Journal articles on the topic 'Cuban Revolution'
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1
Keller, Renata. "Fan Mail to Fidel." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, no. 1 (2017): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mex.2017.33.1.6.
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This article analyzes the newly-declassified letters that Mexicans and people residing in Mexico sent to the Cuban government in the first decade after the Cuban Revolution. The letters reveal that the Cuban Revolution found supporters among a variety of Mexicans because the events in Cuba reflected their own nation’s history of revolution and U.S. intervention. In addition to praising the Cuban Revolution, the Mexicans who put pen to paper confessed their hopes and fears for their own country. While these letters were ostensibly about Cuba, they in fact reveal more about political culture in 1960s Mexico. Este artículo analiza las cartas que mexicanos y foráneos residentes en México enviaron al gobierno cubano en la primera década después de la Revolución Cubana. Las cartas revelan que varios mexicanos apoyaron a la revolución porque los eventos en Cuba reflejaban la historia de revolución e intervencionismo estadounidense en México. Asimismo, estos mexicanos describían las ilusiones y miedos sobre su propio país. A pesar de tratar sobre Cuba, estas cartas revelan aún más sobre la cultura política de México en los años sesenta.
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Cezar Miskulin, Sílvia. "A POLÍTICA CULTURAL NA REVOLUÇÃO CUBANA: as disputas intelectuais nos anos 1960 e 1970." Caderno CRH 32, no. 87 (December 31, 2019): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v32i87.31027.
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<p>A Revolução Cubana promoveu grandes transformações na sociedade da ilha. Novas publicações, instituições culturais e manifestações artísticas acompanharam a efervescência política e cultural ao longo dos anos 60. Esta pesquisa analisou o suplemento cultural Lunes de Revolución, a editora El Puente e o suplemento cultural El Caimán Barbudo, com o objetivo de mostrar o surgimento das novas publicações e manifestações culturais em Cuba após o triunfo da Revolução. O trabalho demonstra que o surgimento de uma política cultural acarretou a normatização e o controle das produções culturais pelo governo cubano desde os anos 1960, e mais ainda após 1971, quando se acentuou o fechamento e o endurecimento no meio cultural cubano.</p><p> </p><p>CULTURAL POLICY IN THE CUBAN REVOLUTION: intellectual disputes in the 1960s and 1970s</p><p>The Cuban Revolution promoted great transformations in the society of the island. New publications, cultural institutions and artistic manifestations accompanied the political and cultural effervescence throughout the 1960s.This research analyzed the cultural supplement Lunes de Revolución, the El Puente publishing house and the El Caimán Barbudo cultural supplement, with the aim of showing the emergence of new publications and cultural manifestations in Cuba after the triumph of the Revolution. However, the emergence of a cultural policy has led to the normalization and control of cultural productions by the Cuban government since the 1960s, and especially after 1971, when the closing and hardening of the Cuban cultural milieu became more pronounced.</p><p>Key words: Cuba. Revolution. Culture. History. Intellectual.</p><p> </p><p>LA POLITIQUE CULTURELLE DANS LA REVOLUTION CUBAINE: controverses intellectuelles dans les annees 1960 et 1970</p><p>La révolution cubaine a promu de grandes transformations dans la société de l’île. De nouvelles publications, des institutions culturelles et des manifestations artistiques ont accompagné l’effervescence politique et culturelle tout au long des années 1960.Cette recherche a analysé le supplément culturel Lunes de Revolución, la maison d’édition El Puente et le supplément culturel El Caimán Barbudo, dans le but de montrer l’émergence de nouvelles publications et manifestations culturelles à Cuba après le triomphe de la Révolution. Cependant, l’émergence d’une politique culturelle a conduit à la normalisation et au contrôle des productions culturelles par le gouvernement cubain depuis les années 1960, et encore plus après 1971, lorsque la fermeture et l’endurcissement du milieu culturel cubain se sont accentués.</p><p>Mots clés: Cuba. Révolution. Culture. Histoire. Intellectuel.</p>
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Rodriguez, Juan Carlos. "Playing for the Nation, Fighting for the Revolution: Documentaries on Cuban Sports." Journal of Sport History 41, no. 2 (July 1, 2014): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.2.225.
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Abstract Sports have played a dual role in the Cuban Revolution. International sport competitions symbolize the revolution’s success and compose a strategy for creating social cohesion. This essay explores how Cuban sports documentaries (as well as documentaries on Cuban sports made by foreign filmmakers) represent and problematize these complementary roles. It argues that Cuban sport documentaries offer insights about the Cuban Revolution over time and provide occasions to explore the sociocultural, economic, and political challenges that Cubans have faced in the revolution’s socialist and post-Soviet stages.
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Snyder, Emily. "“Cuba, Nicaragua, Unidas Vencerán”: Official Collaborations between the Sandinista and Cuban Revolutions." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 609–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.5.
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AbstractThe Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.
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Benson, Devyn Spence. "Cuba Calls: African American Tourism, Race, and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1961." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077144.
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Abstract This essay explores the role that conversations about race and racism played in forming a partnership between an African American public relations firm and the Cuban National Tourist Institute (INIT) in 1960, just one year after Fidel Castro’s victory over Fulgencio Batista. The article highlights how Cuban revolutionary leaders, Afro-Cubans, and African Americans exploited temporary transnational relationships to fight local battles. Claiming that the Cuban Revolution had eliminated racial discrimination, INIT invited world champion boxer Joe Louis and 50 other African Americans to the island in January 1960 to experience “first class treatment — as first class citizens.” This move benefited Cuban revolutionary leaders by encouraging new tourism as the number of mainstream white American travelers to the island declined. The business venture also allowed African Americans to compare racial violence in the US South to the supposed integrated racial paradise in Cuba and foreshadowed future visits by black radicals, including NAACP leader Robert F. Williams. The politics expressed by Cuban newspapers and travel brochures, however, did not always fit with the lived experiences of Afro-Cubans. This essay uncovers how Afro-Cubans threatened national discourses by invoking revolutionary promises to denounce continued racial segregation in the very facilities promoted to African American tourists. Ultimately, ideas about race did not just cross borders between Cuba and the United States in 1960. Rather, they constituted and constructed those borders as Afro-Cubans used government claims to reposition themselves within the new revolutionary state.
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Dong, Boyuan. "Internal and External Factors to the Success of the Cuban Revolution." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36919.
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Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader of Cuba, gave a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, mainly focus- ing on how to solidify the pueblo cubano under the revolutionary flag against the U.S. intervention. This paper aims to examine the Cuban revolution stand on the view from four years after Castro has died, to prove that what Castro has mentioned during his Fourth Anniversary Speech has been accomplished, as well as compare the revolutionary movements of its neighbours like Grenada, to see why Cuba could be the only successful example of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The paper will focus on the social changes during the post-revolution Cuba based on the scholar research of Louis A. Pérez and John Walton’s comparison article between Grenada and Cuba.
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Helg, Aline. "Os afro-cubanos, protagonistas silenciados da história cubana." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i1.11447.
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Por que desde José Martí até a revolução de 1959, a história oficial cubana silenciou sobre o papel extraordinário dos afro-cubanos nas lutas contra a escravidão, pela independência e pela igualdade republicana? Este artigo responde a essa pergunta analisando os movimentos de escravos e livres de cor no século XIX, a liderança de Antonio Maceo e dos combatentes afro-cubanos nas guerras da independência e a formação em 1908 do Partido Independiente de Color, primeiro partido negro das Américas, até o aniquilamento do partido pelo Exército de Cuba em um massacre racista em 1912. O artigo também mostra como, desde 1959, a Revolução confirma a negação do protagonismo histórico dos afro-cubanos e evita todo debate sobre o racismo no país.Palavras chaves: Cuba, Diáspora africana, história, discriminação racial, política racial.---Cubano-africano, los protagonistas silenciados de la historia cubanaPor qué, desde José Martí hasta la revolución de 1959, la historia oficial cubana ha tenido bajo silencio el papel extraordinario de los Afro-cubanos en las luchas contra la esclavización, por la independencia y por la igualdad republicana? Este articulo responde a esta pregunta examinando los movimientos de esclavos y de libres de color en el siglo XIX, el liderazgo de Antonio Maceo y de los combatientes afrocubanos en las guerras de independencia y la formación en 1908 del Partido Independiente de Color, primer partido negro de las Américas, hasta el aniquilamiento del partido por el Ejercito de Cuba en una masacre racista en 1912. El articulo muestra como desde 1959 la Revolución confirma la negación del protagonismo histórico de los afrocubanos y ha evitado todo debate sobre el racismo en Cuba.Palabras clave: Cuba—Diáspora africana—Historia—Discriminación racial—Política racial---The african-Cuban, the silenced heros of Cuban historyFrom José Martí up to the 1959 revolution, why has the Cuban official history remained silent on the extraordinary role of african-Cubans in the fight against slavery, for independence and for republican equality? This article answers this question by analyzing the movements of slaves and free men of color in the nineteenth century, the leadership of Antonio Maceo and african-Cuban combatants in the wars of independence and the formation, in 1908, of the Partido Independiente Color, the first black party of the Americas until its annihilation by the Cuban Army in a racist massacre in 1912. This article also shows how, since 1959, the Revolution continues to deny the historical role of the african-Cuban and avoids any debate about racism in the country.Key Words: Cuba, African Diaspora, history, racial discrimination, racial politics.
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Seidman, Sarah J. "Angela Davis in Cuba as Symbol and Subject." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857227.
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Abstract This essay examines how gender facilitated the encounters between Angela Y. Davis and the Cuban Revolution in the late 1960s and 1970s. Davis’s multifaceted identity as a black woman and communist shaped both her representation and reception in Cuba. Cubans supported Davis by participating in the global campaign for her freedom and welcoming her to the island several times, often with delegations from the Communist Party, beginning in 1969. The Cuban state propagated an iconography of Davis that cast her as a global signifier for both repression and international solidarity. Furthermore, at a transitional moment when Cuban leadership advocated institutionalization of the revolution, the Federation of Cuban Women provided highly visible opportunities for Davis to speak and be seen not afforded to men in the black liberation movement. Davis’s time in Cuba proved transformative and foundational in shaping her view of global liberation.
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Lambe, Jennifer. "The Medium is the Message: The Screen Life of the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1962*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 227–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz034.
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Abstract For decades, the iconic image of the Cuban Revolution has been set in Havana's ‘Revolution Square’, with thousands of Cubans thronging to hear Fidel Castro speak. This portrait undergirds a primary assumption about the Revolution: that many Cubans came to embrace it by basking in the euphoria of Fidel's live presence. For the Revolution's crucial early years, this article proposes that we should reimagine this archetypal conversion experience, setting it not only under Cuba's hot sun in an hours-long rally but also in front of a television (or radio) set. From 1959 to 1962 and beyond, the interactive drama of revolutionary conversion would be constantly staged and actualized on the small screen. The early years of the Cuban Revolution thus offer a compelling window onto political life lived with and through television.
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Cosse, Isabella. "“Children of the Revolution”." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857368.
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Abstract This interview of Gregory Randall offers a lens onto a transnational life experience, including that of international refugees in Cuba. Randall was born in New York in 1960. He spent his early childhood in Mexico and arrived in Cuba in 1970, where he remained until the 1980s. In this interview, Randall reflects on Cuban policies toward women, homosexuality, and youth. He also analyzes his own family’s experience, characterized by a strong commitment to reflecting the Cuban Revolution in its own social relations and its ways of living and loving. The interview provides a unique perspective on these challenges and on Cuban history, shaped by Randall’s particular position in that historical process. Unmoored from national frameworks, his subjectivity is anchored in a transnational Left sensibility. He belongs to a generation of children of the revolution, part of Socialist Cuba as children and teenagers, and belonging to Left and internationalist families.
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Mihajlovic, Dunja. "La religión en Biografía de un cimarrón de Miguel Barnet." El texto hispanoamericano/The Spanish American Text 1, no. 1 (December 20, 2014): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/eth180.
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Biografía de un cimarrón es el título del testimonio de Esteban Montejo, un esclavo cubano, recopilado y traspuesto a la escritura por Miguel Barnet. En este testimonio, Montejo manifiesta sus ideas sobre la religión católica y las creencias y prácticas religiosas afrocubanas. Este trabajo propone que la ideología de la revolución cubana se encuentra inserta en el texto. Las expresiones de indiferencia acerca de la religión pueden leerse como parte de un mensaje textual acorde con las ideas de la revolución cubana. Biography of a runaway slave is the title of the “testimonio” of Esteban Montejo, a Cuban slave, compiled and written by Miguel Barnet. In this text, Montejo expresses his ideas on the Catholic religion, as well as on Afro-Cuban religious beliefs and practices. It is suggested that the ideology of the Cuban revolution is present in the text. The expressions of indiference towards religion can be read as part of a textual message that agrees with the ideas of the revolution.
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Medel Toro, Juan Carlos. "Socialist governmentality: political formation, revolutionary instruction, and socialist emulation in the CDR, Cuba, 1961-1965." Revista Tempo e Argumento 12, no. 29 (April 20, 2020): e0203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180312292020e0203.
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During the 1960s, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (Comités de Defensa de la Revolución [CDR]) took relevant actions along with the Cuban masses, organizing cultural, social, and economic activities that shaped socialism from below. Thereby, through their work, the CDR gave meaning to their own idea of Cuban socialism. In the context of revolutionary upheaval, they were major players in the process of governmentality deployed by the revolutionary project. They willingly participated in their own governance. As a result, the CDR deployed a productive power that actually aimed at improving the lives of fellow Cubans. This article highlights the political formation of CDR members through revolutionary instruction and ideological formation. Also, this is an analysis of the role of CDR members in the revolutionary process beyond political surveillance, focusing on their impact in the everyday lives of Cuban people. The work of the CDR was key to build a new hegemonic project in revolutionary Cuba. They took a significant ideological role, creating and promoting a new cultural hegemony that sought to convince fellow Cubans about the potential benefits that the revolution could eventually bring. Thus, through the work of the CDR, we may see the Cuban Revolution beyond the vanguard.Keywords: Governmentality. Ideology. Socialist Emulation. Representations. Political Formation.
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Gordon-Nesbitt, Rebecca. "Her Revolution, Her Life." Monthly Review 68, no. 7 (December 6, 2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-07-2016-11_6.
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Margaret Randall, Haydée Santamaría, Cuban Revolutionary: She Led by Transgression (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015), 248 pages, $23.95, paperback.In the early 1950s, Haydée Santamaría Cuadrado moved from a rural Cuban sugar plantation to Havana, to live with her younger brother Abel. Together, they would help to establish a revolutionary movement that would change the history of their country. Haydée, as she is known throughout Cuba—Yeyé to her friends—was one of only two women among 160 men who took part in attacks on Batista's army barracks at Moncada and Bayamo on July 26, 1953, which sparked the Cuban Revolution.… In her recent book, poet and scholar Margaret Randall, who lived in Cuba in the 1970s and became friends with Haydée, has captured the essence of this exemplary woman.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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Wolfe, Mikael. "“A Revolution Is a Force More Powerful Than Nature”: Extreme Weather and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–64." Environmental History 25, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emaa004.
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Abstract This article examines how the severe drought of 1961–62 and the fury of Hurricane Flora in October 1963 influenced the Cuban Revolution socioeconomically and geopolitically in the crucial first five years of Fidel Castro’s consolidation of power. Based on extensive research in US and Cuban newspapers and journals, declassified US government documents, the speeches, interviews, and writings of Cuban revolutionaries and foreign advisers, oral histories of hurricane survivors, and secondary literature, this article employs an environmental history approach to show that the governments and media of both Cuba and the United States perceived environmental and geopolitical factors as being intertwined when explaining Cuba’s socioeconomic travails. Although weather events alone did not determine the progression of the Cuban Revolution, their varied effects nevertheless shaped the formative years of the revolution by influencing Cold War-era national development in ways that scholars of early revolutionary Cuba have largely overlooked.
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Sunshine, Catherine A. "Cuba now." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 64, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1990): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002025.
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[First paragraph]The Cuba reader: the making of a revolutionary society. PHILIP BRENNER, WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE, DONNA RICH, and DANIEL SIEGEL (eds.). New York: Grove Press, 1989. xxxv + 564 pp. (Paper US $14.95). Cuba: the test of time. JEAN STUBBS. London: Latin America Bureau, 1989. xvii + 142 pp. (Paper UK £3.95). Cuba: politics, economics and society. MAX AZICRI. London: Pinter Publishers Ltd., 1988. xxiii + 276 pp. (Cloth US $35.00, Paper US $12.50). Cuba libre: breaking the chains? PETER MARSHALL. Boston: Faber & Faber, 1987. viii + 300 pp. (Cloth US $18.95). The closest of enemies: a personal and diplomatic account of U.S.-Cuban relations since 1957. WAYNE S. SMITH. New York and London: W.W. Norton & Co., 1987. 308 pp. (Paper US $8.95). Imperial state and revolution: the United States and Cuba, 1952-1986. MORRIS H. MORLEY. New Rochelle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987. ix + 571 pp. (Paper US $16.95, Cloth US $59.50). From confrontation to negotiation: U.S. relations with Cuba. PHILIP BRENNER. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988. x + 118 pp. (Cloth US $30.00, Paper US $9.95).Nineteen eighty-eight marked the completion of the Cuban revolution's third decade. Several events that year suggested that Cubans might finally look forward to a lessening of the island's international isolation, if not its domestic economic woes. The revolution had survived eight years of hostility from the Reagan administration. Washington's attempts to secure international censure of Cuba on human rights grounds had culminated in the visit of a United Nations delegation, at Havana's invitation and with relatively little damage to Cuba's image. Fidel Castro's visits to Ecuador and Mexico to attend the inaugurations of two Latin American presidents underscored Cuba's reinsertion into the hemispheric community. Finally, Cuban military successes against South African troops in Angola and Cuba's role in the subsequent negotiations over Angola and Namibia were a source of pride.
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de Pedro Ricoy, Raquel. "Translating the Revolution: Otherness in Cuban Testimonial Literature." Meta 57, no. 3 (July 8, 2013): 574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1017081ar.
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Drawing on existing theories in the field, this paper seeks to explore the issues that surround the translation of Cuban testimonial texts, emphasizing the inevitable portrayal of the Self as an Other. The notion of translation as an articulation of otherness has become a focus of interest in contemporary translation studies. Notwithstanding the worth of the general framework that has emerged as a result, the need for country-specific research is underscored by Cuba’s unique location on the contemporary political map – and its alleged “exceptionalism” – which sets it apart from cultural contexts that have been previously studied. Because of the isolated nature of Cuba, it is important to highlight the gap between the Cuban literature that is published, translated and read outside Cuba, on the one hand, and the Cuban literature that is published and read in Cuba, on the other. The results of bibliographical research and fieldwork indicate that, although publishers and literary experts alike place great emphasis on the significance of otherness, their interest centres on the dissemination of the Cuban experience seen “from inside” (so as to counterbalance Cuban narratives produced by exiles). In doing so, they underscore the “universal nature” of the human experience and play down any alterity that may hinder the translation process.
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Álvarez Vergara, Marco Antonio. "BAJO EL SOL DE CUBA: INFLUENCIAS DE LA REVOLUCIÓN CUBANA EN LOS ORIGENES DE LA NUEVA IZQUIERDA REVOLUCIONARIA CHILENA (1959 – 1964)." Revista de la Academia 28 (November 27, 2019): 85–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.1239.
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Más de seis décadas han transitado desde el triunfo de la Revolución Cubana y, hasta la fecha, no ha existido un estudio que indague la real influencia sobre las izquierdas en Chile. El presente artículo de investigación procura desentrañar tal magnitud en los orígenes de la nueva izquierda revolucionaria chilena (1959 – 1964), esclareciendo las vinculaciones políticas, teóricas y discursivas de esta con el proceso caribeño. Este cometido, lo abordaremos a través de la trayectoria político – orgánica de tres de los principales referentes del proceso de confluencia insurreccional: Clotario Blest, Enrique Sepúlveda y Miguel Enríquez.
Palabras claves: Revolución Cubana, nueva izquierda revolucionaria chilena, lucha armada, revolución socialista.
UNDER THE SUN OF CUBA. INFLUENCES OF THE CUBAN REVOLUTION IN THE ORIGINS OF THE NEW CHILEAN REVOLUTIONARY LEFT (1959 - 1964)
More than six decades have passed since the triumph of the Cuban Revolution and, to date, there has been no study that investigates its real influence on the Chilean left. The objective of this article is to unravel the influence of this historic milestone in the emergence of the new Chilean revolutionary left (1959 – 1964), identifying its political, theoretical and discursive links with the Caribbean process. This task will be addressed through the analysis of the political-organizational trajectory of Clotario Blest, Enrique Sepúlveda and Miguel Enriquez, three of the main referents of the insurrectional confluence process.
Keywords: Cuban Revolution, new Chilean revolutionary left, armed struggle, socialist revolution.
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Finesurrey, Samuel. "“The Light That Shineth in the Darkness”: Anglo-American Rural Missionaries and the Cuban Revolution." Religions 13, no. 6 (May 30, 2022): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060494.
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Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2007): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002484.
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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002484.
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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Machado, Mario Reinaldo. "Alternative to What? Agroecology, Food Sovereignty, and Cuba's Agricultural Revolution." Human Geography 10, no. 3 (November 2017): 7–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/194277861701000302.
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In Cuba, the transition from industrial agriculture towards agroecology since the Special Period of the early 1990s has provided both an incredible example for alternative, sustainable food systems elsewhere as well as its own suite of challenges and struggles. This paper reviews recent literature on the Cuban agroecological transition, especially as this work situates Cuban agroecology in practice alongside the increasingly popular political framework of food sovereignty. In particular, this paper highlights the unique synergies between agroecology and food sovereignty, as well as the unique tensions that arise in applying these frameworks to the Cuban context. By probing the question as to what the Cuban agroecological experience represents an “alternative,” a more inclusive definition of food sovereignty is developed to better accommodate not only Cuban agroecology, but alternative food systems more broadly. Rather than simply an alternative to capitalist food systems or the globalized corporate food regime, agroecology, food sovereignty and other alternatives instead represent a more fundamental critique of industrialization and modernity. Building off of the specific contours of agroecological practice within Cuban Socialism, it is argued that food sovereignty in Cuba is an expression of what James Ferguson has recently termed “distributive political economy.” By applying this distributive political economic framework to the Cuban agroecological experience, the author aims not only to address some of the underlying tensions with traditional definitions of food sovereignty, but also to provide an actionable agenda for future research in Cuba and beyond.
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Cushion, Steve. "From the Russian Revolution to the Cuban Revolution." Tensões Mundiais 13, no. 24 (September 25, 2018): 213–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.33956/tensoesmundiais.v13i24.364.
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The Cuban Communist Party was the most significant working-class response to the Russian Revolution in the Caribbean. Recent research shows that organised workers played a decisive role in the outcome of the Cuban Revolution, but if the working class role has been hidden from history, the revolutionary activity of Afro-Cuban workers has been doubly obscured. There is a direct connection that links the Russian Revolution to the Cuban Revolution.
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Mazarr, Michael J. "Prospects for Revolution in Post-Castro Cuba." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 31, no. 4 (1989): 61–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165994.
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Last January marked the 30th anniversary of the Cuban revolution, and it could be that, within a decade, that small islandnation will be transformed once again. Since 1959, Castro's Cuba has remained a politically repressive, economically stagnant, militarily adventuristic state. The legitimacy of the Cuban regime depends, in many ways, on the persona of Fidel Castro; when he dies, the government will face by far its severest test to date and, most probably, at a time when a potentially deadly economic and systemic crisis continues to threaten the Cuban polity. Revolutionary or reformist elements will almost certainly emerge to demand change.
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Muñoz, Rosa. "The Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 1 (January 2009): 72–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08329136.
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Landau, Saul. "The Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 1 (January 2009): 136–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08329181.
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López Segrera, Francisco. "The Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 38, no. 2 (February 22, 2011): 3–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x10395891.
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Kosec, Maja Maria. "Chinese Religions and the Cuban Revolution." Poligrafi 27, no. 107/108 (December 29, 2022): 225–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.35469/poligrafi.2022.340.
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The issue of religious practices within the Chinese diaspora in Cuba is increasingly debated within Chinese studies in Latin America. As the Chinese and African diasporas in Cuba have intermingled ethnically, their religious practices have historically also intermingled. While the rise of Afro-Cuban religions in recent decades is primarily understood as a response to centuries of Spanish colonialism and perceived as a resistance to Eurocentric hegemonic power, this article aims to examine the efforts of the Chinese diaspora to re-evaluate their religions from the same decolonial perspective. This article aims to determine the tendencies of interactions between Chinese religious beliefs and Cuba’s religions before and after the Cuban Revolution, including after the fall of the socialist bloc. Specifically, it examines whether post-revolution state atheism had an impact on the religious beliefs and ethnic heritage of members of the Chinese diaspora. In the 1990s there was a revival of the Guan Yu (关羽) cult which has been often interpreted as a consequence of the economic interests of the Chinese and Afro-Chinese diaspora or as a consequence of the interests of the Cuban government. However, we must also be aware of the broader historical, social and political context at play here.
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Balaisis, Nicholas. "Transporting Viewers Beyond the “Hoe and the Machete” The Rhetoric of Mobility in Cuban Mobile Cinema." Transfers 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2014): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/trans.2014.040104.
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This article examines the Cuban mobile cinema campaign in the 1960s as a case study for thinking about the relationship between cinema and mobility. I examine the rhetoric around mobile cinema in Cuban journals such as Cine Cubano, and in the documentary film Por primera vez (For the first time, 1967). I argue that cinema is linked with mobility in two primary ways: as a virtual mobility stimulated by onscreen images, and as a more literal mobility expressed by the transportation of film into remote rural sites of exhibition. These two kinds of mobility reflect the hopes and ambitions of filmmakers and critics energized by the resurgent nationalism of the Cuban revolution, and the excitement of cinema as a “new” technology in rural Cuba.
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Lepeshkin, Artem Aleksandrovich. "The Second Declaration of Havana as the Political Manifest of the Socialistic Stage of the Cuban Revolution." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 81–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-1-81-91.
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The Second Declaration of Havana ratified on February 4, 1962 is the most important document of the socialistic stage of the Cuban Revolution. The historical analysis of this document is essential to appreciate all the peculiarity of the socialism formation in Cuba and to understand the origin of the principles of the revolutionary internationalism during the Cuban Revolution. However, investigations, which are dedicated to specifically this issue, does not present in the Russian historiography. The aim of this work is to clarify the role of the Second Declaration of Havana in the process of the socialistic ideology formation in Cuba under specific historical conditions of the first half of the 20th century and also to estimate the impact of the foreign policy of USA and VIII Consultative Meeting of Foreign Ministers of the Organization of American States (OAS), which took place in January 1962, onto the radicalization of the Cuban Revolution.
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Morales, Etienne. "“Un orgullo de Cuba en los cielos del mundo”. Cubana de aviación from Miami to Bagdad (1946–79)." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619832592.
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This article focuses on the transformation of the carrier Cubana de aviación before and after the 1959 Cuban revolution. By observing Cubana's management, labour force, equipment, international passenger and freight traffic, this article aims to outline an international history of this Latin American flag carrier. The touristic air relationships between the American continent and Spain that could be observed in the 1950s were substituted – in the 1960s and 1970s – by a web of political “líneas de la amistad” [Friendship Flights] with Prague, Santiago de Chile, East Berlin, Lima, Luanda, Managua, Tripoli and Bagdad. This three-decade period allows us to interrogate breaks and continuities in the Cuban airline travel sector and to challenge the traditional interpretations of Cuban history. This work is based on diplomatic and corporative archives from Cuba, United States, Canada, Mexico, Spain and France and the aeronautical international press.
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Chaves, Germán Rodas. "Historical Antecedents of the Cuban Revolution." Protest 2, no. 1 (June 13, 2022): 5–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2667372x-02010002.
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Abstract The essay delves into the development of the revolutionary process promoted in Cuba from the fifties of the previous century by the July 26 movement and with the leadership of Fidel Castro. The historical contexts that were built in the anti-colonial struggle promoted by the Cuban people and with the active participation of thinkers of the stature of José Martí, among other patriots of the Island who dedicated their vital transit to the decolonizing task by offering their own lives, are detailed. The circumstances that the Spanish metropolis went through are studied when its influence in America was decimated due to the independence processes in the region and due to whose cause – in relation to its possession over Cuba – it allowed the United States of America to launch a strategy to seize several territories of the continent and promote a frank attack against Cuba.
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Sueiro Seoane, Susana. "Anarquismo e independentismo cubano: las figuras olvidadas de Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci y Pedro Esteve = Anarchism and Cuban Independence: The Forgotten Figures of Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci and Pedro Esteve." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie V, Historia Contemporánea, no. 30 (July 18, 2018): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfv.30.2018.21864.
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Este texto analiza las fuertes discrepancias que hubo en el anarquismo del siglo XIX a propósito del tema independentista cubano. En un principio, la tesis más extendida fue que la liberación de Cuba del dominio español no garantizaba a la isla su libertad, que los anarquistas entendían como una emancipación económica y social y no política. La lucha por la instauración de una república, pensaban, no era su lucha. Sin embargo, el mensaje de Martí caló entre muchos obreros cubanos, incluidos los anarquistas, y en las páginas de los periódicos libertarios, tanto de Cuba como de España o Estados Unidos, se discutió mucho sobre si los anarquistas debían o no apoyar la causa independentista. Personajes centrales en esta polémica fueron los impresores Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci y Pedro Esteve, que utilizaron los periódicos que editaron para reflexionar sobre el tema de la patria, el patriotismo y el independentismo. Finalmente, ganó en el seno del anarquismo cubano la causa de la independencia. Incluso Esteve, el más reticente, acabó aceptando que había que apoyar la guerra por la independencia cubana siempre que el objetivo último siguiera siendo la revolución anarquista. This text analyses the strong discrepancies that arose in XIXth Century anarchism regarding Cuban independence. At first, the anarchist theory was that the liberation of Cuba from Spanish rule did not guarantee the Island its freedom, which the anarchists understood as being an economic and social emancipation but not a political one. The fight for the establishment of a republic, they thought, was not their fight. However, Martí’s message made an impression amongst many Cuban workers, including the anarchists, and in the pages of the libertarian newspapers, both Cuban and Spanish or North American, there was much debate on whether or not the anarchists should support the cause of independence. Key figures in this controversy were the printers Enrique Roig, Enrique Creci and Pedro Esteve, who used the periodicals they published to deliberate on the themes of homeland, patriotism and independence. Finally, at the heart of Cuban anarchism it was the struggle for independence that prevailed. Even Esteve, the most reluctant, ended up accepting that it was necessary to support the Cuban war of independence as long as the final objective continued to be anarchist revolution.
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Lambe, Jennifer L. "Historicizing Sexuality in the Cuban Revolution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857392.
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Abstract What should be the place of the Cuban Republic in histories of sexuality under the revolution? This essay argues that scholarly accounts of gender and sexuality in post-1959 Cuba want for a fuller engagement with their pre-1959 context. In particular, it seeks to open up a conversation about questions and topics in the history of sexuality that might straddle the 1959 divide, as well as the historiographical (and political) consequences of writing across it.
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Pérez Cano, Tania. "La memoria como espacio de libertad: autobiografía y testimonio en las narrativas gráficas Cuba: My Revolution, de Inverna Lockpez y Adiós mi Habana, de Anna Veltfort." Studia Romanistica 20, no. 2 (November 2020): 57–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.15452/sr.2020.20.0010.
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This essay is a comparative analysis of the graphic novels Cuba: My Revolution (2010) and Adiós mi Habana (2017), by Inverna Lockpez and Anna Veltfort, respectively.It studies the potential of graphic narratives to articulate an autobiographical and testimonial discourse that subverts the hegemonic narratives about nation and identity generated by the Cuban revolution of 1959. Both authors show the possibilities of graphic novels to give voice to perspectives, actors and sensibilities silenced by authoritarianism and intolerance. They constitute historical documents about the experience of the Cuban revolution, trauma and exile. Through the intertwining on the intimate and the historical, these narratives establish memory as the space of creative freedom.
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Selbin, Eric. "Conjugating the Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 1 (January 2009): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08328965.
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Foran, John. "Theorizing the Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 2 (March 2009): 16–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x09331938.
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Vasquez, Miguel. "Commentary an Applied Anthropologist in Cuba." Practicing Anthropology 21, no. 3 (July 1, 1999): 32–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.21.3.7m1638747823p876.
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The following Commentary by Miguel Vasquez is not connected to the previous section on Practicing Anthropology in Cuba. Miguel urges us to re-examine some of the potential lessons of the Cuban social revolution as they might pertain to North American society and our views on Cuba. He challenges us to reconsider our criteria for ‘development’ and to engage in more dialogue with Cuban colleagues and citizens.—Editor
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Ranis, Peter. "Cuba in Transition: Crisis and TransformationThe Cuban Revolution into the 1990s: Cuban Perspectives." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 1 (February 1, 1995): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.1.112.
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Cuddy, Edward. "America's Cuban Obsession: A Case Study in Diplomacy and Psycho-History." Americas 43, no. 2 (October 1986): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007438.
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No more Cubas!” For a quarter of a century, that slogan has propelled American intervention into Latin America. President Kennedy's Alliance for Progress was designed to head off more Castro-type revolutions in the region. In 1965, President Johnson crushed a revolution in the Dominican Republic, declaring that “another Cuba in this hemisphere would be unacceptable.” And the Nixon plan for subverting the Chilean government in the early 1970s was motivated, in Henry Kissinger's words, by fear of Allende's “patent intention to create another Cuba.”
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Garcia, Alyssa. "Federada Testimonios on the Ground." Meridians 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 149–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8117790.
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Abstract In 1961, several mass organizations in Cuba collaborated as Fidel Castro launched a national campaign against prostitution. By 1965, only four years later, the Revolution proclaimed “the elimination of prostitution” in Cuba. This article examines the Cuban Revolution’s national campaign to end prostitution as a case study to investigate how gender and patriarchy affect the ways social change is operationalized. Interested in the relationship between social and cultural change, following the tradition of feminist historians, this article utilizes the oral histories of two Cuban federada women involved in the State’s campaign to consider how the Revolution’s macro program was implemented and carried out at micro level. The narratives of these local agents in the everyday spaces of the campaign provide a bottom-up lens which can be juxtaposed with the Revolution’s proclaimed “success.” These testimonios detail how gender and patriarchy played out on the ground, limiting the campaign’s efforts toward social change, therefore demonstrating the tensions and contradictions of how social change is exercised within human agency and constraint.
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Hosek, Jennifer Ruth. "Revolución en dos ruedas: Los dolores y placeres de mujeres montando bicicleta durante el Período Especial." Zona Franca, no. 29 (November 11, 2021): 371–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/zf.vi29.219.
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Título original: "Revolution on Two Wheels: Pains and Pleasures of Bicycling in the Special Period". En Cuban Studies 2021. no. 50: 251-276. Traducción de Víctor Fowler Calzada. Escritor cubano. Especialista en Industrias culturales, MINCULT.
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Cort, Aisha Z. "Nation, Race, and Performance in the Poetics of Nicolás Guillén and Nancy Morejón." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-9384314.
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In the context of revolutionary Cuba, discourses of identity are veiled behind discussions and performances of nation and nationality. Consideration of the paradoxical relation of blackness and the Cuban Revolution must consider the historical relation of blackness to the Cuban nation, from its inception, to independence, through the Republic and immediately prior to the Revolution. In addition, a discussion of this relation must consider the discreet comments on race made via official policies, speeches, and discourses on the subject. Using Nancy Morejón’s critical analysis in her seminal 1982 work Nación y mestizaje en Nicolas Guillén as a springboard, the objective of this work is two-fold—to explore how the Cuban nation is reimagined in the poetry of Nicolás Guillén and to dissect the use of metaphors such as mestizaje as performances of nation that in turn highlight racial discourse.
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Eckstein, Susan. "The Impact of the Cuban Revolution: A Comparative Perspective." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 3 (July 1986): 502–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500014031.
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Nearly a quarter of a century has elapsed since the revolution in Cuba. Yet there is little consensus about its accomplishments. Evaluations of the effect of the sociopolitical transformation range from uncritical admiration to passionate criticism. It is surprising that no study has compared developments in postrevolutionary Cuba with developments during the same time period in the rest of Latin America, even though such a comparison would contribute to a better understanding of the extent to which the disruption has altered Cuban prospects for development.
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Juan-Navarro, Santiago. "From Utopia to Dystopia: The Demise of the Revolutionary Dream in Futuristic Cuban Cinema." Humanities 11, no. 1 (December 22, 2021): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/h11010001.
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The armed insurrection that brought Fidel Castro to power in 1959 was one of the most influential events of the 20th century. Like the Russian and Mexican revolutions before it, the Cuban revolution set out to bring social justice and prosperity to a country that had suffered the evils of corrupt regimes. A small country thus became the center of world debates about equality, culture, and class struggle, attracting the attention of political leaders not only from Latin America but also from Africa, Asia, and Europe. Its intent to forge a model society has often been described in utopian terms. Writers, artists, and filmmakers turned to utopia as a metaphor to trace the evolution of the arts in the island from the enthusiasm and optimism of the first moments to the dystopian hopelessness and despair of the last decades. Indeed, the Cuban revolution, like so many other social revolutions of the 20th century, became the victim of a whole series of internal and external forces that ended up turning the promised dream into a nightmare tainted by autocratic leadership, repression, and political and economic isolation. Although Cuban literature has extensively addressed these issues since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, it is only recently that we can find similar trends in a cinematic output that portrays Cuba as a utopia gone sour. This article examines recent films such as Alejandro Brugués’ Juan de los Muertos (2011), Tomás Piard’s Los desastres de la Guerra (2012), Eduardo del Llano’s Omega 3 (2014), Rafael Ramírez’s Diario de la niebla (2016), Yimit Ramírez’s Gloria eterna (2017), Alejandro Alonso’s El Proyecto (2017), and Miguel Coyula’s Corazón Azul (2021). These films use futuristic imageries to offer a poignant (and often apocalyptic) depiction of the harsh paradoxes of contemporary life in Cuba while reflecting upon the downfall of utopia.
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Rodrigues Sales, Jean. "O impacto da Revolução Cubana sobre a esquerda brasileira (1959-1974) [Artículo evaluado por pares]." Políticas de la Memoria, no. 18 (December 31, 2018): 65–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.47195/18.10.
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esumenEl objetivo principal de este texto es analizar la influencia de la Revolución Cubana sobre las izquierdas comunistas brasileñas en el período de 1959 a 1974. Se trata de entender en qué medida las ideas del foquismo y la guerra de guerrillas influenciaron el debate ideológico de los comunistas brasileños y cuáles fueron sus desdoblamientos para sus formulaciones teóricas y su práctica política. La conclusión general es que diversos aspectos del ideario revolucionario cubano estuvieron presentes en el surgimiento de la izquierda revolucionaria brasileña, en el debate respecto de la lucha armada contra la dictadura militar y en la adopción de la bandera del socialismo por una parte de esa izquierda.
Palabras ClaveRevolución Cubana; Guerra de guerrillas; Comunismo brasileño
Abstract The main objective of the present thesis is to analyze the relationships between the Brazilian communist leftist movements and the Cuban revolution between 1959 and 1974. We aim at understanding how far the ideas of the foquismo and the guerilla war influenced the ideological debate of the Brazilian communists and the consequences for its theoretical formulations and the political practice. The general conclusion is that the Cuban revolutionary process was mainly present in the debate on the definition of the armed resistance to the military dictatorship and the adoption of socialism by a part of that leftist movement.
Key-wordsCuban Revolution; Guerrilla Warfare; Brazilian Communism.
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Wienker, Curtis, and Antonio Fuentes. "The Application and Practice of Physical Anthropology in Cuba." Practicing Anthropology 17, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1995): 29–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.17.1-2.am65w81711353205.
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In many ways the development of physical anthropology in Cuba paralleled the history of the discipline in other countries—until the successful Cuban revolution of the late 1950s. The overthrow of the Batista regime by forces led by Fidel Castro had little immediate academic effect because reform was initially concentrated on social, economic, and political spheres. Eventually, however, the revolution greatly influenced the direction of higher education and of science in Cuba.
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Hansing, Katrin, and Bert Hoffmann. "When Racial Inequalities Return: Assessing the Restratification of Cuban Society 60 Years After Revolution." Latin American Politics and Society 62, no. 2 (March 20, 2020): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lap.2019.59.
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ABSTRACTFew political transformations have attacked social inequalities more thoroughly than the 1959 Cuban Revolution. As the survey data in this article show, however, sixty years on, structural inequalities are returning that echo the prerevolutionary socioethnic hierarchies. While official Cuban statistics are mute about social differences along racial lines, the authors were able to conduct a unique, nationwide survey with more than one thousand respondents that shows the contrary. Amid depressed wages in the state-run economy, access to hard currency has become key. However, racialized migration patterns of the past make for highly unequal access to family remittances, and the gradual opening of private business disfavors Afro- Cubans, due to their lack of access to prerevolutionary property and startup capital. Despite the political continuity of Communist Party rule, a restructuring of Cuban society with a profound racial bias is turning back one of the proudest achievements of the revolution.
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Weinstein, Martin, and Damian J. Fernandez. "Cuban Studies Since the Revolution." Hispanic American Historical Review 73, no. 3 (August 1993): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2517741.
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Ocasio, Rafael. "Gays and the Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 29, no. 2 (March 2002): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x0202900205.
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Prevost, Gary. "Reflections on the Cuban Revolution." Latin American Perspectives 36, no. 2 (March 2009): 138–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x09332059.
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