Relevant bibliographies by topics / Cultural liberalism

Academic literature on the topic 'Cultural liberalism'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 20 February 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Cultural liberalism"

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Hidayatullah, Muhammad Fahmi, Muhamad Anwar Firdausi, Yusuf Hanafi, and Zawawi Ismail. "THE DIALECTICS OF RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL LIBERALISM IN THE TRANSCULTURAL ERA." El-HARAKAH (TERAKREDITASI) 23, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 273–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.18860/eh.v23i2.13956.

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Trans culture is a cross-cultural condition which can develop or survive within the life of a community. Religion and culture as the pillars for unity in the cross-cultural era can potentially develop into liberalism. This study aims to reveal the process of religious and cultural liberalism along with the solutions. It uses a qualitative-analysis method with hermeneutic approach based on the thoughts of the figures of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in East Java. To collect the data, the researchers conduct in-depth interviews and data analysis of the works and news on religious and cultural liberalism. The study discovers the dialectic model of religious liberalism by making human rights the main source of law, which is called theological-capitalism. Besides, it finds cultural liberalism in the form of an identity crisis, which is called enculturation-liberalism. To overcome the religious liberalism, we can use clarification techniques and logical-systematic thinking. Meanwhile, the solution to deal with cultural liberalism is through cultural realism and socio-cultural learning. Transkultural adalah kondisi lintas kebudayaan yang dapat berkembang atau bertahan di kehidupan masyarakat. Agama dan budaya sebagai pilar persatuan yang dalam era lintas kebudayaan berpotensi berkembang pada paham liberal. Tujuan penelitian ini mengungkap proses liberalisme agama dan budaya yang disertai solusi dalam menangkalnya. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif-analisis dengan pendekatan hermeneutik berdasarkan pemikiran tokoh Ulama’ NU Jawa Timur. Dalam menggali data, dilakukan interviu mendalam serta analisis data dokumentatif karya dan berita liberalisme agama dan budaya. Hasil penelitian ditemukan model dialektika liberalisme agama dengan menjadikan Hak Asasi Manusia sebagai sumber hukum utama disebut teologis-kapitalistik, sedangkan dialektika liberalisme budaya dalam bentuk krisis identitas disebut enkulturasi-liberalistik. Solusi dalam menaggulangi liberalisme agama dengan menggunakan teknik klarifikasi dan berfikir logis-sistematis. Sedangkan solusi menghadapi liberalisme budaya melalui realisme culture dan socio-culture learning.
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Moore, Margaret. "Political Liberalism and Cultural Diversity." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 8, no. 2 (July 1995): 297–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003210.

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One of the most important and divisive issues facing heterogeneous or culturally diverse states—and most states are culturally diverse—is the relation between these different cultures and the state.This question was raised initially in contemporary liberal political philosophy in terms of the fruitful debate between liberals and communitarians. Sandel, for example, criticized Rawls’s A Theory of Justice and, by extension, all liberal theories for falsely abstracting from conceptions of the good, abstracting from culturallyspecific conceptions, and grounding his liberal principles in terms of an abstract Kantian individualism. Liberal theorists countered by complaining that communitarians falsely conceived of a single homogeneous community. Although Rawls’s revised defense of liberal justice in his 1993 book Political Liberalism does not refer directly to the liberal-communitarian debate, nevertheless, his new grounding of liberal political principles, as principles which would be acceptable to individuals with diverse conceptions of the good, seems to justify liberal principles in terms of contemporary conditions, and, at the same time, challenges the relevance of those theories which appeal to any notion of a homogeneous ‘community’.
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Mendus, Susan. "Cultural Pluralism and Dilemmas of Justice. By Monique Deveaux. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000. 205p. $35.00. Becoming Free: Autonomy and Diversity in the Liberal Polity. By Emily R. Gill. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2001. 292p. $45.00 cloth, $19.95 paper." American Political Science Review 96, no. 4 (December 2002): 801–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402260463.

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What does liberalism imply about our duties to minority cultures, and what do the claims of such cultures imply about the nature of liberalism? These may seem like different ways of asking roughly the same question and, in a sense, so they are. Both formulations invite us to consider the relationship between liberalism and diversity, and both do so in the specific context of group, as distinct from individual, identity. However, and as these two books demonstrate, it makes a difference which question we take as our starting point. Emily Gill begins with a question about the fundamental commitments of liberalisn, and having answered that question, she then goes on to investigate the implications for cultural membership. By contrast, Monique Deveaux begins by asking what justice requires for cultural minorities, and having answered that question, she then goes on to investigate the implications for our understanding of liberal democratic theory and practice.
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AITKEN, ROB. "Provincialising embedded liberalism: film, orientalism and the reconstruction of world order." Review of International Studies 37, no. 4 (May 12, 2011): 1695–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210511000131.

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AbstractThis article explores conceptions of post-war world order promoted in appeals to ‘filmic internationalism’ – an Anglo-American movement of filmmakers, artists, and cultural bureaucrats who became committed to social-realist documentary films throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Examining this movement, I argue, allows us to reflect on the cultural consititution of embedded liberalsim, a vision of post-war order pursued not only in political-economic but also in cultural terms. Moreover, retelling the story of filmic internationalism also unsettles our accounts of embedded liberalism by foregrounding the lingering importance of imperial governmentality to interwar conversations regarding post-war world order. Traces of imperial governmentality are visible in both the ways in which filmmakers conveived the cultural agency of ‘other’ populations as well as the universal conceit with which they promoted a form of social governance. Recovering these ‘other’ stories, I argue, is a critical gesture which provincialises embedded liberalism by situating it in a more diverse set of contexts than is often acknowledged.
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Bahr, Stephen J., and Anastasios C. Marcos. "Cross-Cultural Attitudes Toward Abortion." Journal of Family Issues 24, no. 3 (April 2003): 402–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192513x02250892.

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Using data from 1,494 Greeks and 1,993 Americans, this study finds that social abortion attitudes are a separate dimension from physical abortion attitudes. According to our structural equation model, abortion attitudes are influenced significantly by religiosity and sexual liberalism. The model explains social abortion attitudes significantly better than physical abortion attitudes. Although the model is applicable to both countries, there are three major differences between Greece and the United States. First, in Greece religiosity has a smaller impact on sexual liberalism, and sexual liberalism has a much weaker impact on both types of abortion attitudes, particularly social abortion attitudes. Second, in Greece religiosity is more strongly related to abortion attitudes than in the United States, particularly to social abortion attitudes. Third, education has a weaker influence in Greece than in the United States.
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Spitz, Elaine, and Gottfried Dietze. "Liberalism Proper and Proper Liberalism." Eighteenth-Century Studies 20, no. 1 (1986): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2738610.

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Jones, Tod. "Liberalism and Cultural Policy in Indonesia." Social Identities 13, no. 4 (July 2007): 441–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504630701459123.

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Slavitt, David R. "Cultural conservatism, political liberalism: From criticism to cultural studies." Academic Questions 10, no. 4 (December 1997): 79–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-997-1130-0.

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Vincent, K. Steven. "Doctrinaire liberalism." European Legacy 10, no. 3 (June 2005): 211–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770500084861.

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Rebel, G. M. "Turgenev’s depictions in contemporary cultural studies." Voprosy literatury, no. 6 (February 7, 2019): 142–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31425/0042-8795-2018-6-142-166.

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A review of S. Volkov’s History of Russian Culture during the Romanovs Rule. 1613–1917 [Istoriya russkoy kultury v tsarstvie Romanovykh. 1613–1917] and A. Davydov’s Neopolitical Liberalism in Russia [Neopoliticheskiy liberalism v Rossii], the article is concerned with depiction of I. Turgenev’s personality and creative legacy. Both historians set ambitious culturological goals for themselves, yet their interpretations of the subject betrays their very tentative knowledge of historical and cultural realia, as well as poor grasp of art’s aesthetic nature. Volkov chooses to build his story around a para-literary gossip verging on an abusive lampoon, with Turgenev’s character downgraded and distorted, and the scale of his work completely overlooked. In his search of ‘neopolitical liberalism’ in Russian literature, Davydov finds it in unexpected places, while missing it altogether in Turgenev’s works, where it constitutes an ideological foundation and key element of their meaning and poetics. The studies by Volkov and Davydov tend to sacrifice historical-literary and artistic material in favour of prejudice and subjectivity, as well as arbitrary concepts.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cultural liberalism"

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Kymlicka, W. "Liberal equality and cultural community." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.234294.

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Gough, Michael John. "Rousseau, liberalism and the politics of multicultural citizenship." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.390652.

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Taylor, Sam Lorraine. "The liberal state and cultural diversity." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.285366.

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Gerson, Gal. "Structures of knowledge in British progressive liberal thought 1890-1920 : society, nature and cultural legacies." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.264311.

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Fletcher, Daniel Kevin. "The cultural contradictions of anti-capitalism : globalisation, resistance and the limits of liberalism." Thesis, Keele University, 2015. http://eprints.keele.ac.uk/2727/.

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This thesis seeks to explore the cultural tendencies of contemporary anti-capitalism by relating such tendencies to the wider cultural context. It is argued that contemporary anti-capitalist movements such as the Occupy movement are marked by a self-emancipatory ethos that emerges as an inherent feature of a global society pervaded by Western­ bourgeois cultural tendencies. It is argued that the self-emancipatory ethos is constituted by an essential contradiction, simultaneously bringing out being-over desires (or desires for power over humanity and nature) and being-with desires, (or desires for horizontal connections or associations with humanity and nature). Employing a post-structuralist perspective and insisting on the improbability of cultural transcendence, the thesis suggests that contemporary anti-capitalist movements tend to radicalise, rather than absolutely oppose, Western-bourgeois cultural tendencies, and explores how radical groups feed radical undercurrents into the liberal-democratic mainstream to contribute to the development of Western society. In developing the concept of self-emancipatory contradiction, the thesis seeks to radicalise the philosophical perspective employed by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. It traces these authors' philosophical perspective back to the philosophy of desire developed by Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari in the late 1960s and early 1970s, linking this philosophy to the political and social upheavals that developed from the revolt of May 1968 in France. While insisting that Deleuze and Guattari helped usher in a postmodern break in the 1960s, the thesis seeks to place this break within the history of self-emancipatory struggle in the West, exploring how the break exacerbated the self-emancipatory contradiction to feed into the development of neoliberal culture from the late 1970s onwards. In placing the postmodern break in its cultural context, the thesis explores the origins and early development of the Western-bourgeois ethos of self-emancipation, focusing on early liberalist philosophy and key democratising political upheavals in Western history.
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Lanefelt, Lily Stroubouli. "Multiculturalism, Liberalism and the Burden of Assimilation." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-81978.

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Should a liberal state meet claims for accommodation of cultural difference with a liberal multicultural approach that grants cultural rights to minorities? The present thesis tries to answer this question by investigating if a liberal state may adopt a multicultural approach and still remain liberal. The purpose of the thesis, more specifically, is to study whether the accommodation of multiculturalism through cultural rights can be based on liberal values or not. The inquiry focuses on three influential liberal multicultural approaches which claim that cultural rights are congruent with equality, toleration and autonomy respectively. The coherence of these models is, however, questioned in the thesis. These models may neither be claimed to promote liberal values in a coherent and unambiguous way, nor be described as the adequate response to the type of burden of assimilation that members of minority cultures experience in liberal states. The main conclusion of the study is that liberal multiculturalism does not follow consistently from liberal premises and that the possibility of a normative conjunction between multiculturalism and liberalism therefore should be characterized as an open question in political theory. From liberal premises, a liberal neutralist model of integration based on anti-discrimination and equality of opportunity, in fact, still seems to be the most promising basis for a multicultural policy. It is argued in the thesis that this model can be developed if combined with a liberal scheme for deliberation on multicultural issues based on the principle of equality of opportunity.
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Visanich, Valerie. "Generational differences and cultural change." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2012. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/10876.

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Young people are arguably facing complex life situations in their transition into adulthood and navigating their life trajectories in a highly individualised way. For youth in post-compulsory education, their training years have been extended, their years of dependency have increased and they have greater individual choice compared to previous youth generations. This study develops an understanding of the process of individualisation applied to youth in late modernity and explores it in relation to the neo-liberal climate. It compares the life situation of this youth generation with youth in the early 1960s, brought up with more predefined traditional conditions, cemented in traditional social structures. The processes that led to generational changes in the experiences of youth in the last forty-five years are examined, linked to structural transformations that influence subjective experiences. Specifically, the shifts of the conditions of youth in post-compulsory education are studied in relations to socio-economic, technological and cultural changes. This study discusses the Western Anglo-American model of changes in youths life experiences and examines how it (mis)fits in a more conservative Catholic Mediterranean setting. The research investigates conditions in Malta, an ex-colonial small island Mediterranean state, whose peculiarities include its delayed economic development compared to the Western setting. The core of the research comprises of primary data collection using in-depth, ethnographical interviews, with two generations of youth in different socio-historical context; those who experienced their youth in the early 1960s and youth in the late 2000s. This study concludes that the concept of individualisation does indeed illuminate the experiences of youth in late modernity especially when compared to the experiences of youth forty-five years ago. However the concept of individualisation is applied in a glocalised manner in line with the peculiarities of Malta that has lagged behind mainstream developments in Western Europe and still retained traditional features. Building on the individualisation concept, I use an empirically grounded concept of compromised choices to describe the increase in the bargaining of choice happening at different fronts in the life experiences of youth, especially in the life biography of women, choices in education and the job market and choices in consumption.
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Plaw, Avery. "Isaiah Berlin's pluralist thought and liberalism : a re-reading and contrast with John Rawls." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38258.

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This dissertation argues that Isaiah Berlin and John Rawls can be seen as seminal contributors to two quite distinct revivals of political theory in the latter half of the twentieth century. It suggests that coming to grips with the different underlying character of these revivals and writers is important to understanding political theory and liberalism today. However, while the importance Berlin's of Berlin's work is increasingly recognized, there remain puzzling controversies concerning its overall character and import and in particular concerning its relationship to the dominant forms of American political thought, and Rawls' work in particular. This dissertation offers a novel interpretation of Berlin's political thought and liberalism, and a preliminary exploration of its relationship with Rawls' political thought.
The reading of Berlin develops the following principal themes: (1) Berlin was a moderate but consistent historicist primarily concerned with the interpretive self-understanding of his own form of life; (2) Berlin was a strong but distinctive pluralist who argued for a limited but open-ended range of recognizable and rivalrous ultimate values and for an agitated equilibrium of these values in public life; (3) Berlin focused the bulk of his critical energy on defending an internally pluralistic range of traditionally liberal values within this agitated equilibrium, with an emphasis on liberty and pluralism. He nonetheless recognized that there were other equally ultimate values, not distinctively liberal, which were legitimate and deserving of consideration and even defense. Berlin's essential insight is into the contemporary rivalry of equally ultimate values revealed by the historicist exercise of the sympathetic imagination.
This interpretation of Berlin's thought suggests some deep points of dispute with Rawls' Political Liberalism, in particular over the regulative role of Rawls' political conception of justice in public reason. This dissertation argues that, when explored, these points of disagreement reveal two very different approaches to contemporary political thought, Berlin's grounded in an embrace of strong moral and political pluralism as the basis of political theory, and Rawls' grounded in an effort to tame such "simple" pluralism through the elaboration of a consensual normative framework of public life.
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Winton, Samantha M. "Comparting pro- and anti-nudity college students on acceptance of self, cultural diversity, social responsibility, and secularism/liberalism." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2007. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1053.

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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.
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Lucas, Doglas Cesar. "Direitos humanos e interculturalidade: um diálogo entre a igualdade e a diferença." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2008. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2481.

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Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T17:38:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 11
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O cenário político-social do mundo contemporâneo desafia a efetividade dos direitos humanos como um conjunto comum de reciprocidades e de responsabilidades a ser respeitado pelos diversos povos do globo, seja por conta do rearranjo das relações internacionais, seja por conta da falta de efetividade das legislações protetivas dos Estados-nação, seja por conta do conflito intenso entre as posições culturais particulares e a universalidade dos direitos humanos. Uma vez que não guardam relação exclusiva com a nacionalidade, com a cultura, com a religião e com as tradições culturais particulares, os problemas que afetam a humanidade como um todo não podem ser enfrentados por uma cultura de direitos humanos que deposita sua validade apenas no reconhecimento positivo de cada país ou nas práticas culturais que pontuam a tradição de uma comunidade. Nesse contexto, uma cultura dos direitos humanos que queira enfrentar de modo eficiente os desafios de seu tempo precisa ser fundada na moralidade que é comum a todos os
Current sociopolitical world scenario challenges the effectiveness of human rights as a common group of reciprocities and responsibilities to be respected by the several people of the world, be it because of the rearrangement of international relations, be it because of the lacking effectiveness of the protecting legislation of the nation states, be it for the sake of the intense conflict between particular cultural positions and the universality of human rights. As they do not guard an exclusive relation with the nationality, culture, religion and particular cultural traditions, the problems that affect humanity as a whole may not be kept back by a human rights culture that deposits its validity only on the positive recognition of every country or on the cultural practices that make out a community´s tradition. In this connection, a human rights culture that wants efficiently face the challenges of modern times must ground on the morality common to all people, irrespective of time and place, in a juridic
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Books on the topic "Cultural liberalism"

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Kernohan, Andrew William. Liberalism, equality, and cultural oppression. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.

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Seaton, James. Cultural conservatism, political liberalism: From criticism to cultural studies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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Melleuish, Gregory. Cultural liberalism in Australia: A study in intellectual and cultural history. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.

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Flathman, Richard E. Toward a liberalism--. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989.

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Inc, ebrary, ed. European liberalism and 'The Muslim Question'. Amsterdam: ISIM, 2008.

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Liberalism, community, and culture. Oxford [England]: Clarendon Press, 1989.

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Liberalism, community and culture. Oxford: Clarendon, 1991.

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Pluralism and liberal democracy. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006.

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Bailkin, Jordanna. The culture of property: The crisis of liberalism in modern Britain. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004.

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Liberale Kulturpolitik. Berlin: Liberal, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "Cultural liberalism"

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Hardin, Russell. "Cultural Diversity and Liberalism." In Political Legitimization without Morality?, 187–98. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-8576-5_16.

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Tan, Kok-Chor. "Liberalism and Cultural Diversity: Some Challenges." In Between Cosmopolitan Ideals and State Sovereignty, 77–88. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288928_7.

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Imbert, Patrick. "Multiple Multiculturalisms: Resentment, Religion and Liberalism." In Cultural, Religious and Political Contestations, 49–67. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-16003-0_4.

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Chaplin, Jonathan. "How Much Cultural and Religious Pluralism can Liberalism Tolerate?" In Liberalism, Multiculturalism and Toleration, 32–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22887-4_3.

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Schui, Herbert. "Chapter 10. Neo-Liberalism and the Attack on the Humanities: The New Social Science of Cultural Imperialism." In Cultural Imperialism, edited by Bernd Hamm and Russell Smandych, 149–66. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442602090-018.

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Boyd, Dwight R. "Dominance Concealed Through Diversity: Implications of Inadequate Perspectives on Cultural Pluralism." In Becoming of Two Minds about Liberalism, 121–45. Rotterdam: SensePublishers, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6300-319-3_9.

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McManus, Matthew. "Post-modernity as a Cultural Condition." In The Emergence of Post-modernity at the Intersection of Liberalism, Capitalism, and Secularism, 83–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98970-5_8.

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Smith, Angel. "Liberalism, Romanticism and the Consolidation of a Cultural Catalan Identity, 1815–74." In The Origins of Catalan Nationalism, 1770–1898, 70–97. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137354495_4.

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Lee, Seung-Hwan. "2. Confucianism as an Antidote for the Liberal Self‐Centeredness: A Dialogue between Confucianism and Liberalism." In Confucianisms for a Changing World Cultural Order, edited by Roger T. Ames and Peter D. Hershock, 29–42. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780824873325-003.

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"The politics of cultural diversity." In Post-liberalism, 253–71. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315004648-18.

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Conference papers on the topic "Cultural liberalism"

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Gerni, Cevat, Selahattin Sarı, Mustafa Kemal Değer, and Ömer Selçuk Emsen. "Liberalism and Economic Growth in Transition Economies." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c02.00290.

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In the world economy, since 1960s, countries, which are open and apply liberal policies succeeded higher economic growth and welfare. Therefore, liberal policies became more attractive. In that case, the transition, which has political, economic, and socio-cultural aspects, means moving from socialist-authoritarian structure to market based-liberal structures. In the literature, there are many studies which point out labor force and capital are not significant on the economic growth. In addition, the literature focuses on the importance of institutions on the economic growth. In this study, we compare the countries which were quickly away from the socialist structures with the countries which were slow on the reforms. Our analysis depends on their economic growth with cross section. However, we know the importance of institutional aspects on the growth research; therefore, we applied 2SLS regression analysis and to determine the economic liberalism indicators we used political rights, civil liberties, years that were under the socialism, openness, secondary school ratio, and public spending/GDP ratio. In the late phase, GDP per capita, as an indicator of economic growth, is explained with an independent variable which is predicted in the first phase via liberalism variable, and labor-population ratio and constant capital stock GDP ratio variables used in Neo-classical Solow-type growth model.
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Nikolić, Nenad. "PROBLEM IDENTITETA NACIONALNE KNjIŽEVNOSTI U MEĐUNARODNOM KONTEKSTU." In IDENTITETSKE promene: srpski jezik i književnost u doba tranzicije. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Edaucatin in Jagodina, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zip21.025n.

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The paper analyses the global tendency of conceptualizing transnational and regional literature in order to suppress national literatures at first, and then to completely replace them. The analysis is based on History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe: Junctures and disjunctures in the 19th and 20th centuries (Eds. M. Cornis-Pope and J. Neubauer, Vol. I 2004, Vol. II 2006, Vol. III 2007, Vol. IV 2010). The tendency to replace national literatures with the transnational one is depicted within the framework of broader cultural, social, and political circumstances. Based on the ideology of “Western liberalism, global capitalism, and George Soros” – which was stated as the core idea of the History of the Literary Cultures of East-Central Europe by its editors – this tendency leads to a general weakening of traditional identities framework: from personal to national identity. Therefore, the suppression of national literature is simultaneous with the suppression of nationality in general, and with changing the notion of literature as it existed in the age of national states since that notion was correspondent with the personal identity which also undergoes through changes.
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Martínez Bueno, Juan Felipe. "Los Horizontes Mestizos: Polílogos, simbología y permeabilidad política en el arte." In IV Congreso Internacional Estética y Política: Poéticas del desacuerdo para una democracia plural. València: Editorial Universitat Politècnica de València, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/cep4.2019.10315.

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Ante el desgaste de los modelos políticos y democráticos, centrados en la discusión, el debate y los esquemas formales de representación y acción política proponemos el polílogo -acuñado por F. M. Wimmer para encarar asertivamente el contacto filosófico intercultural- y la simbología como corrección, oposición y ampliación de las dinámicas centralistas mono/dialógicas que, con sus respectivas estructuras demo-liberales, condicionan los contenidos y relaciones entre las partes involucradas en las disputas políticas. De este modo pretendemos elucidar algunas de las posibilidades de interacción multicultural que proporciona la simbología, entendida brevemente aquí como la expresión ontológica y epistémica de los horizontes sociales. A diferencia de los escenarios estrictamente políticos, la simbología en su vertiente artística permite -e invita- al mestizaje de los horizontes debido a su capacidad reconciliadora de los opuestos (en este caso el yo/otro, centro/periferia, local/extranjero) abriendo camino a modelos alternativos de integración que ya no solamente operen desde la verticalidad institucional definida por un esquema y origen definidos dentro del pensamiento eurocéntrico, sino mediante la flexibilidad y permeabilidad que han caracterizado a los movimientos artísticos y sus dinámicas de frontera. La política del disenso, en clave simbolista, apunta al cuestionamiento de los modelos de participación cultural y hacia la efectiva apertura a un mestizaje ontológico y metodológico que, en su receptividad multidireccional de poli-logo, cuestiona incluso los valores promovidos por el liberalismo pan-económico, erigiéndose como un laboratorio artístico/político divergente y necesario ante el estancamiento de los paradigmas y, además, muy urgente ante la escalada de los populismos nacionalistas de Europa y el mundo.
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Didkovskaya, Yana, Dmitriy Onegov, and Dmitriy Trynov. "THE RELATION BETWEEN THE POLITICAL SELF-IDENTIFICATION AND SOCIAL WELLBEING OF POLITICALLY-ACTIVE YOUTH IN RUSSIA." In NORDSCI International Conference Proceedings. Saima Consult Ltd, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2019/b2/v2/36.

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this paper, we present the analysis of the relation between the political self-identification and social wellbeing of politically active youth in Russia. The method we used to study political self-identification included the identification of respondents' political views in the specter of ideologies representing the most established ideological and political trends in the public consciousness. We measured social well-being using a scale from 1 to 5 points to assess subjective satisfaction with the situation in the country in various fields. Although we measured the level of young people security: how do they assess their future - as confident or not? The political activity of Russian youth exists in two forms: "support" and "opposition"- whether they support the authorities or oppose them. Based on this principle, we surveyed two groups of respondents. The first group includes participants of youth organizations actively cooperating with authorities, as well as participants of regional Youth Parliaments, Youth Governments, Youth Public Chambers (active supporters, N=300). The second group includes those young people, which represent the modern youth protest, first of all, volunteers of the Progress Party and the Libertarian Party (active oppositionists, N=300). The study revealed that among active supporters, there are a lot of those who are not following any political ideology (40%) or cannot identify their political and ideological views (17%). Respondents with such position are quite a few among active oppositionists. The significant proportion of active oppositionists share liberal or libertarian views (51%). In both groups, radical views are not popular - almost no one identifies himself with the Communist or Nationalist ideology. We found that several wellbeing indicators have significantly different values in both groups. In particular, young supporters of the authorities are more secure: almost 80% of respondents feel security in one way or another, and only 16% are not secure, while among oppositionists, only 15% fell secure, and more than 80% of oppositionist respondents not feel security. The results of the survey showed that low levels of satisfaction, in general, characterize the social wellbeing of politically active youth. Politically active youth is most critical in the economic sphere of society. If we compare the social wellbeing of the two groups of politically active youth (supporting and opposing authorities), the indicators of satisfaction with the situation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres of society among active oppositionists are significantly lower than those of supporters. We concluded that there is a relation between the social wellbeing of young people and their self-identification in politics: young people who identify themselves with liberal political views (close to the ideology of liberalism) express pessimistic social sentiment and sharply critical assessment of social wellbeing. Young people with uncertain or "blurred" political orientation, show more optimistic mood and satisfaction with the current situation.
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Glushkova, Svetlana. "Liberal Ideas of B.N. Chicherin: The Past and The Present." In The Public/Private in Modern Civilization, the 22nd Russian Scientific-Practical Conference (with international participation) (Yekaterinburg, April 16-17, 2020). Liberal Arts University – University for Humanities, Yekaterinburg, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35853/ufh-public/private-2020-25.

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Russian liberal heritage, first of all, the scientific works of the famous Russian legal expert Boris Chicherin, is the fundamental basis for the developing science of human rights in modern Russia; it is from this position that this article examines Chicherin’s work. The main purpose of the study is to identify Chicherin’s priorities in shaping new progressive ideas for Russia and to examine the transformation of his views. In examining and analysing Chicherin’s liberal ideas, historical, logical and comparative methods were applied. It has been concluded that Chicherin set the foundation of the liberal theory of human rights, elaborated a set of progressive ideas and a blueprint of reforms, which determined the formation of several generations of liberals in autocratic Russia and are still relevant today. Defending the priority of private law over public law, Chicherin argued: a civil order based on private law must always be free from state absorption. He was among the first in Russia to develop the idea of a constitutional state in relation with the creation of free institutions and the formation of a high intellectual and moral level of society. By developing the new policy of ‘liberal measures and strong state authority’ as an optimal model for Russian state and society, Chicherin gave rise to the formation of political science in Russia. The author believes that the analysis and discussion of Chicherin’s academic writings in university classrooms and at academic conferences contribute to the formation of a culture of human rights, a liberal worldview, a new generation of reformers, and the advancement of the emerging science of human rights.
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Reports on the topic "Cultural liberalism"

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Tyson, Paul. Climate Change Mitigation and Human Flourishing: Recovering Teleology, Avoiding Tyranny. Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp5.

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It is most unlikely that adjusting to a 1.5 to 2 degree hotter world is possible within the prevailing political and economic norms of our times. In our post-capitalist times we need to modify modern technological market “liberalism” (which has become, actually, techno-feudalism). If we do not modify our present norms, the collapse of the natural means of power and privilege native to our present world order makes it almost inevitable that democratic liberalism will devolve further into a distinctly anti-liberal species of techno-tyranny. To avoid such a dystopian future, this paper explores how we might re-imagine our global politico-economic norms without embracing techno-tyranny. The argument put forward is that modern liberalism makes the means of personal wealth accumulation and private freedom, the end of public life. This confusion of means with ends implies, ironically, that if our means become unviable, we have no way of aiming at valuable human ends by different means. We have a culturally assumed faulty teleology in political economics and in our philosophy of technology. A revised form of Aristotle’s teleology is proposed whereby an understanding of common human flourishing defines human ends, and where a range of new means could then be pursued to achieve that end, respecting the natural limitations on means that are now upon us.
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Siebert, Rudolf J., and Michael R. Ott. Catholicism and the Frankfurt School. Association Inter-University Centre Dubrovnik, December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.53099/ntkd4301.

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The paper traces the development from the medieval, traditional union, through the modern disunion, toward a possible post-modern reunion of the sacred and the profane. It concentrates on the modern disunion and conflict between the religious and the secular, revelation and enlightenment, faith and autonomous reason in the Western world and beyond. It deals specifically with Christianity and the modern age, particularly liberalism, socialism and fascism of the 2Oth and the 21st centuries. The problematic inclination of Western Catholicism toward fascism, motivated by the fear of and hate against socialism and communism in the 20th century, and toward exclusive, authoritarian, and totalitarian populism and identitarianism in the 21st. century, is analyzed, compared and critiqued. Solutions to the problem are suggested on the basis of the Critical Theory of Religion and Society, derived from the Critical Theory of Society of the Frankfurt School. The critical theory and praxis should help to reconcile the culture wars which are continually produced by the modern antagonism between the religious and the secular, and to prepare the way toward post-modern, alternative Future III - the freedom of All on the basis of the collective appropriation of collective surplus value. Distribution and recognition problems are equally taken seriously.
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