Academic literature on the topic 'Cuban Revolution'
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Journal articles on the topic "Cuban Revolution"
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Keller, Renata. "Fan Mail to Fidel." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, no. 1 (2017): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mex.2017.33.1.6.
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This article analyzes the newly-declassified letters that Mexicans and people residing in Mexico sent to the Cuban government in the first decade after the Cuban Revolution. The letters reveal that the Cuban Revolution found supporters among a variety of Mexicans because the events in Cuba reflected their own nation’s history of revolution and U.S. intervention. In addition to praising the Cuban Revolution, the Mexicans who put pen to paper confessed their hopes and fears for their own country. While these letters were ostensibly about Cuba, they in fact reveal more about political culture in 1960s Mexico. Este artículo analiza las cartas que mexicanos y foráneos residentes en México enviaron al gobierno cubano en la primera década después de la Revolución Cubana. Las cartas revelan que varios mexicanos apoyaron a la revolución porque los eventos en Cuba reflejaban la historia de revolución e intervencionismo estadounidense en México. Asimismo, estos mexicanos describían las ilusiones y miedos sobre su propio país. A pesar de tratar sobre Cuba, estas cartas revelan aún más sobre la cultura política de México en los años sesenta.
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Cezar Miskulin, Sílvia. "A POLÍTICA CULTURAL NA REVOLUÇÃO CUBANA: as disputas intelectuais nos anos 1960 e 1970." Caderno CRH 32, no. 87 (December 31, 2019): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v32i87.31027.
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<p>A Revolução Cubana promoveu grandes transformações na sociedade da ilha. Novas publicações, instituições culturais e manifestações artísticas acompanharam a efervescência política e cultural ao longo dos anos 60. Esta pesquisa analisou o suplemento cultural Lunes de Revolución, a editora El Puente e o suplemento cultural El Caimán Barbudo, com o objetivo de mostrar o surgimento das novas publicações e manifestações culturais em Cuba após o triunfo da Revolução. O trabalho demonstra que o surgimento de uma política cultural acarretou a normatização e o controle das produções culturais pelo governo cubano desde os anos 1960, e mais ainda após 1971, quando se acentuou o fechamento e o endurecimento no meio cultural cubano.</p><p> </p><p>CULTURAL POLICY IN THE CUBAN REVOLUTION: intellectual disputes in the 1960s and 1970s</p><p>The Cuban Revolution promoted great transformations in the society of the island. New publications, cultural institutions and artistic manifestations accompanied the political and cultural effervescence throughout the 1960s.This research analyzed the cultural supplement Lunes de Revolución, the El Puente publishing house and the El Caimán Barbudo cultural supplement, with the aim of showing the emergence of new publications and cultural manifestations in Cuba after the triumph of the Revolution. However, the emergence of a cultural policy has led to the normalization and control of cultural productions by the Cuban government since the 1960s, and especially after 1971, when the closing and hardening of the Cuban cultural milieu became more pronounced.</p><p>Key words: Cuba. Revolution. Culture. History. Intellectual.</p><p> </p><p>LA POLITIQUE CULTURELLE DANS LA REVOLUTION CUBAINE: controverses intellectuelles dans les annees 1960 et 1970</p><p>La révolution cubaine a promu de grandes transformations dans la société de l’île. De nouvelles publications, des institutions culturelles et des manifestations artistiques ont accompagné l’effervescence politique et culturelle tout au long des années 1960.Cette recherche a analysé le supplément culturel Lunes de Revolución, la maison d’édition El Puente et le supplément culturel El Caimán Barbudo, dans le but de montrer l’émergence de nouvelles publications et manifestations culturelles à Cuba après le triomphe de la Révolution. Cependant, l’émergence d’une politique culturelle a conduit à la normalisation et au contrôle des productions culturelles par le gouvernement cubain depuis les années 1960, et encore plus après 1971, lorsque la fermeture et l’endurcissement du milieu culturel cubain se sont accentués.</p><p>Mots clés: Cuba. Révolution. Culture. Histoire. Intellectuel.</p>
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Rodriguez, Juan Carlos. "Playing for the Nation, Fighting for the Revolution: Documentaries on Cuban Sports." Journal of Sport History 41, no. 2 (July 1, 2014): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.2.225.
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Abstract Sports have played a dual role in the Cuban Revolution. International sport competitions symbolize the revolution’s success and compose a strategy for creating social cohesion. This essay explores how Cuban sports documentaries (as well as documentaries on Cuban sports made by foreign filmmakers) represent and problematize these complementary roles. It argues that Cuban sport documentaries offer insights about the Cuban Revolution over time and provide occasions to explore the sociocultural, economic, and political challenges that Cubans have faced in the revolution’s socialist and post-Soviet stages.
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Snyder, Emily. "“Cuba, Nicaragua, Unidas Vencerán”: Official Collaborations between the Sandinista and Cuban Revolutions." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 609–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.5.
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AbstractThe Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.
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Benson, Devyn Spence. "Cuba Calls: African American Tourism, Race, and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1961." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077144.
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Abstract This essay explores the role that conversations about race and racism played in forming a partnership between an African American public relations firm and the Cuban National Tourist Institute (INIT) in 1960, just one year after Fidel Castro’s victory over Fulgencio Batista. The article highlights how Cuban revolutionary leaders, Afro-Cubans, and African Americans exploited temporary transnational relationships to fight local battles. Claiming that the Cuban Revolution had eliminated racial discrimination, INIT invited world champion boxer Joe Louis and 50 other African Americans to the island in January 1960 to experience “first class treatment — as first class citizens.” This move benefited Cuban revolutionary leaders by encouraging new tourism as the number of mainstream white American travelers to the island declined. The business venture also allowed African Americans to compare racial violence in the US South to the supposed integrated racial paradise in Cuba and foreshadowed future visits by black radicals, including NAACP leader Robert F. Williams. The politics expressed by Cuban newspapers and travel brochures, however, did not always fit with the lived experiences of Afro-Cubans. This essay uncovers how Afro-Cubans threatened national discourses by invoking revolutionary promises to denounce continued racial segregation in the very facilities promoted to African American tourists. Ultimately, ideas about race did not just cross borders between Cuba and the United States in 1960. Rather, they constituted and constructed those borders as Afro-Cubans used government claims to reposition themselves within the new revolutionary state.
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Dong, Boyuan. "Internal and External Factors to the Success of the Cuban Revolution." Caribbean Quilt 6, no. 2 (February 4, 2022): 39–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33137/cq.v6i2.36919.
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Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader of Cuba, gave a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, mainly focus- ing on how to solidify the pueblo cubano under the revolutionary flag against the U.S. intervention. This paper aims to examine the Cuban revolution stand on the view from four years after Castro has died, to prove that what Castro has mentioned during his Fourth Anniversary Speech has been accomplished, as well as compare the revolutionary movements of its neighbours like Grenada, to see why Cuba could be the only successful example of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The paper will focus on the social changes during the post-revolution Cuba based on the scholar research of Louis A. Pérez and John Walton’s comparison article between Grenada and Cuba.
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Helg, Aline. "Os afro-cubanos, protagonistas silenciados da história cubana." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i1.11447.
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Por que desde José Martí até a revolução de 1959, a história oficial cubana silenciou sobre o papel extraordinário dos afro-cubanos nas lutas contra a escravidão, pela independência e pela igualdade republicana? Este artigo responde a essa pergunta analisando os movimentos de escravos e livres de cor no século XIX, a liderança de Antonio Maceo e dos combatentes afro-cubanos nas guerras da independência e a formação em 1908 do Partido Independiente de Color, primeiro partido negro das Américas, até o aniquilamento do partido pelo Exército de Cuba em um massacre racista em 1912. O artigo também mostra como, desde 1959, a Revolução confirma a negação do protagonismo histórico dos afro-cubanos e evita todo debate sobre o racismo no país.Palavras chaves: Cuba, Diáspora africana, história, discriminação racial, política racial.---Cubano-africano, los protagonistas silenciados de la historia cubanaPor qué, desde José Martí hasta la revolución de 1959, la historia oficial cubana ha tenido bajo silencio el papel extraordinario de los Afro-cubanos en las luchas contra la esclavización, por la independencia y por la igualdad republicana? Este articulo responde a esta pregunta examinando los movimientos de esclavos y de libres de color en el siglo XIX, el liderazgo de Antonio Maceo y de los combatientes afrocubanos en las guerras de independencia y la formación en 1908 del Partido Independiente de Color, primer partido negro de las Américas, hasta el aniquilamiento del partido por el Ejercito de Cuba en una masacre racista en 1912. El articulo muestra como desde 1959 la Revolución confirma la negación del protagonismo histórico de los afrocubanos y ha evitado todo debate sobre el racismo en Cuba.Palabras clave: Cuba—Diáspora africana—Historia—Discriminación racial—Política racial---The african-Cuban, the silenced heros of Cuban historyFrom José Martí up to the 1959 revolution, why has the Cuban official history remained silent on the extraordinary role of african-Cubans in the fight against slavery, for independence and for republican equality? This article answers this question by analyzing the movements of slaves and free men of color in the nineteenth century, the leadership of Antonio Maceo and african-Cuban combatants in the wars of independence and the formation, in 1908, of the Partido Independiente Color, the first black party of the Americas until its annihilation by the Cuban Army in a racist massacre in 1912. This article also shows how, since 1959, the Revolution continues to deny the historical role of the african-Cuban and avoids any debate about racism in the country.Key Words: Cuba, African Diaspora, history, racial discrimination, racial politics.
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Seidman, Sarah J. "Angela Davis in Cuba as Symbol and Subject." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857227.
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Abstract This essay examines how gender facilitated the encounters between Angela Y. Davis and the Cuban Revolution in the late 1960s and 1970s. Davis’s multifaceted identity as a black woman and communist shaped both her representation and reception in Cuba. Cubans supported Davis by participating in the global campaign for her freedom and welcoming her to the island several times, often with delegations from the Communist Party, beginning in 1969. The Cuban state propagated an iconography of Davis that cast her as a global signifier for both repression and international solidarity. Furthermore, at a transitional moment when Cuban leadership advocated institutionalization of the revolution, the Federation of Cuban Women provided highly visible opportunities for Davis to speak and be seen not afforded to men in the black liberation movement. Davis’s time in Cuba proved transformative and foundational in shaping her view of global liberation.
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Lambe, Jennifer. "The Medium is the Message: The Screen Life of the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1962*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 227–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz034.
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Abstract For decades, the iconic image of the Cuban Revolution has been set in Havana's ‘Revolution Square’, with thousands of Cubans thronging to hear Fidel Castro speak. This portrait undergirds a primary assumption about the Revolution: that many Cubans came to embrace it by basking in the euphoria of Fidel's live presence. For the Revolution's crucial early years, this article proposes that we should reimagine this archetypal conversion experience, setting it not only under Cuba's hot sun in an hours-long rally but also in front of a television (or radio) set. From 1959 to 1962 and beyond, the interactive drama of revolutionary conversion would be constantly staged and actualized on the small screen. The early years of the Cuban Revolution thus offer a compelling window onto political life lived with and through television.
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Cosse, Isabella. "“Children of the Revolution”." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857368.
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Abstract This interview of Gregory Randall offers a lens onto a transnational life experience, including that of international refugees in Cuba. Randall was born in New York in 1960. He spent his early childhood in Mexico and arrived in Cuba in 1970, where he remained until the 1980s. In this interview, Randall reflects on Cuban policies toward women, homosexuality, and youth. He also analyzes his own family’s experience, characterized by a strong commitment to reflecting the Cuban Revolution in its own social relations and its ways of living and loving. The interview provides a unique perspective on these challenges and on Cuban history, shaped by Randall’s particular position in that historical process. Unmoored from national frameworks, his subjectivity is anchored in a transnational Left sensibility. He belongs to a generation of children of the revolution, part of Socialist Cuba as children and teenagers, and belonging to Left and internationalist families.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Cuban Revolution"
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Kayal, Sultan. "Revolution and rationalism : Cuban economic development since the revolution /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1993. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09ark235.pdf.
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Becker, Elizabeth Claire. "From Cuba to Ybor City: Race, Revolution, Nationalism and Afro-Cuban Identity." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1364315042.
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Villaça, Mariana Martins. "O Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (ICAIC) e a política cultural em Cuba (1959-1991)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2006. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-06112006-174750/.
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Neste trabalho analisamos a história do Instituto Cubano del Arte e Indústria Cinematográficos, primeiro organismo cultural criado após a Revolução cubana, e seu papel na política cultural, entre 1959 e 1991. Por meio da análise de documentos da política cultural, da revista Cine Cubano, além de depoimentos, críticas e alguns filmes que repercutiram especialmente os dilemas e questionamentos dos intelectuais cubanos, abordamos as tensões entre a política cultural oficial, o ICAIC e os projetos dos cineastas. Esse Instituto, pelo qual circularam muitos cineastas latino-americanos e europeus, foi palco de debates, disputas políticas e diversas polêmicas envolvendo filmes e tendências estéticas, como o realismo socialista e a nouvelle vague. Nossa tese é de que o ICAIC, pode ser considerado uma instituição privilegiada no meio cultural cubano, pois consolidou uma autonomia relativa em relação aos mecanismos de controle governamentais, por meio da ação dos cineastas e da mediação da direção do Instituto. Esta autonomia foi abalada, em diversos momentos, em função de fatores como a reestruturação do Estado, os fracassos econômicos e o acirramento do autoritarismo em Cuba, principalmente a partir dos anos 70. Ainda assim, o Instituto se readaptou às demandas políticas governamentais num jogo político de adesão e resistência à política cultural oficial, que tornou possível a produção de vários filmes ambíguos e críticos ao regime, ao longo desse período.This work analyzes the history of the Cuban Institute for Art and Film Production (ICAIC) ? the first cultural organization created after the Cuban Revolution ? and its role in cultural policy between 1959 and 1991. Through the analysis of documents on cultural policy, the magazine Cine Cubano, in addition to testimonies, critiques and a set of films specifically relevant to the issues and dilemmas of Cuban intellectuals, the thesis delves into the tensions between official cultural policy, the ICAIC, and film makers? projects. Various Latin American and European film makers were involved with the institute, and it served as a forum for debate, political discussions and varied polemics related to film and aesthetic tendencies, including Socialist Realism and New Wave. The thesis proposes that ICAIC constituted a privileged institution in the Cuban cultural environment because ? through the action of film makers and the mediation of the Institute?s leadership ? it attained relative autonomy with respect to mechanisms of government control. This autonomy was unsettled, at different points, by factors such as state restructuring, economic failure and the entrenchment of authoritarianism in Cuba, especially from the 1970s onward. Still, the institute adapted to the demands of government policy through a political dynamic that alternated adhesion and resistance to official cultural policy, making possible the production of various films that were ambiguous and critical of the regime during that period.
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Cushion, Stephen. "Organised labour and the Cuban revolution, 1952-1959." Thesis, School of Advanced Study, University of London, 2013. http://sas-space.sas.ac.uk/4901/.
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The standard historiography sees the working class as a passive bystander in the insurrectionary phase of the Cuban revolution, assuming that the real struggle was conducted by a rural guerrilla army. However, an examination of the archival evidence contradicts this view and shows that workers played a much more active role in the defeat of the Batista regime than they are normally given credit for. At the start of the 1950s, Cuba was suffering a crisis in profitability as the world price of sugar declined. This led the employers to conduct a productivity drive backed by the full repressive force of the Cuban state. Going on strike in a dictatorship is a life or death decision and workers need to feel some confidence in their chances of survival and in the possibility of successfully gaining a result that would be in their political and economic interests. Thus, following the defeat of a wave of militantly organised strikes in 1955, significant numbers of working class militants felt of the need for armed support to enable them defend their wages and conditions. Starting from the city of Guantánamo and spreading to cover most of the island, these activists constructed an impressive, clandestine, working class organisation in alliance with the rebel army which, after several failed attempts, proved capable of calling a successful general strike in January 1959. This strike was crucial to the rebel victory. This thesis, based on primary source material found in archives and private collections in Havana, Manzanillo, Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba, will re-examine working class participation in the Cuban insurrection of the 1950s, concentrating on organised labour rather than the role of individual citizens.
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Dellenback, Richard. "Oregon's Cuban-American community : from revolution to assimilation." PDXScholar, 1990. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4046.
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The adjustment and assimilation achieved by Cuban-Americans who arrived in Oregon during the 1960s was notable for its rapidity. Little contact existed between the state and the island prior to the resettlement efforts begun by the Charities Division of the Portland Catholic Archdiocese, where a group of concerned administrators meshed their activities with a nation-wide program created and encouraged by the united States government and private agencies.
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Ayorinde, Christine Renata. "Afro-Cuban religiosity, revolution and national identity (cubanidad/cubania)." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.368423.
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Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. "A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2007. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/1/Max_Bannah_Thesis.pdf.
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This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time.
The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana.
The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia.
Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
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Bannah, Maxwell Joseph. "A cause for animation : Harry Reade and Cuban revolution." Queensland University of Technology, 2007. http://eprints.qut.edu.au/16452/.
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This monographic study examines the life of the Australian artist Harry Reade (1927-1998), and his largely overlooked contribution to animation within historical, social, political and cultural contexts of his time. The project constitutes a biography of Reade, tracing his life from his birth in 1927 through to his period of involvement with animation between 1956 and 1969. The biography examines the forces that shaped Reade and the ways in which he tried to shape his world through the medium of animation. It chronicles his experiences as a child living in impoverished conditions during the Great Depression, his early working life, the influence of left wing ideology on his creative development, and his contribution to animation with the Waterside Workers' Federation Film Unit, in Sydney. The study especially focuses on the period between 1961 and 1969 during which Reade supported the Cuban Revolution's social and cultural reform process by writing and directing animated films at the Instituto Cubano del Arte e Industria Cinematográficos (Cuban Institute of the Art and Industry of Cinema - ICAIC), in Havana. The thesis argues that Reade played a significant role in the development of Cuban animation during the early years of the Cuban Revolution. Further, his animated work in this cultural sphere was informed by a network of political alliances and social philosophies that were directly linked to his experiences and creative development in Australia. Theoretical approaches to biographical method and animation studies have been used to provide a cohesive framework for an investigation of Reade's life and animation work. The thesis also draws on Reade's autobiography and his animated works, oral histories, newspaper articles, press cartoons, illustrations, photographs, and official government archival documents. This project also has an archival purpose in collecting and compiling Reade's animation work onto CD.
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Brown, Alan. "Using social constructionism, narrative therapy, bibliography, and social psychology in an examination of the Cuban people's polarized aesthetic and historiographical responses to the Cuban revolution." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2010. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=165715.
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Social constructionists argue that through narrative human beings create the realities that they subsequently inhabit. Since Cuba first gained its independence, the nation has been beset by a series of historiographical battles in which various political actors have vied for hegemony over Cuba’s past. If the conflicts that occurred in the first half of the twentieth century revolved around attempts by disparate competing factions to confer legitimacy on their respective ideological projects by successfully appropriating the figure of José Marti, then the last fifty years have been characterised by struggles between revolutionary hagiographers and anticommunist revisionists over the true natures of the Batista regime, its Castroite replacement, as well as of the figures of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara. This dissertation examines Cuba’s post-Batista linguistic conflict with itself through the lens of social psychology as well as by employing the closely related disciplines of social constructionism, narrative therapy, and bibliotherapy in an attempt to understand what effects the various discourses have had on the nation. After initially teasing out the relationship between draconian censorship and the emergence of an aesthetics of misanthropy, I proceed to illustrate how the works of certain Cuban mystery novelists in the 1990s highlight the need for historiographical reconciliation by gesturing towards the plethora of historical ambiguities that problematised national reconciliation. The fourth and fifth chapters investigate how these narratological contestations play out with respect to the figures of Castro and Guevara. I use narrative mediation to illustrate how, in order for internecine divisions to be eradicated, a more objective biographical approach to these individuals – and one which transcends Manicheanism – is required. The concluding chapter focuses on how a redemptive literary aesthetics has been marshalled to lift Cuba out of its ontological abyss.
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Blaufuss, Kathrin. "Greening : the revolution revisited : farmers, NGOs and the Cuban state." Thesis, Durham University, 2006. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/2737/.
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In this thesis I revisit the acclaimed transformation towards organic agriculture in Cuba. Using Lefebvre's trialectics of space, I explore how dominant representations of Organic' agricultural space in Cuba, the so-called 'Greening of the Revolution’, was created through government institutions and public policy. I further investigate the locally lived gendered realities of farmers in a selected cooperative. I argue that the prevailing imaginary of a state-led nationwide transformation needs to be deconstructed and the role of NGOs, in particular Northern NGOs, to be fully acknowledged in the creation of 'organic' agriculture in Cuba. Northern NGOs were attracted by the romanticist environmental imagery of Cuba’s green agriculture. เท securing funding from donors, they have framed agr๐-ecology in Cuba according to their own understandings as well as needs of 'logframes', budget codes and project cycles. Northern NGOs are acting as transmission belts for Western understandings of NGO characteristics and agency. This has resulted in a re-shaping and positioning of Cuban NGO identity, creating new dependencies and tensions in the process and introducing fashionable themes, such as gender. 'Gender mainstreaming' is an outsider-driven process, as donors and Northern NGOs have requested the integration of gender into projects. Their practices neither go beyond the 'incorporation of women in the workforce', nor engage sufficiently with the gendered realities of the everyday, as I show in my case-study in a cooperative. Farmers are performing, negotiating or at times resisting the dominant 'representations of space' - i.e. the state, regulations and policies, but also - increasingly - NGO discourses and agendas/frameworks. This thesis employs empirical data collected during 10-months of research in Cuba.
Books on the topic "Cuban Revolution"
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1931-, Thomas Hugh, ed. The Cuban Revolution. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1986.
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The Cuban revolution. New York: Chelsea House, 2011.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. The Cuban Revolution. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972.
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Rice, Earle. The Cuban Revolution. San Diego, CA: Lucent Books, 1995.
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Immell, Myra. The Cuban Revolution. Detroit: Greenhaven Press/Gale Cengage Learning, 2013.
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Centro de Estudios sobre América., ed. The Cuban Revolution into the 1990s: Cuban perspectives. Boulder: Westview Press, 1992.
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Sánchez, Germán. The Cuban revolution and Venezuela. Melbourne, Vic: Ocean Press, 2005.
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Roy, Joaquín. The Cuban Revolution (1959–2009). New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230101364.
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Kapcia, Antoni. The Cuban revolution in crisis. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict & Terrorism, 1992.
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Kapcia, Antoni. The Cuban Revolution in crisis. London: Research Institute for the Study of Conflict, 1992.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Cuban Revolution"
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Martínez-Fernández, Luis. "The Cuban Revolution." In A Companion to Latin American History, 365–85. Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781444391633.ch21.
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DeFronzo, James. "The Cuban Revolution." In Revolutions and Revolutionary Movements, 195–244. 6th ed. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003102649-6.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "The Cuban State and the Cuban People." In The Cuban Revolution, 129–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_6.
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Gold, Marina. "Conceptualizing Change in the Cuban Revolution." In Methodological Approaches to Societies in Transformation, 89–111. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-65067-4_4.
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AbstractThis paper will consider two levels within the study of the Cuban revolution: the meta-narratives of change and continuity that determine the academic literature on Cuba and inform political positioning in relation to the revolution, and the methodological challenges in understanding how people in Cuba experience change and continuity in their daily life. Transformation and continuity have been the two dominant analytical tropes used to interpret Cuban social and political life since the overthrow of the Batista regime in 1959. For Cuban scholars and politicians, a focus on change in reference to what was Cuba’s reality before the Revolution is a continuous concern and a powerful discursive mechanism in redefining and reinvigorating the revolutionary project. Simultaneously, in periods of crisis throughout the 62 years since the revolution, the capacity to demonstrate continuity with revolutionary principles while developing new mechanisms to redefine the political project has ensured the revolution’s subsistence. Conversely, continuity and change are also harnessed by critics of Cuba’s current regime to articulate the ever-imminent collapse of socialism in the region. Change has been their main focus of concern during critical historic moments that affected the trajectory of the Cuban revolutionary project. From this perspective, change embodies a promise of progress and implies a movement toward liberal democracy and a pro-US foreign policy, while continuity denotes failure, stagnation, and repression. At the core of the analysis of change in Cuba lies a concern with the nature of the state. Ethnographic data reveals the partialities and contradictions people experience in their daily life and across time. Two elements of ethnographic experience are particularly informative: life histories that span across the revolutionary period, and generational conflicts surrounding political issues. I will focus on the life history of key informants and the generational conflicts that surround their experience, a well as their material contexts (their neighborhood, their house, their job), all of which help to elucidate the complexities of studying change within a permanent revolution.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "The Revolution Matures." In The Cuban Revolution, 99–128. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_5.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "Introduction." In The Cuban Revolution, 1–8. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_1.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "Encounters with ‘the Monster’ and Others." In The Cuban Revolution, 9–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_2.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "The Politics of National Identity." In The Cuban Revolution, 38–68. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_3.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "Generations of Protest." In The Cuban Revolution, 69–98. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_4.
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Lievesley, Geraldine. "Conclusion." In The Cuban Revolution, 161–84. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403943972_7.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Cuban Revolution"
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West, David M. "The Cuban software revolution: 2016-2025." In SPLASH '15: Conference on Systems, Programming, Languages, and Applications: Software for Humanity. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2814228.2814247.
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Worsham, Elizabeth K., and Genesis d. Vargas Esposito. "Powering the Pearl: A Study of Cuba’s Energy Autonomy." In ASME 2018 Power Conference collocated with the ASME 2018 12th International Conference on Energy Sustainability and the ASME 2018 Nuclear Forum. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/power2018-7198.
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Cuba’s national pride comes from their projected autonomy as a communist country, although they have been dependent on other countries to supply them with resources since the revolution. However, Cuba has a high capacity for various forms of renewable energy. This study analyzes the impacts of Cuba’s decline in petroleum use and the rise of renewable energy. There is a lack of primary research on Cuba’s energy infrastructure because of government censorship and availability of reliable data, so this study utilizes accounts from Cuban citizens as well as first-hand observations of the country. Research was conducted through interviews, observations, and written accounts of life in Cuba. The decline of Cuba’s use of petroleum has led to an emphasis on sustainability, affecting people’s lifestyles and the economy. The inability to produce enough electricity has created an inequality between those who are involved in tourist industries and those who are not. However, the dawn of renewable energy is helping to close that gap while protecting Cuba’s energy independence and preventing another Special Period.
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Fuentes, Gabriel. "The Politics of Memory: Constructing Heritage and Globalization in Havana, Cuba." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.60.
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Since granted world heritage status by the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) in 1982, Old Havana has been the site of contested heritage practices. Critics consider UNESCO’s definition of the 143 hectare walled city center a discriminatory delineation strategy that primes the colonial core for tourist consumption at the expense of other parts of the city. To neatly bound Havana’s collective memory/history within its “old” core, they say, is to museumize the city as ”frozen in time,” sharply distinguishing the “historic” from the “vernacular.”While many consider heritage practices to resist globalization, in Havana they embody a complex entanglement of global and local forces. The Soviet Union’s collapse in 1991 triggered a crippling recession during what Fidel Castro called a“Special Period in a Time of Peace.” In response, Castro redeveloped international tourism—long demonized by the Revolution as associated with capitalist “evils”—in order to capture the foreign currency needed to maintain the state’s centralized economy. Paradoxically, the re-emergence of international tourism in socialist Cuba triggered similar inequalities found in pre-Revolutionary Havana: a dual-currency economy, government-owned retail (capturing U.S. dollars at the expense of Cuban Pesos), and zoning mechanisms to “protect” Cubanos from the “evils” of the tourism, hospitality, and leisure industries. Using the tropes of “heritage”and “identity,” preservation practices fueled tourism while allocating the proceeds toward urban development, using capitalism to sustain socialism. This paper briefly traces the geopolitics of 20th century development in Havana, particularly in relation to tourism. It then analyzes tourism in relation to preservation / restoration practices in Old Havana using the Plaza Vieja (Old Square)—Old Havana’ssecond oldest and most restored urban space—as a case study. In doing so, it exposes preservation/ restoration as a dynamic and politically complex practice that operates across scales and ideologies, institutionalizing history and memory as an urban design and identity construction strategy. The paper ends with a discussion on the implications of such practices for a rapidly changing Cuba.
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Shamanna, Jayashree, and Gabriel Fuentes. "Preserving What? Design Strategies for a Post-Revolutionary Cuba." In 2016 ACSA International Conference. ACSA Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.intl.2016.30.
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The Cuban Revolution’s neglect of Havana (as part of a broader socialist project) simultaneously ruined and preserved its architectural and urban fabric. On one hand, Havana is crumbling, its fifty-plus year lack of maintenance inscribed on its cracked, decayed surfaces and the voids where buildings once stood; on the other, its formal urban fabric—its scale, dimensions, proportions, contrasts, continuities, solid/void relationships, rhythms, public spaces, and landscapes—remain intact. A free-market Cuba, while inevitable, leaves the city vulnerable to unsustainable urban development. And while many anticipate preservation, restoration, and urban development—particularly of Havana’s historic core (La Habana Vieja)—”business as usual” preservation practices resist rampant (read: neoliberal) development primarily through narrow strategies of exclusion (where, what, how, and why not to build), museumizing Havana as “a city frozen in time.”Seeking a third option at the intersection of this socialist/capitalist divide, this paper describes 4 student projects from THE CUBA STUDIO, a collaborative Integrative Urban Studio at Marywood University’s School of Architecture. Over the course of 16 weeks, students in THE CUBA STUDIO speculated urban futures for a post-revolutionary Havana–strategizing ways of preserving Havana’s architectural and urban fabric in the face of an emerging political and economic shift that is opening, albeit gradually, Cuba to global market forces. And rather than submitting to these forces, the work critically engages them toward socio-cultural ends. Some driving questions were: What kind of spatial politics do we deploy while retrofitting Havana? How will the social, political, and economic changes of an “open” Cuba affect Havana’s urban fabric? What role does preservation play? For that matter, what does preservation really mean and by what criteria are sites included in the preservation frame? What relationships are there (or could there be) between preservation, tourism, infrastructure, education, housing, and public space? In the process, students established systematic research agendas to reveal opportunities for integrated“soft” and “hard” interventions (i.e. siting and programing), constructing ecologies across a range of disciplinary territories including (but not limited to): architecture, urban design, historic preservation/ restoration, art, landscape urbanism, infrastructure,science + technology, economics, sustainability, urban policy, sociology, and cultural/political theory. An explicit goal of the studio was to expand and leverage“preservation” (as an idea, a discipline, and a practice) toward flexible and inclusive design strategies that frame precise architectural interventions at a range of temporal and geographic scales.
Reports on the topic "Cuban Revolution"
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Dellenback, Richard. Oregon's Cuban-American community : from revolution to assimilation. Portland State University Library, January 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.15760/etd.5930.
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Callen, Jr, and Monte H. Analysis of the Military Strategies and Warfare Principles of Che Guevara and Fidel Castro during the Cuban Revolution. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada156114.
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