. Evaluating the claims of minorities, I will argue, requires a dialogue that can adapt to the participants in the dialogue—an inclusive deliberative process that gives formal, procedural and substantive recognition to the worldviews of minority cultures in political decision-making.
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Lee, Dorothy Wing-huen. "The education of ideal citizens : an ethnographic study of two schools in Hong Kong." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/11764.
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Soon after the political handover in 1997, Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government had introduced a series of education and curriculum reforms. Such reforms is said to be proceeded in response to teenagers' lack of national identification towards their motherland China, and also to the public discourse addressing the economic challenges and competition in the universal trend of globalization. Although a few studies had unveiled the underlying values of Confucianism, neo-liberalism and market ideology under these objectives, how the new definitions of "ideal citizens" is understood and promoted in the actual school settings, and how those values influence the process of students' identity construction and their vision on their life trajectories, remains unknown. Drawing on the data from an ethnographic research conducted in 2010, this thesis illustrates how the qualities of an "ideal citizen" propagated in the education and curriculum reform would be understood and transformed in two very different schools in Hong Kong. One is a long-established girls' school located in a middle-class district, which has a reputation of providing "all-rounded" education and nurturing future woman-leaders; the other one is being considered as a "academically-low band" school located in remote area, which struggled to survive and started to admit "Non-Chinese speaking" (NCS) students from Pakistan, Nepal and Philippines three years ago in order to solve the problem of insufficient intake of local students. Apart from the halfyear participant-observation in the two campuses, in-depth interviews of the 2 school principals, 13 teachers, 19 students and 2 alumni of the two schools have also been conducted. Other school documents including official school magazines, school reports as well as students’ publications have also been collected as supporting information. Due to the different historical background, the school management strategy and most of all, the composition of students from very different socio-economic and ethnic backgrounds, the two schools had developed very different ideas and definition of an "ideal citizen", and thus led to different directions of school policies and expectations on students. Through the examples of the provision of the “Other learning Experience” (OLE) and students’ participation patterns in Chapter Five, the different language policies and students’ ability in languages in Chapter Six, and the process of the construction of femininities of young girls in Chapter Seven, this study shows how the problematic of class, gender and ethnics domination still exist under the new context of education reform. This study also reveals that while Hong Kong policy-maker claimed that the education reform ‘bears upon the equity and balance of our society', the socio-economic backgrounds, ethnicity and gender which traditionally being viewed as factors that differentiate education outcomes in sociological studies are completely ignored in the reform.
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Newman, Christy Elizabeth National Centre in HIV Social Research & School of Media & Communications UNSW. "Looking after yourself : the cultural politics of health magazine reader letters." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. National Centre in HIV Social Research and School of Media and Communications, 2004. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19192.
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Health is an organising principle of contemporary neoliberal citizenship, particularly evident in the political rhetoric of individual responsibility articulated around the privatisation of public health and welfare systems. The popular culture of these political technologies is expressed via the discourses of self-help and self-care, exemplified by the commercial success of consumer health magazines, and the responsibilising strategies of public health interventions. This thesis investigates the contemporary function of health magazines by examining both the content and the context of reader letters published between 1997 and 2000 in six Sydney-based 'commercial' and 'community' publications, and incorporating interviews with magazine editors. The three commercial magazines address the health media 'publics' of women (Good Medicine), men (Men's Health) and alternative health consumers (Nature & Health), whereas the three community publications address the 'counterpublics' of people living with HIV/AIDS (Talkabout), sex workers (The Professional) and illicit drug users (User's News). Despite their different social contexts, these six magazines are all exemplary of the advanced liberal health imperatives of Australian popular culture, although the community magazines also empower audiences to facilitate social change. Reader letters are approached via the interpretive lens of cultural studies, in which the specific local characteristics of each text is seen to have wider global implications. Each magazine's letters are positioned within a complex cultural, political and economic context that includes the rise of consumer culture, the social function of narrative disclosures, the increased validation of exhibitionism and the gendered politics of health and medicine. This research advocates for interdisciplinary dialogue between media/cultural studies, health/medical sociology and political theory, suggesting that health magazine reader letters can help to identify the role of popular and alternative media in constructing ideals of 'citizenships' within advanced liberalism.
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Guimarães, Fernando Gavronski. "Direitos culturais e o utilitarismo liberal de John Stuart Mill." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/139207.
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A presente dissertação trata do problema dos direitos culturais sob a ótica do utilitarismo liberal de John Stuart Mill. Objetiva-se a inserção da filosofia política do autor nas discussões que vêm sendo travadas nas últimas décadas por liberais e comunitaristas a partir da colocação do problema filosófico da identidade. Para tanto, busca-se desfazer frequentes equívocos e apresentar uma leitura integrada da filosofia de Mill com base na análise criteriosa de seus escritos, auxiliada por seus mais eminentes intérpretes. Pretende-se demonstrar que é de uma fundamental e prévia compreensão utilitarista, bem como de uma particular posição acerca do modo de acesso à verdade, que decorrem as convicções liberais e a centralidade da autonomia individual em seu pensamento. Estabelecidas essas premissas, verifica-se que o estado milliano, ao dispensar a convicção na neutralidade da esfera pública que decorre do pensamento liberal contratualista usualmente professado, mostra-se compatível em tese com a tarefa de garantir direitos culturais. Ao mesmo tempo em que sua visão ampla acerca dos bens que contribuem para a felicidade é capaz de posicionar a cultura no cálculo hedonístico individual, com reflexos na quantificação da utilidade em vista da felicidade geral, a defesa de Mill da autonomia e da diversidade parece poder justificar uma especial atenção ao contexto social que sirva para a expressão máxima da individualidade.This dissertation deals with the problem of cultural rights from the viewpoint of the liberal utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill. It intends to include the author‘s political philosophy in the debates that have been held in recent decades between liberals and communitarians starting from the approach of the philosophical problem of identity. To this end, we try to undo common misconceptions and provide an integrated reading of Mill's philosophy based on careful analysis of his writings, aided by his most eminent interpreters. We attempt to demonstrate that it is based on a previous fundamental adhesion to utilitarianism, as well as from a particular position regarding the access to the truth, that arise the liberal convictions and the centrality of autonomy in his doctrine. Given these premises, we could find that the Millian state, exempting the assumption on the neutrality of public sphere derived from the liberal contractarian doctrine usually professed, reveals itself theoretically compatible with the task of guaranteeing cultural rights. Whilst Mill‘s broad view regarding goods that contribute to happiness is capable of dragging culture into the hedonistic calculus, which affects the measurement of utility over general happiness, his defense of autonomy and diversity seems to justify a special attention to social context which maximize the expression of individuality.
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Lima, Éber Ferreira Silveira [UNESP]. "Entre a sacristia e o laboratório: os intelectuais protestantes brasileiros e a produção da cultura (1903-1942)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103171.
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Esta tese visa a mostrar como o protestantismo brasileiro, através de um grupo de intelectuais, inseriu-se culturalmente no tecido social urbano na primeira parte do século XX. A participação desses intelectuais protestantes deu-se na esteira de um modelo anterior, praticado por lideranças importantes da igreja evangélica no Brasil, como o pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), que foi também professor de ginásio e reconhecido gramático. Tais lideranças detinham uma postura religiosa conservadora que se refletiu em sua produção científica, voltada para a manutenção da sociedade brasileira nos padrões desejados pelas oligarquias rurais do país. Diferentemente da geração anterior, os intelectuais protestantes, que também eram líderes religiosos – a maior parte deles ligada à Igreja Presbiteriana Independente do Brasil, a mesma a qual pertencia Eduardo Carlos Pereira – assumiram o mesmo espírito de transformação e de modernização social que estava presente na burguesia urbana ascendente. Primeiramente, aspiraram a uma re-elaboração do protestantismo brasileiro, que julgavam muito aquém das necessidades no estabelecimento de um diálogo com a cultura brasileira. Em segundo lugar, desejavam que esse transformar da mentalidade protestante permitisse a evangelização das “classes cultas”, ou seja, das elites dirigentes brasileiras e da burguesia urbana. Fechadas as portas a eles, por lideranças conservadoras, das igrejas e de suas estruturas internas de poder, decidiram usar o expediente das revistas de cultura religiosa para falar ao universo protestante sem serem impedidos pelas lideranças das igrejas. Os principais articuladores dessas revistas foram os pastores presbiterianos Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Júnior, Othoniel Motta e Erasmo Braga. As revistas lançadas – Revista de Cultura Religiosa, Lucerna...
This thesis aims to show how Brazilian Protestantism, by a group of intellectuals, entered into the social fabric of urban culture in the first part of the twentieth century. The involvement of these Protestant intellectuals took place in the wake of a previous model, practiced by leaders of the mainline evangelical church, such as Pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), who was also a gym professor and a recognized Portuguese grammar teacher. These religious leaders held a conservative religious posture that was reflected in their scientific production, dedicated to the maintenance of Brazilian society in the patterns desired by the rural oligarchies of the country. Unlike the previous generation, the Protestant intellectuals, who were also religious leaders – most of them linked to the Independent Presbyterian Church of Brazil (IPIB), the same denomination to which Eduardo Carlos Pereira belonged to – took upon themselves the same spirit of transformation and social modernization that was present in the upcoming urban bourgeois. First, they aspired towards a re-elaboration of Brazilian Protestantism which they judged to be far short of establishing a dialogue with Brazilian culture. Second, they desired that the transformation of the Protestant mentality would permit an evangelization of the “educated and cultured class” of society; that is, of the Brazilian ruling elite and of the urban bourgeois. Since the doors were closed to them by the conservative leadership of the churches and their internal structures of power, they decided to use as a means of communication the journals of religious culture to speak to all Protestants without being prevented to do so by the Protestant leadership of the churches. The main speakers of these journals were the following Presbyterian pastors: Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Junior, Othoniel... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
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Yesmin, Shova Tahmina. "Liberal Citizenship in a Multicultural Society : Brian Barry's and William Galston's Approaches to Citizenship." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för kultur och kommunikation, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-138441.
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This thesis demonstrates a comparative and analytic discussion of citizenship idea based on two distinct liberal doctrines of two contemporary political philosophers: Brian Barry and William Galston. Barry's egalitarian liberalism argues for 'common citizenship' notion in order to promote liberty and equal treatment of all individuals irrespective of any social differences. On the other hand, 'liberal pluralist citizenship' of William Galston's signifies his liberal pluralism to mitigate cultural and religious conflicts of liberal democratic society. The fundamental disagreements among these liberal approaches over the issues of public recognition of group rights and restricted state authority are analysed in this study. Finally, by analysing both the liberal positions under the challenge of multicultural issues the author defends Galston's liberal idea and judges it as more convincing than Barry's liberal approach.
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Glas, Cécile de. "La relation États-Unis – Europe, du délitement du lien transatlantique à la relégation du Vieux Continent. Fondements géopolitiques et culturels." Thesis, Paris Est, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PESC0012/document.
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L’Europe est progressivement devenue, pour les Américains, un contre-modèle. Les divergences entre les États-Unis et l’Europe résultent d’une césure politique et culturelle, masquée depuis le début de la Guerre froide (et même depuis la Première Guerre mondiale) par les impératifs de la bipolarité.L’étude des fondements anthropologiques de l’Occident, met en évidence l’unité théologique, juridique et logique de l’Europe et l’Amérique de l’Antiquité aux Lumières. La civilisation occidentale se situe à l’intersection de l’orbite institutionnelle de la civilisation du droit civil romano-canonique et de celle du christianisme.Ces divergences entre l’Europe et les États-Unis se dessinèrent en fait dès les origines de la modernité politique. Sur tous les points essentiels de la philosophie politique – liens entre religion et pensée éclairée, laïcité et sécularisation, conceptions de la liberté et de l’égalité, rapport dialectique entre république et démocratie, fondements du prométhéisme politique et social, conception de l’universalisme –, tout oppose l’Amérique et l’Europe.Pour ce qui relève de la post-modernité, nous montrons comment la philosophie libérale a recyclé les idées faussement révolutionnaires pour conduire l’Europe à une crise multiforme, un nihilisme qui se dissimule sous le masque avenant de la marchandisation généralisée et de l’esprit libertaire. À la différence de l’Europe postmoderne, l’Amérique a partiellement réussi à se mettre à l’abri de ces dynamiques de désintégration. La « nation indispensable » a su entretenir le style national américain dont l’attachement sans faille à la nation et la religiosité sont les principales caractéristiquesEurope gradually became, in the eyes of the Americans, a counter-model. The discrepancies between the United States and Europe result from a political and cultural caesura which was hidden from the beginning of the Cold war by the imperatives of bipolarity.The study of the anthropological foundations of the West highlights the theological, legal and logical unity of Europe and America from the Antiquity to the Enlightenment. The birth of the Western civilisation takes place at the intersection of the orbit of the romano-canonical civil law and that of Christianity.These discrepancies between Europe and the United States actually took shape from the origins of the political modernity. All the essential points of political philosophy – the links between religion and enlightened thinking, secularism, the conceptions of freedom and equality, the relationship between republic and democracy, the foundations of the political and social Prometheism – are areas of divergence.Concerning the post-modernity, we will then show how the liberal philosophy recycled pseudo-revolutionary ideas which led Europe to a manifold crisis, a type of nihilism, hidden by the disguise of the generalized commodification and the libertarian ideology. Unlike postmodern Europe, America partially managed to escape from these dynamics of disintegration. The “indispensable nation” managed to preserve the American national style the main characteristics of which are patriotism and religiosity
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Rosén, Håkan. "Utanförskapet har fått ett fast grepp över vårt land : En kritisk diskurs- och ideologianalys av Folkpartiet liberalernas integrationspolitik." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Social and Welfare Studies, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-6592.
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I denna studie analyseras Folkpartiet liberalernas integrationspolitik utifrån deras motion Egenmakt, arbete och jämlikhet – Liberal integrationspolitik. Fokus ligger på hur de behandlar utanförskapet och de människor som anses leva i utanförskap. En brännpunkt när utanförskap diskuteras är etnicitet varför detta också ligger i denna undersöknings centrum. Vidare ligger intresset på hur deras liberala ståndpunkter i motionen kommer till uttryck.
I analysen av det empiriska materialet använder jag mig av kritisk diskursanalys för att metoden inte uppfattar sig själv som politiskt neutral och är politiskt engagerad i social förändring, vilket jag finner väsentligt i en undersökning av ett politiskt dokument som säger sig eftersträva lika rättigheter och lika möjligheter och som riktar sig till alla människor som lever i utanförskap. För att analysera de liberala ideologiska ståndpunkterna i motionen använder jag mig även av kritisk ideologianalys. Båda dessa metoder fokuserar på maktfrågor.
De teoretiska utgångspunkter som ligger till grund för studien är socialkonstruktionism och postkoloniala studier. Socialkonstruktionismen innebär ett förhållningssätt till exempelvis etniciteter och kulturer som sociala konstruktioner skapade i interaktion människor emellan och vidare att samhällets påverkan är avgörande i konstruktionen av dessa kategorier. Postkoloniala studier utgår från att kolonialismens historiska processer fortfarande präglar världen och ävenledes synen på människor med annan etnicitet eller kulturell bakgrund än den vita västerländska bakgrunden.
Det som jag anser visa sig tydligast, och som är den viktigaste slutsatsen i min undersökning, är Folkpartiet liberalernas ignorerande av det individualistiska perspektivet i diskussionerna kring utanförskap, kultur och etnicitet. Den individuella dynamiken och samhälleliga mångfalden som är fundamental i liberalismens ideologi får i folkpartiets naturalistiska kulturkonstruktioner inget utrymme.
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Neima, Charlotte Anna. "Dartington Hall and social reform in interwar Britain." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2019. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/289723.
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In the wake of the First World War, reformers across the Western world questioned laissez-faire liberalism, the self-oriented and market-driven ruling doctrine of the nineteenth century. This philosophy was blamed, variously, for the war, for industrialisation and for urbanisation; for a way of life shorn of any meaning beyond getting and keeping; for the too great faith in materialism and in science; and for the loss of a higher, transcendent meaning that gave a unifying altruistic or spiritual purpose to individual existence and to society as a whole. For many, the cure to these ills lay in reforming the liberal social framework in ways that made it more fulfilling to the whole person and that strengthened ties between individuals. Dartington Hall was an outstanding practical example of this impulse to promote holistic, integrated living. It was a well-financed, internationally-minded social and cultural experiment set up on an estate in South Devon in 1925 by American heiress Dorothy Elmhirst (née Whitney) and her second husband, Leonard, son of a Yorkshire squire-parson. The Elmhirsts' project for redressing the effects of laissez-faire liberalism had two components. Instead of being treated as atomised individuals in the capitalist market, participants at Dartington were to achieve full self-realisation through a 'life in its completeness' that incorporated the arts, education and spirituality. In addition, through their active participation in running the community, they were to demonstrate how integrated democracy could bring about the perfection of individuals and the progress of society as a whole. The Elmhirsts hoped that Dartington would provide a globally applicable model for a better way of life. This thesis is a close study of Dartington's interlinked constellation of experiments in education, the arts, agriculture and social organisation - experiments that can only be understood by tracing them back to their shared roots in the idea of 'life in its completeness'. At the same time, it explores how Dartington's philosophy and trajectory illuminate the wider reform landscape. The Elmhirsts' community echoed and cross-pollinated with other schemes for social improvement in Britain, Europe, America and India, as well as feeding into the broad social democratic project in Britain. Dartington's evolution from an independent, elite-led reform project to one split between state-led and communitarian reform matched the trajectory of other such enterprises begun in interwar Britain, making it a bellwether of changes in reformist thinking across the century.
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Leyva, Rodriguez Jorge Karel. "Culturalisme libéral et républicanisme néo-romain : réponses normatives à la diversité culturelle et religieuse." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-03178703.
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Cette thèse examine les réponses que le culturalisme libéral et le républicanisme néo-romain donnent à la question de savoir quelle position l’État démocratique doit adopter dans des contextes caractérisés par la présence d’individus et de groupes ayant des engagements culturels et religieux différents de ceux de la culture et de la religion majoritaires. Notre étude constitue un exercice de reconstruction théorique original et comparatif de la réponse apportée à cette question par huit théories politiques dominantes se situant au sein de ces deux courants. En ce qui concerne le culturalisme libéral, la thèse examine les réponses apportées par la théorie du droit des minorités (Kymlicka), la théorie perfectionniste (Raz), la théorie nationaliste (Tamir) et la théorie neutraliste (Patten). Pour ce qui est du républicanisme néo-romain, la thèse examine la théorie de la liberté et du gouvernement (Pettit), la théorie délibérative (Maynor), la théorie critique (Laborde) et le patriotisme républicain (Viroli, Habermas et Laborde). Cette recherche se veut une contribution à la clarification et systématisation de ces théories, et une défense de l’idée selon laquelle le libéralisme et le républicanisme sont tous deux philosophiquement compatibles avec la prise en compte gouvernementale de la diversité culturelle et religieuse, notamment en raison de l’adaptation de leurs principes fondamentaux à la réalité pluriculturelle contemporaineThis dissertation examines the responses that liberal culturalism and neo-Roman republicanism provide to the question of what position the democratic state should adopt in contexts characterized by the presence of individuals and groups who have different cultural and religious commitments to those of the majority culture and religion. Our study consists of an original and comparative theoretical reconstruction of the answers given to this question by eight dominant political theories within these two currents. Concerning liberal culturalism, this dissertation examines the answers given by the liberal theory of minority rights (Kymlicka), the perfectionist theory (Raz), the nationalist theory (Tamir) and the neutralist theory (Patten). Regarding the neo-Roman republicanism, this dissertation examines the theory of freedom and government (Pettit), the deliberative theory (Maynor), the critical theory (Laborde) and the republican patriotism (Viroli, Habermas and Laborde). This research is intended to contribute to the clarification and systematization of these theories and defend the idea that liberalism and republicanism are both philosophically compatible with the government consideration of cultural and religious diversity, in particular because of the adaptation of their fundamental principles to the contemporary pluricultural reality
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Lane, Jonathon. "Anchorage in Aboriginal affairs: A. P. Elkin on religious continuity and civic obligation." University of Sydney, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3691.
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Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)In Australian Aboriginal affairs, the acculturative strand of assimilation developed in large part from Elkin’s religious and Idealist commitment, for which in the years 1928 to 1933 he won social-scientific authority. In competition with both an eliminationist politics of race and a segregationist politics of territory, Elkin drew upon religious experience, apologetics, sociology, and networks to establish a ‘positive policy’ as an enduring ideal in Aboriginal affairs. His leadership of the 1930s reform movement began within the Anglican Church, became national through civic-religious organs of publicity, and gained scientific authority as Elkin made religious themes a central concern in Australian anthropology. But from the 1960s until recently, most scholars have lost sight of the centrality of Idealism and religion in our protagonist’s seminal project of acculturative assimilation. This thesis aims to show how Elkin dealt with problems fundamental to twentieth century Aboriginal affairs and indeed to Australian modernity more generally – problems of faith and science, morality and expediency – in developing his positive policy towards Aborigines.
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Lawlor, Rachel A. "Citizenship and Identity." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/95.
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This thesis argues that pluralism and diversity pose a more fundamental challenge to liberal constitutionalism than is sometimes recognised by liberal political theorists. While the challenges presented by moral pluralism at the philosophical level, and by cultural diversity at the socio-cultural level, have received a great deal of attention in recent political thought, the background within which these themes become salient has not always been fully acknowledged. What is new in the modern world is not so much diversity of lifestyles, but the disintegration of frameworks that traditionally provided an unproblematic basis for political authority. What this modern challenge forces us to confront then, is the idea that ‘the people’ who are subject to law, are also, as citizens, the ultimate source of political authority. I consider in detail the work of two contemporary political theorists who have provided among the most sustained and far-reaching attempts to respond to this challenge, Charles Taylor and Jürgen Habermas. Both make a significant contribution to responding to the contemporary situation of pluralism by taking on board the ‘dialogical’ nature of identity, and the role of the ‘people’ as the ultimate source of political power. However each places a heavy reliance on a privileged standpoint that may shield political judgement from the full implications of modern pluralism: Habermas, by appealing to ‘post-conventional morality’ and Taylor, by appealing to an incipient teleology.
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Murray, Paul Leonard. "C Louis Leipoldt’s The Valley : constructing an alternative past?" Thesis, University of Pretoria, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/24324.
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THIS THESIS IS IN THE EXAMINATION PROCESS Christian Frederik Louis Leipoldt was born in on 28 December 1880 in the Rhenish House in Worcester, Cape Province, the fourth child of the Reverend Christian Friedrich Leipoldt and Anna Meta Christina Leipoldt (born Esselen). His father left the mission field to take up the position of the dominee in the Dutch Reformed Church in Clanwilliam where the Leipoldt family went to live, from 1884. Leipoldt received his education from his father at home, on a broad range of subjects, including several languages and also in the natural sciences. He became interested in writing from a very young age and sent pieces of his writing for publication when still a boy. When he was fifteen he began sending dried plant specimens to Professor McOwan in Cape Town, from Clanwilliam. It was through his interest in botany that Leipoldt met Dr Harry Bolus, a life-long friend. Leipoldt wrote the Civil Service examinations in 1897 after which he went to Cape Town to work as a journalist. Living in Cape Town he served on the staff of the pro-Boer newspaper, The South African News from 1898 until it was closed down by the British authorities in 1902, when he travelled to Britain to look for work as a journalist in London. Soon after arriving there he took up the offer from Bolus who would lend him money to study medicine at Guy’s Hospital. It was more or less at this time that some of his early literature on the South African War was written, for instance, his well-known poem, Oom Gert Vertel (published in 1911). After successfully obtaining his MRCS medical qualification in 1907, winning gold medals for medicine and surgery in the process, he briefly served as Acting House Surgeon at Guy’s until 1908 when he travelled to Europe to work in a number of hospitals to receive further training. Later the same year he took up a post as medical adviser to J D Pulitzer, the American newspaper owner. Thereafter he worked as a doctor in London except for the time he proceeded on a four month visit to the East in 1912, the experience of which he penned in a manuscript entitled ‘Visit to the East Indies.’In 1914 he returned to South Africa to take up a post as Medical Inspector of Schools with the Transvaal Education Department. During the First World War in South Africa, he was drafted into the army as the personal medical doctor to the Prime Minister at the time, Genl Louis Botha. He resigned from his post as Medical Inspector in 1923 to take up an offer from Dr F V Engelenburg to serve on the editorial staff of the pro-Smuts newspaper De Volkstem,. He worked there until 1925 when he and the newly appointed editor Gustav Preller did not see eye to eye and it was then that he decided to return to Cape Town. His second Cape Town period (1925 – 1947) was characterized by the most prolific writing, during which he published a great many works across a broad range of topics. Furthermore, though he never married, he adopted Jeffrey Leipoldt, and took in a number of boys as boarders in his home ‘Arbury’ in Kenilworth, Cape Town. At the same time as he wrote most prolifically for a wide range of publications including many novels, he taught pediatrics at the University of Cape Town Medical School and practised as a pediatrician in the city. C Louis Leipoldt was a versatile person who published across a wide range of fields, to include literature, medical studies, letters to friends and associates, the history of wine and cookery, and what few seem to be aware of, his three English historical novels that make up The Valley, written in English between 1928 and 1932. Whilst Leipoldt’s early work such as Oom Gert Vertel gave voice to the suffering of the Afrikaner people, in The Valley, his voice is one of protest against the isolationist policies of the National Party of the 1920s. Whilst Leipoldt will be known for his work as the inaugural medical inspector of schools of the Transvaal Education Department, the inaugural lecturer in pediatrics at the University of Cape Town and Cape Town’s first practising pediatrician, he will also be known for his wide oeuvre as a writer. For example, he served as the Medical Association of South Africa’s first editor of its South African Medical Journal, a post he held for 18 years. Leipoldt never married and died on 13 April 1947 in Cape Town. His ashes were scattered in the Pakhuis Pass near Clanwilliam, where there is a memorial to his life.Thesis (DPhil)--University of Pretoria, 2012.
Historical and Heritage Studies
unrestricted
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Senary, Ashley M. "Deconstructing the Tszuj: Metrosexuality in Relation to Gender and Sexual Binaries." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1180489486.
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Etinson, Adam. "Human rights and the problem of ethnocentrism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c1a851e2-cca5-4ccc-9c62-97d0ead23392.
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Despite its prominence as a pejorative term in moral and political philosophy, the phenomenon of ethnocentrism has escaped the focused attention of moral and political philosophers. Little sustained effort has been devoted to its in-depth analysis. This thesis attempts to fill in that gap in the philosophical literature, with a particular focus on the analysis of ethnocentrism as a problem, or rather a set of problems, facing the theory and practice of human rights. The thesis begins by drawing a core distinction between ethnocentrism as a moral phenomenon (i.e., a form of moral partiality), on the one hand, and as an epistemological phenomenon (i.e., a mode of judgment), on the other. After singling out the epistemological aspect of ethnocentrism as its main focus, the thesis argues for four interlocking claims. The first claim is that ethnocentrism represents an unwarranted mode of judgment, and thus an epistemic hazard that ought to be avoided if at all possible (Chapter One, §3). This claim is defended at length against the version of political constructivism advanced by John Rawls, which, by grounding political argument exclusively in ideas and values embedded in a common public culture, implicitly justifies a form of ethnocentrism (Chapter Two). The second claim is that moral argument cannot avoid ethnocentrism by grounding itself, as some have thought, in judgments upon which there is broad moral consensus, or rather by avoiding any appeal to judgments that are the subject of marked dissensus (Chapter Three and Chapter Four). Thirdly, the thesis argues that ethnocentrism is, if avoidable, only so to a limited extent (Chapter Six, §2). And fourthly, it offers an outline of how this limited form of avoidance might work (Chapter Five and Chapter Six, §3).
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Lane, Jonathon. "Anchorage in Aboriginal affairs: A. P. Elkin on religious continuity and civic obligation." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/3691.
Full textAbstract:
In Australian Aboriginal affairs, the acculturative strand of assimilation developed in large part from Elkin’s religious and Idealist commitment, for which in the years 1928 to 1933 he won social-scientific authority. In competition with both an eliminationist politics of race and a segregationist politics of territory, Elkin drew upon religious experience, apologetics, sociology, and networks to establish a ‘positive policy’ as an enduring ideal in Aboriginal affairs. His leadership of the 1930s reform movement began within the Anglican Church, became national through civic-religious organs of publicity, and gained scientific authority as Elkin made religious themes a central concern in Australian anthropology. But from the 1960s until recently, most scholars have lost sight of the centrality of Idealism and religion in our protagonist’s seminal project of acculturative assimilation. This thesis aims to show how Elkin dealt with problems fundamental to twentieth century Aboriginal affairs and indeed to Australian modernity more generally – problems of faith and science, morality and expediency – in developing his positive policy towards Aborigines.
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Gómez, García Iván. "La deriva antiliberal en los EE.UU. vista por el cine jurídico contemporáneo (1930-2020)." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/672560.
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El cine jurídico ha sido una presencia constante en la historia del cine estadounidense desde sus orígenes. Este género fílmico elabora respuestas desde el terreno cultural a los riesgos y amenazas a los que se ha enfrentado la democracia estadounidense, y apela a ciertos principios fundacionales de la república como antídoto frente a los ataques llevados a cabo por diferentes operadores públicos y privados al sistema de derechos y libertades del país. El desarrollo, evolución y cambios de ese cine jurídico se han visto muy marcados por el contexto sociopolítico y han obedecido a diferentes factores de orden histórico, ideológico e industrial. El presente texto supone un intento por construir una historia cultural de ese cine jurídico a través del análisis detallado de una serie de películas esenciales del género y de los debates jurídicos y políticos allí planteados, que suponen la elaboración de un diagnóstico sobre la deriva antiliberal sufrida por la democracia estadounidense tras las grandes luchas por los derechos civiles de los años sesenta.El cinema jurídic ha estat una presència constant a la història del cinema nord-americà des dels seus orígens. Aquest gènere fílmic construeix respostes des del terreny cultural als riscos i amenaces als que ha fet front la democràcia dels Estats Units, i apel·la a certs principis fundacionals de la república com antídot enfront dels atacs duts a terme per diferents operadors públics i privats al sistema de drets i llibertats del país. El desenvolupament, evolució i canvis d’aquest cinema jurídic s’han vist molt marcats pel context sociopolític i han obeït a diferents factors d’ordre històric, ideològic i industrial. Aquest text suposa un intent de construir una història cultural d’aquest cinema jurídic a través de l’anàlisi detallada d’una sèrie de pel·lícules essencials del gènere i dels debats jurídics i polítics allà plantejats, que suposen l’elaboració d’un diagnòstic sobre la deriva antiliberal patida per la democràcia als Estats Units després de les grans lluites pels drets civils dels anys seixanta.
Trial films have been a constant presence in the history of American cinema since its origins. This film genre elaborates cultural responses to the risks and threats that American democracy has faced, and appeals to certain founding principles of the republic as an antidote to the attacks carried out by different public and private operators on the country’s system of rights and freedoms. The development, evolution and changes of this genre have been very marked by the sociopolitical context and have been due to different factors of a historical, ideological and industrial nature. This text is an attempt to build a cultural history of trial films through the detailed analysis of essential films of the genre and the legal and political debates raised there, which involve the elaboration of a diagnosis on the illiberal drift suffered for American democracy after the great civil rights struggles of the 1960s.
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Kurtz, Roxanne Marie. "Liberalism and ethical life : on equality, neutrality, and culture." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/45896.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, February 2008.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-148).
Liberalism faces an apparent paradox. Its commitments to values such as neutrality and tolerance seem to recommend a hands-off attitude toward a society's ethical life. It seems the state should not regulate the value systems that underlie a society's ethos, group interests, or individual lives. Yet plausible sociological claims suggest that to respect liberal values, the state should interfere with ethical life. So, liberal justice appears to recommend sharply conflicting attitudes to ethical life. In three chapters, I argue that liberalism should adopt a limited hands-on attitude toward ethical life that avoids the apparent paradox.In the first chapter, "Meanness, generosity, and Rawlsian distributive justice," I contend that the liberal state should shape ethical life to respect the value of equality. A hands-off attitude blinds the state to its effects on the market ethos. These effects can interfere with distributive justice-e.g., if the ethos is marked by extreme greediness. A state that attends to its effects on ethical life may promote less greed and thereby a more just distribution.In the second chapter, "Examining the hoopla over opera: liberal neutrality as justified interference," I argue for liberal neutrality as neutrality of justified interference. This view permits constrained interference with ethical life, but permits no interference that is itself inadequately justified.
(cont.) I reject two other approaches: neutrality of justifications, which does not hold the state accountable for its interference with ethical life, and neutrality of interference, a consequentialist view that requires the state maintain a status quo with respect to ethical life. In the third chapter, "Confessions of an army brat-an outsider's insight into liberal egalitarianism multiculturalism," I suggest liberalism should better respect the value of culture. The problem is practical-it is difficult to appreciate and weigh both the value of cultural belonging and the threat that the state's interference with ethical life poses to cultures. A hands-off attitude toward ethical life allows too much interference with cultures, while too little interference conflicts with justice. Thus I propose a liberal multiculturalist principle that places the priority of culture (presumptively) above many secondary goods but below liberty and equality.
by Roxanne Marie Kurtz.
Ph.D.
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Lennahan, Jamie Beth. "Escaping illiberal liberalism: A holistic approach to engaging with culture." Connect to online resource, 2008. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3315824.
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DONADIA, A. O. "NEOPRAGMATISMO E RELIGIÃO: UMA ABORDAGEM DA RELIGIÃO COMO POLÍTICA CULTURAL EM RICHARD RORTY." Universidade Federal do Espírito Santo, 2017. http://repositorio.ufes.br/handle/10/9367.
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Previous issue date: 2017-04-18Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo examinar os elementos centrais da filosofia política liberal e uma descrição do que Rorty entende como justificativas para a defesa das instituições liberais. Analisaremos a estratégia anti-fundacionalista de Rorty para a defesa das instituições liberais contemporâneas. Feito isso, será tratado a utopia liberal de Rorty. Nesse contexto, Richard Rorty defende que o discurso religioso está em desacordo com seus ideais liberais. Como resultado, ele defende, em um primeiro momento, que a religião deve ser privatizada com o intuito de que o Estado liberal possa se manter neutro. Depois de demonstrar as escolhas que constituem a visão de Rorty, o trabalho apresentará, em particular, três posicionamentos que Rorty defende em seus escritos. O primeiro argumento é de que a religião deve ser privatizada, o segundo é a defesa da marginalização de organizações eclesiásticas e o terceiro é de que defender o pragmatismo resulta em defender uma utopia liberal secular. Neste trabalho, será explicado como esses argumentos surgem do compromisso de Rorty com seu neopragmatismo e como eles se encaixam dentro desta lógica. A começar com uma descrição, depois será demostrando que esses argumentos estão em desacordo com alguns dos pressupostos filosóficos de Rorty, que criam problemas práticos ao ideal social e político que Rorty defende e, por fim, abordamos a revisão do posicionamento de Rorty sobre o tema e indicamos uma possível inclusão da religião no espaço público por meio da noção de cultura literária.
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Lobo, Sandra Maria Calvinho Ataíde. "O desassossego goês. Cultura e política em Goa do liberalismo ao . Acto Colonial." Doctoral thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/10822.
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Tese apresentada para cumprimento dos requisitos necessários à obtenção do grau de Doutor em História e Teoria das Ideias, especialidade Pensamento, Cultura e PolíticaPara consultar os anexos favor enviar email para: sandralobo@netcabo.pt
Nesta tese abordo alguns aspectos da história de Goa, desde a Monarquia Constitucional até à fundação do Estado Novo, perspectivados pelas suas elites intelectuais. Os percursos e posicionamentos destas elites edificaram-se nas encruzilhadas geradas pela construção das correntes de pensamento e das práticas políticas e culturais pós-iluministas, pela afirmação do colonialismo contemporâneo e pelo seu questionamento pelos movimentos nacionalistas anticoloniais, e, ainda, pela avaliação dos contextos locais, nacionais e internacionais em que se inscreveram. Nestas encruzilhadas estas elites foram contribuindo para a construção das correntes de pensamento político e cultural goesas e para a edificação da sua modernidade, numa época marcada pela crescente problematização das relações entre política e cultura. Dentro destas balizas problematizaram a condição goesa, a identidade goesa e o futuro local, português e indiano num mundo marcado pelo signo da mudança. Constituindo uma abordagem de história local, representa um esforço de contribuir para a reflexão goesa contemporânea, mas representa igualmente um sublinhar de como a história contemporânea, num diálogo permanente entre teoria e prática, se edificou num balanceamento instável entre princípios e ideais de aspiração universal e o impulso de distinção de heranças, condicionalismos ou desígnios próprios das sociedades particulares. Como tal, este local foi também pensado como perspectiva relevante na problematização da construção do pensamento e da acção política contemporâneos em geral e portugueses em particular, sobretudo do liberalismo e da democracia, em face da questão colonial e em face da imposição da modernidade como temporalidade própria para avaliar as sociedades e os povos e projectar o seu futuro.
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Horácio, Heiberle Hirsgberg. "Liberalismo e religião na cultura política mineira do primeiro reinado: uma análise do periódico O Universal de Ouro Preto." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2009. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/2809.
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Nesta dissertação, procurei compreender como no Primeiro Reinado (momento de edificação de um Estado Nacional propriamente brasileiro) a elite política mineira liberalconstitucionalista em seu projeto político didático-pedagógico de implementação de um liberalismo (tido pelos historiadores como moderado) norteado pela afirmação das leis e da Constituição que a permitiriam uma maior representatividade no âmbito governamental brasileiro, relacionou-se com aqueles que defendiam o poder centralizado nas mãos do Imperador, entre eles a Igreja (instituição base do absolutismo no Brasil) e com o simbolismo religioso. Tendo em vista o exercício dos liberais de elaborar e difundir uma visão diversificada da religião. Destaca-se nessa atuação liberal como meio de ação hegemônica a imprensa, aqui particularmente o periódico liberal O Universal (1825-1842) da capital Ouro Preto, que era o periódico de referência da província, o de maior longevidade e que possuía como mentor intelectual o deputado Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos.
Dans cete dissertation j'ai cherché comprendre comme dans le Premier Règne ( moment de l' élaboration d' Etat National Brésilién), l'élite politique libéral - constitutional de Minas Gerais, dans son projet politique didatique-pedagogique d'introduction d'un libéralisme (que les historiens jugent modéré) guidé par l'affirmation des lois et de la Constituition que va permettre une plus grande représentativité dans le contexte gouvernamental brésilién, on a rapporté avec les qu'ont soutenu le pouvoir centralizé dans les mains d'Empereur, entre eux l'Église (instituition base de l'absolutisme au Brésil) et avec le simbolisme religieux. Ayant n vue le exercice des liberaux d'élabore et iffuser une vision diversifiée de la religion. Qui s'est détachée dans cette action libéral omme un moyen d'action hegemonique, la presse, ici particuliérment le périodique "O Universal" -1825-1842 de la capital Ouro Preto, qui a été le périodique de référence de la province e le plus grand en longevité.
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Peddle, David. "The horizon of political liberalism, citizenship, culture and the limits of rawlsian public reason." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape11/PQDD_0004/NQ38792.pdf.
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Hamdah, Butheina. "Liberalism and the Impact on Religious Identity: Hijab Culture in the American Muslim Context." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo151335793140375.
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Hager, Sandy. "'New Europeans' for the 'New European Economy' : Citizenship Discourses and the Lisbon Agenda." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-5802.
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Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.
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Lima, Éber Ferreira Silveira. "Entre a sacristia e o laboratório : os intelectuais protestantes brasileiros e a produção da cultura (1903-1942) /." Assis : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103171.
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Orientador: Antonio Celso FerreiraBanca: José Carlos Barreiro
Banca: Andrea Lucia Dorini de Oliveira Carvalho Rossi
Banca: Luiz Alexandre Solano Rossi
Banca: José Adriano Filho
Resumo: Esta tese visa a mostrar como o protestantismo brasileiro, através de um grupo de intelectuais, inseriu-se culturalmente no tecido social urbano na primeira parte do século XX. A participação desses intelectuais protestantes deu-se na esteira de um modelo anterior, praticado por lideranças importantes da igreja evangélica no Brasil, como o pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), que foi também professor de ginásio e reconhecido gramático. Tais lideranças detinham uma postura religiosa conservadora que se refletiu em sua produção científica, voltada para a manutenção da sociedade brasileira nos padrões desejados pelas oligarquias rurais do país. Diferentemente da geração anterior, os intelectuais protestantes, que também eram líderes religiosos - a maior parte deles ligada à Igreja Presbiteriana Independente do Brasil, a mesma a qual pertencia Eduardo Carlos Pereira - assumiram o mesmo espírito de transformação e de modernização social que estava presente na burguesia urbana ascendente. Primeiramente, aspiraram a uma re-elaboração do protestantismo brasileiro, que julgavam muito aquém das necessidades no estabelecimento de um diálogo com a cultura brasileira. Em segundo lugar, desejavam que esse transformar da mentalidade protestante permitisse a evangelização das "classes cultas", ou seja, das elites dirigentes brasileiras e da burguesia urbana. Fechadas as portas a eles, por lideranças conservadoras, das igrejas e de suas estruturas internas de poder, decidiram usar o expediente das revistas de cultura religiosa para falar ao universo protestante sem serem impedidos pelas lideranças das igrejas. Os principais articuladores dessas revistas foram os pastores presbiterianos Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Júnior, Othoniel Motta e Erasmo Braga. As revistas lançadas - Revista de Cultura Religiosa, Lucerna... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: This thesis aims to show how Brazilian Protestantism, by a group of intellectuals, entered into the social fabric of urban culture in the first part of the twentieth century. The involvement of these Protestant intellectuals took place in the wake of a previous model, practiced by leaders of the mainline evangelical church, such as Pastor Eduardo Carlos Pereira (1855-1923), who was also a gym professor and a recognized Portuguese grammar teacher. These religious leaders held a conservative religious posture that was reflected in their scientific production, dedicated to the maintenance of Brazilian society in the patterns desired by the rural oligarchies of the country. Unlike the previous generation, the Protestant intellectuals, who were also religious leaders - most of them linked to the Independent Presbyterian Church of Brazil (IPIB), the same denomination to which Eduardo Carlos Pereira belonged to - took upon themselves the same spirit of transformation and social modernization that was present in the upcoming urban bourgeois. First, they aspired towards a re-elaboration of Brazilian Protestantism which they judged to be far short of establishing a dialogue with Brazilian culture. Second, they desired that the transformation of the Protestant mentality would permit an evangelization of the "educated and cultured class" of society; that is, of the Brazilian ruling elite and of the urban bourgeois. Since the doors were closed to them by the conservative leadership of the churches and their internal structures of power, they decided to use as a means of communication the journals of religious culture to speak to all Protestants without being prevented to do so by the Protestant leadership of the churches. The main speakers of these journals were the following Presbyterian pastors: Epaminondas Melo do Amaral, Miguel Rizzo Junior, Othoniel... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Doutor
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Suau, Mayol Tomàs. "El corporacionisme dels arquitectes a Catalunya (1874 – 1975). Compromís polític, social i cultural." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/107881.
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Amb el present treball d'investigació hem analitzat l'evolució del corporacionisme dels arquitectes catalans, essencialment el radicat a la ciutat de Barcelona, durant el transcurs d'un segle, entre 1874 i 1975. Hem conegut, així, la trajectòria de les diferents corporacions (l'Associació d'Arquitectes de Catalunya, el Sindicat d'Arquitectes i el Col•legi Oficial), les natures que adoptà cada una d'elles i les causes últimes que les determinaren, gairebé sempre una combinació entre el context polític en què nasqueren i la concepció de la professió que predominava entre la classe o la que s'imposà. Així, n'hem historiat l'evolució i les vicissituds organitzatives experimentades i, alhora, la forma d'entendre l'ofici que les condicionà.
D'una manera especial, emperò, hem volgut aprofundir en el vessant polític, social i cultural d'aquestes entitats. És a dir, en la manera en què es relacionaren amb el seu marc històric, en com aquest les influí i, sobretot, en l'aportació que en aquests tres àmbits hi va fer la classe d'arquitectes catalans organitzada. Amb això, observem que, més enllà de l'exercici professional de l'Arquitectura - que evidentment no és en absolut asèptic -, els homes que es situaren al capdavant de les diferents corporacions presentaven inquietuds respecte la vida pública que els envoltava i, mitjançant els canals que oferia l'entitat, sentiren la necessitat de prendre-hi part. En termes generals, quan entre les motivacions per posicionar-se hi detectem raons alienes a l'estricta defensa o reglamentació
professional, això és una voluntat de bastir una societat més estructurada o de generar coneixements, espais de debat i processos de reflexió, de l'índole que siguin, afirmarem que els agents protagonistes esdevenen intel•lectuals.
Aquesta condició l'adoptaren d'una manera marcada en dos períodes molt concrets i alhora diferenciats entre ells. El primer va ser el de la Catalunya republicana, quan tant el COACB com l'AAC s'oferiren sense reserves al servei de la Generalitat autònoma; el segon, a partir de finals de la dècada dels anys cinquanta i sobretot inicis dels seixanta, en què s'aconseguí connectar novament la realitat arquitectònica catalana amb la de la resta del món occidental i es començaren a qüestionar cada cop amb més vehemència els paràmetres del franquisme. Entre totes dues etapes, en la conjuntura de màxima excepcionalitat dels anys bèl•lics, l'organització que ostentà oficialment la representació dels arquitectes catalans ha de ser qualificada de revolucionària i combatent.
Per tot plegat, pel valor de les fites culturals assolides i pel nivell de compromís politicosocial adquirit, l'anàlisi de l'evolució del corporacionisme arquitectònic català ens ha fet veure en aquest col•lectiu professional una peça de força rellevància per a la configuració de la Catalunya contemporània, en tant que creadora de coneixements i generadora i difusora d'opinió i debat.
A més, els facultatius que més s'hi involucraren trobaren en aquestes entitats una plataforma des d'on sumar al seu rol de tècnics, en ocasions també d'artistes, un activisme en altres vessants, però que a la postre era indestriable de la seva professió, atès que des d'allà interactuaren amb els col•legues i amb el conjunt de la societat, l'inevitable receptor de les seves obres. En aquest sentit, doncs, considerarem el paper que hi exerciren com un element més que els investigadors hauríem de tenir en compte quan avaluéssim les seves trajectòries individuals, puix fou una forma més que tingueren d'entendre i de desenvolupar l'Arquitectura al nostre país, malgrat que menys vistosa i fins ara desconeguda que l'efectuada des de les taules de disseny, a peu d'obra o a les palestres docents.This research work analyzes the association movement of the Catalan architects, mainly located in Barcelona, during a century, from 1874 to 1975. We have studied the trajectory of the different corporations (the Associació d'Arquitectes de Catalunya, the Sindicat d'Arquitectes de Catalunya and the Col•legi Oficial), their main traits and how they were determined by the historical and political events. In that sense, we have assessed both the corporations' evolution and vicissitudes and the understanding of the profession. We especially have studied the political, social and cultural side of theses entities. Thus, we have observed how the Catalan architects were influenced by their historical context and what kind of contributions they made from their professional fields. In this way, we deduce that during the Second Spanish Republic (1931 – 1936) and in the last decade of Francisco Franco's dictatorship (1964 – 1975), the architects became intellectuals, prioritizing their social vocation to their professional or economic interests. They carried out committed political actions and developed one of the best cultural programmes of Barcelona at the time. We also infer that the collective of the Catalan architects played a major role in shaping contemporary Catalonia, because it was an outstanding creator of knowledge and generator of opinion and debate.
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Vautrin, Bruno. "Antonin Proust (1832-1905), député, ministre et défenseur des arts." Thesis, Bourgogne Franche-Comté, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017UBFCH013/document.
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Antonin Proust (1832-1905), homme politique, ami des artistes, historien, critique et salonnier, joua un rôle politique et culturel important. La vie de ce républicain libéral est un plaidoyer pour la défense des arts au service de la République. Il lie étroitement structure économique et institutions artistiques soutenant sans cesse les arts utiles. Son but est économique : former des artistes au service de l’industrie. Il crée des écoles d’art et favorise l’introduction du dessin dans les programmes scolaires. Rapporteur du budget, il soutient la protection et le développement des arts. La réunification des arts qu’il prône aboutit à la création du ministère des Arts. Protecteur des arts, il participe à la fondation des musées de sculpture comparée et des arts décoratifs et crée l’école du Louvre pour former des conservateurs. Achetant pour l’État les œuvres de Millet, Courbet et Manet, il promeut des artistes insoumis à l’Académie et s’affirme comme le promoteur d’œuvres polémiques. Organisant des expositions à la gloire de Courbet ou Manet, il prône l’audace, l’individualité, la liberté, le naturalisme. Véritable propagande artistique, industrielle et politique, l’Exposition universelle de 1889 qu’il organise concrétise ses ambitions, il y rassemble beaux-arts et arts industriels. L’art nouveau y prend racine et rayonnera en 1900. Ses succès n’ont pas permis à Proust d’entrer dans l’histoire, mais son action a porté ses fruits dans la pérennité des structures dont il a défendu la création ou dans l’explosion des arts décoratifs et du marché de l’artAntonin Proust (1832-1905), political figure, friend of the artists, historian, critic and salonnier, played an important political and cultural part. The life of this liberal republican is a plea for the protection of arts in the service of the Republic. He connects economic structure with artistic institutions and constantly advocates the useful arts. His aim is economic: to train artists in the service of the industry. He creates art schools and encourages the introduction of design at school. As budget rapporteur, he supports the protection and the development of arts. The unification of the arts which he advocates results in the creation of the ministry of the Arts. Advocate of the heritage, he takes part in the foundations of the Musée de sculpture comparée, of the musée des Arts décoratifs, and founds the École du Louvre to train curators. Buying for the State the works of Millet, Courbet and Manet, he promotes rebellious artists, unruly to the Academy of fine arts, and emerges as a partisan of controversial works. Organizing exhibitions to the glory of Courbet or Manet, he advocates boldness, individuality, freedom and naturalisme. Real artistic, industrial and political propaganda, the World Fair of 1889 which he organizes concretizes his ambitions. He gathers fine arts and useful arts. The Art Nouveau takes root there to blow up in 1900. His successes did not allow Proust to enter the history, but his action bore fruits in the sustainability of the structures he defended the foundation of or in the boom of craft arts and of the art market
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Oliveira, Gustavo de Souza 1985. "Entre o rígido e o flexível = D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso e a reforma do clero mineiro (1844-1875)." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281880.
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Orientador: Eliane Moura SilvaDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo da dissertação é analisar o ultramontanismo a partir das práticas religiosas do referido bispo, compreendendo a reforma eclesiástica como criadora de um cotidiano específico e não como simplesmente um movimento transplantado da Europa para o Brasil. Para tanto, estudamos algumas ações de D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso (1787-1875) durante seu bispado na Diocese de Mariana, Minas Gerais, entre os anos de 1844 e 1875. As medidas adotadas por ele tais como a reestruturação do seminário, as missões perpétuas e as visitas pastorais, somadas às ações dos padres e freiras, foram fundamentais para o entendimento do ultramontanismo como cultura religiosa. Diante de um clero que, apesar das tentativas de controle, continuava a viver da maneira que lhe convinha, a Igreja foi obrigada a alterar algumas de suas normas e se flexibilizar. Assim, a relação entre normas impostas e ações criadoras favoreceu uma reforma eclesiástica menos rigorosa. O movimento ultramontano, iniciado por D. Viçoso, em Minas Gerais, através de ações reformadoras, teve que enfrentar a grande dimensão da diocese, juntamente com a insuficiência numérica dos padres. O resultado foi uma reforma religiosa que tolerou um preparo mais rápido dos clérigos e a continuação no sacerdócio daqueles que possuíam histórico de escândalos
Abstract: The objective of this dissertation is to analyze ultramontanism from religious practices from the referred bishop, understanding ecclesiastic reform as the creator of a specific routine and not only as a movement transplanted from Europe to Brazil. Thus, we studied some actions by D. Antônio Ferreira Viçoso (1787-1875) during his bishopric in dioceses in Mariana, Minas Gerais, from 1844 to 1875. The measures adopted by him as restructuration of the seminar, perpetual missions and pastorals visits, added to actions by priests and nuns, and were very important for the understanding of ultramontanism as religious culture. Opposite to the clergy, who despite controlling attempts, continued to live as they wished, Church had to change some of its rules and to make itself more flexible. Therefore, the relationship among imposed rules and creative actions favored a less strict ecclesiastic reform. The ultramontane movement, started by D. Viçoso, in Minas Gerais, through reformatory actions, had to face the great dimension of the dioceses, together with a numerical insufficiency of priests. The result was a religious reform that tolerated a faster education of the clergy and the continuation in priesthood of those with a record of scandals
Mestrado
Historia Cultural
Mestre em História
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Son, Jessica. "Determinants of citizen well-being in the U.S. states : do policy liberalism and political culture matter? /." View online version, 2009. http://ecommons.txstate.edu/arp/314.
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Parvin, Philip. "Liberalism, political theory, and the rights of minority cultures : just how different are the 'politics of difference'?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2001. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2270/.
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Liberal political theory has come under increased criticism in recent years for its supposed inability to sufficiently 'accommodate' or 'recognise' cultural difference. Liberalism, it is said, is insufficiently attentive to the importance of group attachments, is rooted in a universalism which undermines the boundaries between cultures and is, therefore, unable to adequately resolve those political conflicts which arise out of the cultural, religious and ethnic diversity found in contemporary Western societies. The thesis examines these claims and argues that liberalism is more resistant to criticism than many non-liberals (and liberals) believe. The thesis argues that liberalism is a necessarily 'comprehensive' doctrine, committed to the principle of individual autonomy and that this places constraints upon what groups can and cannot be allowed to do in the name of cultural values. It therefore challenges those 'political liberals' who seek to isolate individual autonomy as valuable only in the political sphere, and those other liberals who argue that liberalism should not commit itself to autonomy at all. The thesis argues that these liberals fail to displace the importance of autonomy in liberalism, and that they cannot help but appeal to precisely this principle in order to reach the conclusions they do. The thesis extends this argument to those pluralists, difference-theorists and advocates of a politics of 'recognition', who seek to replace liberalism with a new form of politics altogether. It shows that these doctrines presuppose the ability of each and every individual to reflect upon their ends and to justify them to within particular constraints in the same way as liberalism. It argues therefore, that these antiliberal theorists are required to encourage and defend the autonomy of each and every individual within the polity in much the same way as liberals. Finally, the thesis questions the significance of 'culture' to liberal political theory and to normative theorising more generally. Most specifically, it questions the link between cultural membership and personal autonomy made by liberals like Will Kymlicka and Joseph Raz. It argues that 'culture' is insufficiently determined in the literature and that this severely weakens the argument for the 'affirmation' or 'protection' of cultural groups. The thesis argues that once we begin to examine the idea of 'culture' (as it is used in the literature) in detail, we soon realise that cultural membership is not a prerequisite of individual autonomy in the way that culturalist liberals believe. Having argued as much, the thesis claims that the liberal argument for affording 'group rights' to cultures is severely weakened, as are similar arguments advanced by advocates of a politics of difference, recognition, cultural recognition, or pluralism.
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Karakostaki, Charitini. "Les fêtes nouvelles. Enquête sur les idéaux de la société ouverte et leur mise en scène : Paris 1981-2014." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH030.
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La présente thèse porte sur la mise en place des nouvelles manifestations festives en France, et plus particulièrement à Paris, depuis les années 80. Ces fêtes marquent un déplacement par rapport aux fêtes « traditionnelles » qui étaient en grande partie organisées autour des concepts de sacré et de nation. Nourri par une observation ethnographique de plusieurs années, ce travail met en évidence une multiplicité de facettes des fêtes nouvelles: les processus de conceptualisation et de création par les autorités publiques ; leur gestion et mise en œuvre par des managers culturels ou par des associations et des collectifs ; l’invention de nouvelles formes rituelles ou l’adaptation de plus anciennes ; les mises en scène urbaines et l’emploi des codes distinctifs ; l’appropriation de ces fêtes par la société et les différents débats qu’elles ont soulevés. Chacune des trois parties de la thèse est consacrée à une fête. Une place majeure est réservée à la Fête de la musique, la Marche des fiertés et la Nuit blanche, sans pour autant passer sous silence d’autres fêtes résolument nouvelles et d’envergure, telles que la Capitale européenne de la culture et les Allumées de Nantes, permettant de mieux saisir les mutations qui s’opèrent au niveau européen. Enfin, s’appuyant sur la thèse classique de Durkheim, ce travail propose d’envisager ces fêtes comme points d’entrée pour appréhender les idéaux de la société ouverte. L’intention affirmée des organisateurs de mettre en place une nouvelle conception du vivre ensemble et du lien social, est à bien des égards l’occasion de célébrer une société française et européenne, pacifique, réconciliée et toléranteThe present thesis examines the installation of new festive events in France, and more particularly in Paris, since the 80s. These celebrations mark a shift in regard to "traditional" celebrations which mostly revolve around the concepts of the sacred and the nation. Nourished by an ethnographic observation of several years, this work highlights a variety of aspects: the process of their invention and their creation and by the public authorities; the supervision of the events by cultural managers or associations and collectives; the invention of new ritual forms and the adaptation of older ones; the design of the urban scenery and the use of distinctive codes; the appropriation of these events fro, the society and the various debates to which they gave rise. Each part of the thesis deals with a celebration in an independent way. The Fête de la musique, the Gay Pride and the Nuit blanche are analyzed here in priority. However, next to them parade also other events, entirely new and ambitious, such as the European Capital of Culture and the Allumées of Nantes which offer a better insight into changes that took place on a European level. Finally, based on Durkheim's classic thesis, this work proposes to consider these festive events as an entry point into a greater inquiry about the ideals of the open society. The asserted intention of the organizers to put in place a new conception of living together and the social bond is in many ways the occasion to celebrate a French and European society, that is peaceful, reconciled and tolerant
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Schuck, Elena de Oliveira. "A proibição da burca na França : reflexões sobre a justiça a partir de uma perspectiva feminista." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/102189.
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A lei francesa que proíbe o uso dos véus integrais em espaços públicos, recentemente aprovada, suscitou polêmicas políticas e sociais. Tal lei invoca a necessidade de evitar rostos cobertos em espaços públicos e os defensores da medida frequentemente mencionam o papel da lei em promover a laicidade e a igualdade de gênero. Contudo, o consenso sobre essa questão está longe de ser atingido entre os diversos acadêmicos e políticos que a discutem. Muitos dos opositores da lei a veem como uma forma de promover o racismo e a segregação ao invés da justiça, da liberdade, da integração, da igualdade de gênero e da agência das mulheres. Considerando a posição de algumas teóricas feministas, pretendemos desenvolver uma reflexão associando o feminismo às teorias liberal, comunitarista e multiculturalista a fim de refletir sobre as dimensões políticas e ideológicas deste processo. Assim, abordaremos os conceitos de justiça, liberdade e igualdade, fundamentais para a compreensão desse debate. Desse modo, pretendemos discutir as motivações para a criação da lei, bem como as suas consequências na sociedade francesa.The recent French law banning women from wearing full-cover veils in public spaces has raised controversy in different political and social scopes. The law mentions the necessity of avoiding hidden faces in public spaces and its defenders often mention the law’s role in promoting secularism and gender equality. However, several policy makers and scholars are far from reaching agreement around this issue. Much of the opponents of the law see in this measure a way of promoting racism and segregation instead of justice, freedom, integration, women’s agency and gender equality. Putting at the frontline the position of some feminist scholars, we intend to develop a debate among theoretical feminism liberalism, multiculturalism and communitarism in order to understand the political and ideological dimension of this process. We will be addressing important issues such as justice, freedom and gender equity, which are fundamental to understand this debate. Our aim is to discuss the motivations for creating the law as well as its consequences in French society.
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Leitch, David Gideon. "The politics of understanding language as a model of culture /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3331060.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed Dec. 5, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 235-251).
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Helvaci, Ahmet. "The influence of liberalism on Turkish economy, politics and civic culture with particular reference to the Ozal era." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.301556.
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Hoffacker, Jayna C. "Catholicism and Community: American Political Culture and the Conservative Catholic Social Justice Tradition, 1890-1960." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2010. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/42.
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The prevailing trend in the historiography of American Catholicism has been an implicit acceptance of the traditional liberal narrative as formulated by scholars like Louis Hartz. American Catholic historians like Jay Dolan and John McGreevy have incorporated this narrative into their studies and argue that America was inherently liberal and that the conservative Catholics who rejected liberalism were thus fundamentally anti-American. This has simplified nuanced and complex relationships into a story of simple opposition. Further, the social justice doctrine of the Catholic Church, although based on undeniably illiberal foundations, led conservatives to come to the same conclusions about social and economic reform as did twentieth-century liberal reformers. These shared ideas about social reform, though stemming from conflicting foundations and looking toward vastly different goals, allowed conservative Catholics to play a role in what are seen as some of the most sweeping liberal reforms of the twentieth-century.
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Ghimire, Bishnu. "Imagining India from the Margins: Liberalism and Hybridity in Late Colonial India." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1334344362.
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