Journal articles on the topic 'Cuban history'
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Keller, Renata. "Fan Mail to Fidel." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 33, no. 1 (2017): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/mex.2017.33.1.6.
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This article analyzes the newly-declassified letters that Mexicans and people residing in Mexico sent to the Cuban government in the first decade after the Cuban Revolution. The letters reveal that the Cuban Revolution found supporters among a variety of Mexicans because the events in Cuba reflected their own nation’s history of revolution and U.S. intervention. In addition to praising the Cuban Revolution, the Mexicans who put pen to paper confessed their hopes and fears for their own country. While these letters were ostensibly about Cuba, they in fact reveal more about political culture in 1960s Mexico. Este artículo analiza las cartas que mexicanos y foráneos residentes en México enviaron al gobierno cubano en la primera década después de la Revolución Cubana. Las cartas revelan que varios mexicanos apoyaron a la revolución porque los eventos en Cuba reflejaban la historia de revolución e intervencionismo estadounidense en México. Asimismo, estos mexicanos describían las ilusiones y miedos sobre su propio país. A pesar de tratar sobre Cuba, estas cartas revelan aún más sobre la cultura política de México en los años sesenta.
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Helg, Aline. "Os afro-cubanos, protagonistas silenciados da história cubana." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 1 (August 12, 2014): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i1.11447.
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Por que desde José Martí até a revolução de 1959, a história oficial cubana silenciou sobre o papel extraordinário dos afro-cubanos nas lutas contra a escravidão, pela independência e pela igualdade republicana? Este artigo responde a essa pergunta analisando os movimentos de escravos e livres de cor no século XIX, a liderança de Antonio Maceo e dos combatentes afro-cubanos nas guerras da independência e a formação em 1908 do Partido Independiente de Color, primeiro partido negro das Américas, até o aniquilamento do partido pelo Exército de Cuba em um massacre racista em 1912. O artigo também mostra como, desde 1959, a Revolução confirma a negação do protagonismo histórico dos afro-cubanos e evita todo debate sobre o racismo no país.Palavras chaves: Cuba, Diáspora africana, história, discriminação racial, política racial.---Cubano-africano, los protagonistas silenciados de la historia cubanaPor qué, desde José Martí hasta la revolución de 1959, la historia oficial cubana ha tenido bajo silencio el papel extraordinario de los Afro-cubanos en las luchas contra la esclavización, por la independencia y por la igualdad republicana? Este articulo responde a esta pregunta examinando los movimientos de esclavos y de libres de color en el siglo XIX, el liderazgo de Antonio Maceo y de los combatientes afrocubanos en las guerras de independencia y la formación en 1908 del Partido Independiente de Color, primer partido negro de las Américas, hasta el aniquilamiento del partido por el Ejercito de Cuba en una masacre racista en 1912. El articulo muestra como desde 1959 la Revolución confirma la negación del protagonismo histórico de los afrocubanos y ha evitado todo debate sobre el racismo en Cuba.Palabras clave: Cuba—Diáspora africana—Historia—Discriminación racial—Política racial---The african-Cuban, the silenced heros of Cuban historyFrom José Martí up to the 1959 revolution, why has the Cuban official history remained silent on the extraordinary role of african-Cubans in the fight against slavery, for independence and for republican equality? This article answers this question by analyzing the movements of slaves and free men of color in the nineteenth century, the leadership of Antonio Maceo and african-Cuban combatants in the wars of independence and the formation, in 1908, of the Partido Independiente Color, the first black party of the Americas until its annihilation by the Cuban Army in a racist massacre in 1912. This article also shows how, since 1959, the Revolution continues to deny the historical role of the african-Cuban and avoids any debate about racism in the country.Key Words: Cuba, African Diaspora, history, racial discrimination, racial politics.
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Seidman, Sarah J. "Angela Davis in Cuba as Symbol and Subject." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 11–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857227.
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Abstract This essay examines how gender facilitated the encounters between Angela Y. Davis and the Cuban Revolution in the late 1960s and 1970s. Davis’s multifaceted identity as a black woman and communist shaped both her representation and reception in Cuba. Cubans supported Davis by participating in the global campaign for her freedom and welcoming her to the island several times, often with delegations from the Communist Party, beginning in 1969. The Cuban state propagated an iconography of Davis that cast her as a global signifier for both repression and international solidarity. Furthermore, at a transitional moment when Cuban leadership advocated institutionalization of the revolution, the Federation of Cuban Women provided highly visible opportunities for Davis to speak and be seen not afforded to men in the black liberation movement. Davis’s time in Cuba proved transformative and foundational in shaping her view of global liberation.
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Benson, Devyn Spence. "Cuba Calls: African American Tourism, Race, and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1961." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (May 1, 2013): 239–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077144.
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Abstract This essay explores the role that conversations about race and racism played in forming a partnership between an African American public relations firm and the Cuban National Tourist Institute (INIT) in 1960, just one year after Fidel Castro’s victory over Fulgencio Batista. The article highlights how Cuban revolutionary leaders, Afro-Cubans, and African Americans exploited temporary transnational relationships to fight local battles. Claiming that the Cuban Revolution had eliminated racial discrimination, INIT invited world champion boxer Joe Louis and 50 other African Americans to the island in January 1960 to experience “first class treatment — as first class citizens.” This move benefited Cuban revolutionary leaders by encouraging new tourism as the number of mainstream white American travelers to the island declined. The business venture also allowed African Americans to compare racial violence in the US South to the supposed integrated racial paradise in Cuba and foreshadowed future visits by black radicals, including NAACP leader Robert F. Williams. The politics expressed by Cuban newspapers and travel brochures, however, did not always fit with the lived experiences of Afro-Cubans. This essay uncovers how Afro-Cubans threatened national discourses by invoking revolutionary promises to denounce continued racial segregation in the very facilities promoted to African American tourists. Ultimately, ideas about race did not just cross borders between Cuba and the United States in 1960. Rather, they constituted and constructed those borders as Afro-Cubans used government claims to reposition themselves within the new revolutionary state.
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Cezar Miskulin, Sílvia. "A POLÍTICA CULTURAL NA REVOLUÇÃO CUBANA: as disputas intelectuais nos anos 1960 e 1970." Caderno CRH 32, no. 87 (December 31, 2019): 537. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/ccrh.v32i87.31027.
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<p>A Revolução Cubana promoveu grandes transformações na sociedade da ilha. Novas publicações, instituições culturais e manifestações artísticas acompanharam a efervescência política e cultural ao longo dos anos 60. Esta pesquisa analisou o suplemento cultural Lunes de Revolución, a editora El Puente e o suplemento cultural El Caimán Barbudo, com o objetivo de mostrar o surgimento das novas publicações e manifestações culturais em Cuba após o triunfo da Revolução. O trabalho demonstra que o surgimento de uma política cultural acarretou a normatização e o controle das produções culturais pelo governo cubano desde os anos 1960, e mais ainda após 1971, quando se acentuou o fechamento e o endurecimento no meio cultural cubano.</p><p> </p><p>CULTURAL POLICY IN THE CUBAN REVOLUTION: intellectual disputes in the 1960s and 1970s</p><p>The Cuban Revolution promoted great transformations in the society of the island. New publications, cultural institutions and artistic manifestations accompanied the political and cultural effervescence throughout the 1960s.This research analyzed the cultural supplement Lunes de Revolución, the El Puente publishing house and the El Caimán Barbudo cultural supplement, with the aim of showing the emergence of new publications and cultural manifestations in Cuba after the triumph of the Revolution. However, the emergence of a cultural policy has led to the normalization and control of cultural productions by the Cuban government since the 1960s, and especially after 1971, when the closing and hardening of the Cuban cultural milieu became more pronounced.</p><p>Key words: Cuba. Revolution. Culture. History. Intellectual.</p><p> </p><p>LA POLITIQUE CULTURELLE DANS LA REVOLUTION CUBAINE: controverses intellectuelles dans les annees 1960 et 1970</p><p>La révolution cubaine a promu de grandes transformations dans la société de l’île. De nouvelles publications, des institutions culturelles et des manifestations artistiques ont accompagné l’effervescence politique et culturelle tout au long des années 1960.Cette recherche a analysé le supplément culturel Lunes de Revolución, la maison d’édition El Puente et le supplément culturel El Caimán Barbudo, dans le but de montrer l’émergence de nouvelles publications et manifestations culturelles à Cuba après le triomphe de la Révolution. Cependant, l’émergence d’une politique culturelle a conduit à la normalisation et au contrôle des productions culturelles par le gouvernement cubain depuis les années 1960, et encore plus après 1971, lorsque la fermeture et l’endurcissement du milieu culturel cubain se sont accentués.</p><p>Mots clés: Cuba. Révolution. Culture. Histoire. Intellectuel.</p>
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Medel Toro, Juan Carlos. "Socialist governmentality: political formation, revolutionary instruction, and socialist emulation in the CDR, Cuba, 1961-1965." Revista Tempo e Argumento 12, no. 29 (April 20, 2020): e0203. http://dx.doi.org/10.5965/2175180312292020e0203.
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During the 1960s, the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (Comités de Defensa de la Revolución [CDR]) took relevant actions along with the Cuban masses, organizing cultural, social, and economic activities that shaped socialism from below. Thereby, through their work, the CDR gave meaning to their own idea of Cuban socialism. In the context of revolutionary upheaval, they were major players in the process of governmentality deployed by the revolutionary project. They willingly participated in their own governance. As a result, the CDR deployed a productive power that actually aimed at improving the lives of fellow Cubans. This article highlights the political formation of CDR members through revolutionary instruction and ideological formation. Also, this is an analysis of the role of CDR members in the revolutionary process beyond political surveillance, focusing on their impact in the everyday lives of Cuban people. The work of the CDR was key to build a new hegemonic project in revolutionary Cuba. They took a significant ideological role, creating and promoting a new cultural hegemony that sought to convince fellow Cubans about the potential benefits that the revolution could eventually bring. Thus, through the work of the CDR, we may see the Cuban Revolution beyond the vanguard.Keywords: Governmentality. Ideology. Socialist Emulation. Representations. Political Formation.
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Casimir, Enver M. "Contours of Transnational Contact: Kid Chocolate, Cuba, and the United States in the 1920s and 1930s." Journal of Sport History 39, no. 3 (October 1, 2012): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.39.3.487.
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Abstract Boxer Kid Chocolate was one of the most prominent and popular athletes in Cuba in the 1920s and 1930s. An analysis of his career and the reasons for his popularity in Cuba shed light on the cultural dimensions of U.S.-Cuban relations during this time. Appreciation of the career of Kid Chocolate in both the U.S. and Cuba suggests that Cubans and Americans shared a cultural world that centered on the appreciation of sport in general and was characterized by extensive Cuban consumption of North American sporting culture. But Cubans were not simply passive consumers of this culture. Instead they infused their own meaning into the career of Kid Chocolate, subtly invoking it as a challenge to North American hegemony in Cuba while also critiquing North American racism.
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Snyder, Emily. "“Cuba, Nicaragua, Unidas Vencerán”: Official Collaborations between the Sandinista and Cuban Revolutions." Americas 78, no. 4 (October 2021): 609–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2021.5.
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AbstractThe Cuban and Sandinista Revolutions stand together as Latin America's two socialist revolutions achieved through guerrilla insurgency in the latter half of the twentieth century. But beyond studies that demonstrate that Cuba militarily trained and supported the Sandinistas before, during, and after their guerrilla phase, and observations that the two countries were connected by the bonds of socialist revolution, the nature of Cuba and Nicaragua's revolutionary relationship remains little explored. This article traces exchanges of people and expertise between each revolutionary state's Ministry of Foreign Relations and Ministry of Culture. It employs diplomatic and institutional archives, personal collections, and oral interviews to demonstrate the deep involvement of Cuban experts in building the Sandinista state. Yet, Cuban advice may have exacerbated tensions within Nicaragua. This article also shows that tensions marked the day-to-day realities of Cubans and Nicaraguans tasked with carrying out collaborations, revealing their layered and often contradictory nature. Illuminating high-level policy in terms of Cuban-Nicaraguan exchanges and how they unfolded on the ground contributes to new international histories of the Sandinista and Cuban revolutions by shifting away from North-South perspectives to focus instead on how the Sandinistas navigated collaboration with their most important regional ally.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2007): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002484.
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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Stubbs, Jean. "Cuba Through A New Lens." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 81, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2008): 265–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002484.
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[First paragraph]The Origins of the Cuban Revolution Reconsidered. Samuel Farber. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006. x + 212 pp. (Paper US$ 19.95)Cuba: A New History. Ric hard Gott . New Haven: Yale University Press, 2005. xii + 384 pp. (Paper US$ 17.00)Havana: The Making of Cuban Culture. Antoni Kapcia. Oxford: Berg Publishers, 2005. xx + 236 pp. (Paper US$ 24.95) Richard Gott, Antoni Kapcia, and Samuel Farber each approach Cuba through a new lens. Gott does so by providing a broad-sweep history of Cuba, which is epic in scope, attaches importance to social as much as political and economic history, and blends scholarship with flair. Kapcia homes in on Havana as the locus for Cuban culture, whereby cultural history becomes the trope for exploring not only the city but also Cuban national identity. Farber revisits his own and others’ interpretations of the origins of the Cuban Revolution.
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Morales, Etienne. "“Un orgullo de Cuba en los cielos del mundo”. Cubana de aviación from Miami to Bagdad (1946–79)." Journal of Transport History 40, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 62–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022526619832592.
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This article focuses on the transformation of the carrier Cubana de aviación before and after the 1959 Cuban revolution. By observing Cubana's management, labour force, equipment, international passenger and freight traffic, this article aims to outline an international history of this Latin American flag carrier. The touristic air relationships between the American continent and Spain that could be observed in the 1950s were substituted – in the 1960s and 1970s – by a web of political “líneas de la amistad” [Friendship Flights] with Prague, Santiago de Chile, East Berlin, Lima, Luanda, Managua, Tripoli and Bagdad. This three-decade period allows us to interrogate breaks and continuities in the Cuban airline travel sector and to challenge the traditional interpretations of Cuban history. This work is based on diplomatic and corporative archives from Cuba, United States, Canada, Mexico, Spain and France and the aeronautical international press.
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Quesada, Sarah Margarita. "The Dual Biopolitics in the Cuban Postplantation of Gloria Rolando’s Raíces de mi corazón." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 50–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-9384212.
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This essay focuses on the “dual” biopolitics of Cuban filmmaker Gloria Rolando’s Raíces de mi corazón (Roots of My Heart, 2001). In her film about an antiblack genocide in early-twentieth-century Cuba, Rolando seeks to recover the suppressed 1912 massacre of members of the black Cuban Partido Independiente de Color (the Independent Party of Color) and thousands of other Afro-Cubans through the plane of the intimate. The author argues that Rolando’s film challenges the myth of racial equality throughout Cuba’s modern history by celebrating Afro-Cuban traditions, from orisha rituals to patakíes (Afro-Cuban oral tradition), over a reappropriated plantational space in which black sensuality contests negative biopolitical forms. Rolando not only draws from transnational critical race theory to address the myth of Latin American exceptionalism, she also challenges Michel Foucault’s conceptualization of biopolitics casting black sensuality over racial violence.
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Benson, Devyn Spence. "Redefining Mestizaje: How Trans-Caribbean Exchanges Solidified Black Consciousness in Cuba." Small Axe: A Caribbean Journal of Criticism 25, no. 2 (July 1, 2021): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/07990537-9384286.
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This essay recovers the history of 1960s and 1970s black movements in Cuba through an examination of works by Afro-Cuban intellectuals and their meetings with Caribbean thinkers to show the coexistence of mestizaje and black consciousness as a defining, but overlooked, feature of black activism in Cuba. While the existing literature locates black consciousness in the English- and French-speaking Caribbean, this essay highlights how Afro-Cubans in Spanish-speaking countries were not only aware of but also adapted Caribbean ideologies to local circumstances. Using oral histories, cultural productions, and meetings between Caribbean intellectuals, this examination of Afro-Cuban activism reframes the period leading up to Nancy Morejón’s 1982 Nación y mestizaje en Nicolás Guillén to show that the poet was one of many artists-activists who resurrected black history, revalued African culture and black identity, and promoted Caribbean black consciousness in Cuba despite state attempts at censorship. For Morejón that meant offering a definition of mestizaje that goes through and coexists with black consciousness.
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Chapman, Robert D. "Righting Cuban History." International Journal of Intelligence and CounterIntelligence 27, no. 2 (March 7, 2014): 421–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08850607.2014.872542.
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Ogelsby, J. C. M. "The Cuban Autonomist Movement's Perception of Canada, 1865-1898: Its Implication." Americas 48, no. 4 (April 1992): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006742.
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The history of Cuba from the 1860s to 1898 has been written largely from the revolutionary, independentista perspective. It is a perspective that has been appealing to U.S. and Cuban historians alike, but it may well be a perspective that has distorted the Cuban political experience and made it more difficult to understand the Cuban reality. That this perspective is alive and well can be seen in recent publications which give short shrift to the Cuban Autonomist movement, a movement that was essentially Cuban and whose leadership came from the largely urban, professional elite that rejected both annexation and independence.
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García Yero, Cary Aileen. "To Whom It Belongs: The Aftermaths of Afrocubanismo and the Power over Lo Negro in Cuban Arts, 1938–1958." Latin American Research Review 57, no. 1 (March 2022): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lar.2022.1.
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AbstractThis article explores the impact of Afrocubanismo on the development of Cuba’s arts during the 1940s and 1950s. The article follows the discursive output of artists, intellectuals, and cultural policymakers of different racial backgrounds over the deployment of lo negro to construct cubanidad. It argues that, if the 1920s and 1930s experienced a movement towards the construction of a homogeneous mestizo Cuba, the following decades reveal an effort by some artists to desyncretize lo cubano. While some intellectuals constructed notions of authenticity that circumscribed black art to black artists, many white Cuban artists in turn embraced elite Hispanic heritage as their main creative language while valorizing some Afro-Cuban artists’ recreations of lo negro. The article also demonstrates that the scholarly debates about cultural appropriation in recent decades have a long history within the Afro-Cuban community. It shows how Afro-Cuban artists and intellectuals pioneered arguments about the exploitative use of lo negro to make national art and the central role of culture in shaping racial inequality.
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Cosse, Isabella. "“Children of the Revolution”." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857368.
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Abstract This interview of Gregory Randall offers a lens onto a transnational life experience, including that of international refugees in Cuba. Randall was born in New York in 1960. He spent his early childhood in Mexico and arrived in Cuba in 1970, where he remained until the 1980s. In this interview, Randall reflects on Cuban policies toward women, homosexuality, and youth. He also analyzes his own family’s experience, characterized by a strong commitment to reflecting the Cuban Revolution in its own social relations and its ways of living and loving. The interview provides a unique perspective on these challenges and on Cuban history, shaped by Randall’s particular position in that historical process. Unmoored from national frameworks, his subjectivity is anchored in a transnational Left sensibility. He belongs to a generation of children of the revolution, part of Socialist Cuba as children and teenagers, and belonging to Left and internationalist families.
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Finesurrey, Samuel. "“The Light That Shineth in the Darkness”: Anglo-American Rural Missionaries and the Cuban Revolution." Religions 13, no. 6 (May 30, 2022): 494. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13060494.
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Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution.
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Rodriguez, Juan Carlos. "Playing for the Nation, Fighting for the Revolution: Documentaries on Cuban Sports." Journal of Sport History 41, no. 2 (July 1, 2014): 225–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.41.2.225.
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Abstract Sports have played a dual role in the Cuban Revolution. International sport competitions symbolize the revolution’s success and compose a strategy for creating social cohesion. This essay explores how Cuban sports documentaries (as well as documentaries on Cuban sports made by foreign filmmakers) represent and problematize these complementary roles. It argues that Cuban sport documentaries offer insights about the Cuban Revolution over time and provide occasions to explore the sociocultural, economic, and political challenges that Cubans have faced in the revolution’s socialist and post-Soviet stages.
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Santamarina, Juan C. "The Cuba Company and the Expansion of American Business in Cuba, 1898–1915." Business History Review 74, no. 1 (2000): 41–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3116352.
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The Cuba Company was the largest single foreign investment in Cuba during the first two decades of the twentieth century and remained one of the largest corporations. This article presents a detailed history of the commercial networks forged between political officials and North American and Cuban businessmen through the development of the company. These networks proved crucial to the success of the Cuba Company and subsequently shaped the development of the new Cuban Republic.
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Boreyko, Anton. "The special period in Cuban history (1991-2000)." Latin-American Historical Almanac 30, no. 1 (June 28, 2021): 185–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2021-30-1-185-200.
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The modern socio-economic model of Cuba is a unique example of an attempt to build a welfare state in extremely unfavorable conditions. Over the course of 30 years, since the collapse of the USSR and the so-cialist bloc, Cuban society has undergone several major transfor-mations, the most radical were the reforms of Raul Castro, which began in 2008 and were finally enshrined in the new constitution 11 years lat-er. In this article, the author puts forward a hypothesis that these re-forms are not something qualitatively new, but rather reflect the acceler-ating pace of transformations that were laid back during the "special pe-riod in peacetime", the most critical stage in the adaptation of Cuban society to new foreign economic and foreign policy realities. The author analyzes the key features of the economic policy of the Cuban govern-ment during this period, as well as its specific features in comparison with the neoliberal reforms that became mainstream for the post-soviet states.
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Fairley, Jan. "Dancing back to front: regeton, sexuality, gender and transnationalism in Cuba." Popular Music 25, no. 3 (September 11, 2006): 471–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026114300600105x.
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In this Middle Eight using ethnographic observation and interviews made in Cuba in May–July 2005 and March–April 2006 I problematise the new Latina/o dance music ‘reggaetón’ which in the USA is being heralded as ‘‘an expression of pan-Latino identity … the latest Latin musical style to sweep the world … the one with the most promise of finding a permanent, prominent place not just in US but in global popular culture …” (Marshall, 2006). Notably along with hip-hop with which it is now related in Cuban cultural politics, this is the first pan-Latin style of non-Cuban origin to have a strong presence in post-‘Special period’ 1990s revolutionary Cuba. I focus on the significance and possible history of the dance moves and the lyrics of two key songs, discussing possible political double meanings and implications within a Cuban context. While focusing particularly on issues of regeton in Cuba, I place regeton in Cuba in the larger context of reggaetón history in the Latin world and of Latin dance history and discuss it within the constant construction of an appropriate Cuban national identity. I pose open questions about gender, sexuality and generational attitudes. The overall theoretical context falls within the context of Järviluoma et al's work on ‘gender as cultural construction’ (2003). It builds on work on gender and dance which forms a small part of Fairley (2004).
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Wolfe, Mikael. "“A Revolution Is a Force More Powerful Than Nature”: Extreme Weather and the Cuban Revolution, 1959–64." Environmental History 25, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 469–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emaa004.
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Abstract This article examines how the severe drought of 1961–62 and the fury of Hurricane Flora in October 1963 influenced the Cuban Revolution socioeconomically and geopolitically in the crucial first five years of Fidel Castro’s consolidation of power. Based on extensive research in US and Cuban newspapers and journals, declassified US government documents, the speeches, interviews, and writings of Cuban revolutionaries and foreign advisers, oral histories of hurricane survivors, and secondary literature, this article employs an environmental history approach to show that the governments and media of both Cuba and the United States perceived environmental and geopolitical factors as being intertwined when explaining Cuba’s socioeconomic travails. Although weather events alone did not determine the progression of the Cuban Revolution, their varied effects nevertheless shaped the formative years of the revolution by influencing Cold War-era national development in ways that scholars of early revolutionary Cuba have largely overlooked.
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Ranis, Peter. "Cuba in Transition: Crisis and TransformationThe Cuban Revolution into the 1990s: Cuban Perspectives." Hispanic American Historical Review 75, no. 1 (February 1, 1995): 112–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-75.1.112.
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Zhukova, Anna, Jakub Voznica, Miraine Dávila Felipe, Thu-Hien To, Lissette Pérez, Yenisleidys Martínez, Yanet Pintos, Melissa Méndez, Olivier Gascuel, and Vivian Kouri. "Cuban history of CRF19 recombinant subtype of HIV-1." PLOS Pathogens 17, no. 8 (August 9, 2021): e1009786. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.ppat.1009786.
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CRF19 is a recombinant form of HIV-1 subtypes D, A1 and G, which was first sampled in Cuba in 1999, but was already present there in 1980s. CRF19 was reported almost uniquely in Cuba, where it accounts for ∼25% of new HIV-positive patients and causes rapid progression to AIDS (∼3 years). We analyzed a large data set comprising ∼350 pol and env sequences sampled in Cuba over the last 15 years and ∼350 from Los Alamos database. This data set contained both CRF19 (∼315), and A1, D and G sequences. We performed and combined analyses for the three A1, G and D regions, using fast maximum likelihood approaches, including: (1) phylogeny reconstruction, (2) spatio-temporal analysis of the virus spread, and ancestral character reconstruction for (3) transmission mode and (4) drug resistance mutations (DRMs). We verified these results with a Bayesian approach. This allowed us to acquire new insights on the CRF19 origin and transmission patterns. We showed that CRF19 recombined between 1966 and 1977, most likely in Cuban community stationed in Congo region. We further investigated CRF19 spread on the Cuban province level, and discovered that the epidemic started in 1970s, most probably in Villa Clara, that it was at first carried by heterosexual transmissions, and then quickly spread in the 1980s within the “men having sex with men” (MSM) community, with multiple transmissions back to heterosexuals. The analysis of the transmission patterns of common DRMs found very few resistance transmission clusters. Our results show a very early introduction of CRF19 in Cuba, which could explain its local epidemiological success. Ignited by a major founder event, the epidemic then followed a similar pattern as other subtypes and CRFs in Cuba. The reason for the short time to AIDS remains to be understood and requires specific surveillance, in Cuba and elsewhere.
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Gutierrez-Boronat, Orlando. "The Cuban Civic Movement." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 18, no. 1 (2006): 157–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis2006181/210.
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During the 1990s, the dissident movement in Cuba has grown in effectiveness, popular participation, and intemational support. While facing a first-generation totalitarian regime, with a sophisticated repressive apparatus, the civic movement in the Island has persevered and grown in spite of constant persecution, offering hope for political, social, and economic change from within Cuba itself. This essay seeks to provide a brief overview of the civic movement in Cuba covering its social origins and growth, theoretical repercussions of its existence, major leaders and initiatives, its relationship with the Cuban exile community, its ideological history and development, intemational support, and its current status in light of recent events affecting political conditions in the Island. Born initially out of dissident cells within Cuba's revolutionary movement and the Communist Party, the dissident movement in Cuba has transformed itself into a microcosm of a re-emerging civil society through which Cuban citizens are reclaiming their sovereignity and constructing the blueprint for a new Republic. The Varela Project is of particular significance for the development of the civic movement in Cuba.
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Krysko, Michael A. "US–Cuban Relations, American Identities and the 1946 North American Regional Broadcasting Agreement." Journal of Contemporary History 53, no. 4 (November 16, 2017): 762–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417712114.
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By 1946, Cuban–US relations had become strained over radio. Broadcasting from each nation repeatedly crossed borders and interfered with radio reception in the other country. The 1946 North American Regional Broadcasting Agreement (NARBA) attempted to remedy that problem. This account of the impassioned reactions and heated rhetoric surrounding the 1946 NARBA underscores the enduring strength of national and regional identities in a globalizing world. Encounters with US radio programming in Cuba inspired Cubans to fight for distinctly Cuban radio interests. The resulting 1946 NARBA, which imposed new restrictions on US broadcasting to benefit Cuba, provoked farmers from California and Arizona, who – as those who believed they were the most affected by the new restraints imposed on US radio – railed against their government’s acquiescence. Their reactions, in fact, were deeply entangled with the complex history of US identity formation, which had from the nation’s earliest years privileged specific regional loyalties that coexisted alongside both local and national ones. It is, in sum, a story that shows how in certain contexts audiences can and will resist globalizing influences by leaning on their existing national, regional, and local identities that provide meaning in their world.
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Casals, Marcelo. "“Chilean! Is This How You Want to See Your Daughter?”." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 111–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857295.
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Abstract This article studies the impact that the Cuban Revolution had on conservative political actors in Chile during the 1964 presidential campaign. At that time, Cuba served as a dystopian example for anticommunist forces through the direct identification between the Cuban experience and the Chilean Left. They utilized a “language of family” to give meaning to their rejection of any possible establishment of socialism in Chile. In this sense, an eventual electoral victory of the Marxist Left was seen as an attack—as in Cuba—on the stability of the family, traditional gender roles, and even parental control of their daughters’ sexuality. These representations were widely distributed through an anticommunist propaganda campaign known as the “campaign of terror,” which forged transnational networks among local actors, the CIA, and conservative Brazilian women. This triple articulation of anticommunism, Cuba, and gender became a potent discourse in the Chilean electoral campaign.
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Arvey, Sarah R. "Making the Immoral Moral: Consensual Unions and Birth Status in Cuban Law and Everyday Practice, 1940–1958." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 4 (November 1, 2010): 627–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-044.
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Abstract This article explores the 1940 Cuban Constituent Assembly debates about consensual unions and birth status as legislators created a new legal process called equiparación de matrimonio civil that would grant to citizens in consensual unions the same rights and benefits that legally married citizens enjoyed. Equiparación, if granted, could enable a child born to unmarried parents to change his or her birth status in formal records. While some legislators considered the creation of the new constitution an opportunity to erase existing privileges and protections based upon outdated social and moral hierarchies embedded in Cuban legal structures, others argued that “family” issues had no place in a constitution. The Constituent Assembly’s debates about birth status illuminate how issues concerning sexual propriety and family were intertwined with antidiscrimination efforts during Cuban state formation. Nevertheless, legislators’ lofty ideas about equiparación contrast sharply with ordinary citizens’ attempts to claim their newly extended rights in judicial courts. A comparison of the legislators’ debates and ordinary Cubans’ efforts in the courtrooms to claim equiparación exposes the core contradictions between maintaining discriminatory and disenfranchising social hierarchies and protecting the fundamental equality of citizens during a period of democratic renovation in Cuba in the 1930s and 1940s. On a broader level, this article links the history of the family, law, and state formation to narratives of historical change and the production and reproduction of social hierarchies based upon race, class, and gender in modern Latin America.
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Hoffnung-Garskof, Jesse. "Reframing Centuries of Cuban Lives." Current History 121, no. 832 (February 1, 2022): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2022.121.832.78.
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A new history of the intertwined stories of Cuba and the United States operates at the human scale to provide fresh perspectives on the impacts of international politics on Cubans’ everyday lives, from the Spanish colonial era through the heyday of US imperialism to the present.
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Román, Reinaldo. "Governing Man-Gods: Spiritism and the Struggle for Progress in Republican Cuba." Journal of Religion in Africa 37, no. 2 (2007): 212–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006607x184834.
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AbstractThis article explores the contrasting careers of two Spiritist healers, one Spanish-born and the other Afro-Cuban. It suggests that the prosecution of the black man-god (Hilario Mustelier) and the public celebration of the ministry of the Spaniard (Juan Manso) attest to the consolidation of a political rationality burgeoning in Cuba at the turn of the twentieth century. Under this regime, government officials and journalists sought to alter the conditions that gave rise to 'fanaticism' to promote the modernization of the nascent republic. Following a discussion of the notions of race and culture underpinning Cuban discourses of progress, the article offers a critique of the scholarly literature dealing with Afro-Cuban religions and syncretism.
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Kahn, Owen Ellison. "Cuba's Impact in Southern Africa." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 29, no. 3 (1987): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165843.
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This Article Assesses the impact of the Cuban military on strategic, diplomatic and political relationships in southern Africa. It does not deal with why Cuba and its Soviet benefactor have interested themselves in the region, nor does it discuss Soviet influence on Cuban foreign policy. The aspects covered here include: (1) how Cuba and Angola fit into the complex pattern of regional relations in southern Africa; (2) an outline of the region's main territorial actors and guerrilla movements, along with a brief history of Cuban involvement in the area; (3) the response of South Africa to this foreign spoiler of its regional hegemony, (4) regional cooperation in southern Africa insofar as it is a response to South Africa's militancy in the face of international communism as represented in the region by Cuba; and (5) Cuba's effect upon the economy and polity of Angola and Mozambique.
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Dore, Elizabeth. "Hearing Voices: Cuban Oral History." Hispanic American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 26, 2016): 239–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-3484114.
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Sergeev, A. L. "Political Principles of the Cuban Socialism Doctrine: Towards the History of Emergence and Development." Lex Russica, no. 12 (December 23, 2021): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2021.181.12.122-133.
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Socialism as a political trend and a system of certain ideological positions has been experiencing a kind of renaissance in recent years. Cuban socialism is a special phenomenon of recent history, which has continuously existed and developed for six decades in the most difficult conditions of the North American foreign economic blockade and in the presence of other threats of a socio-political nature. Solving numerous issues of practical and transformative activity, the Cuban socialist doctrine generalized and formulated many new theoretical propositions, a number of which will be able to significantly influence the formation of an updated socialist doctrine claiming the ideological and semantic possibility of a world alternative.The paper analyzes the basic principles characterizing the doctrine of Cuban socialism in matters of ethics, relations with the church, the foundations of education, assessing the prospects of the institution of statehood in the 21st century, and evaluating other political projects that had points of joint intersection with Cuban socialist theory and practice.Cuban socialism is a specific phenomenon that arose as a result of a number of objective and subjective factors. By the end of the 1950s the century-and-a-half struggle of Cubans against colonial and then neocolonial exploitation were intensified by the Soviet vector and its influence in the international arena as the second great power with the aggravation of the Cold War. These factors together with the “island life” on a par with the Catholic, peasant community of the majority of the population, the sacrifice and service of several generations of the young Cuban elite, the combination of the cult of courage and guerrilla traditions with the special cruelty and repressiveness of the Spanish colonial apparatus of the 21st century, and then relying on American support of the Cuban dictatorships of the first half of the 20th century is a set of factors that gave rise to the “spring effect” in the social consciousness of the island society. In addition to objectively determined reasons, a huge role in the long-term maturation of the conditions for the emergence of the Cuban socialist project was played by the traditional personality for the Ibero-American culture. All of the above would have been impossible outside of the long-term activities of a whole galaxy of brilliant Cuban political leaders.
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Lambe, Jennifer L. "Historicizing Sexuality in the Cuban Revolution." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 217–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857392.
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Abstract What should be the place of the Cuban Republic in histories of sexuality under the revolution? This essay argues that scholarly accounts of gender and sexuality in post-1959 Cuba want for a fuller engagement with their pre-1959 context. In particular, it seeks to open up a conversation about questions and topics in the history of sexuality that might straddle the 1959 divide, as well as the historiographical (and political) consequences of writing across it.
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Domínguez Expósito, Julio Alberto. "Los vegueros canarios en Cuba durante el siglo xviii." Cliocanarias, no. 3 (2021): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.53335/cliocanarias.2021.3.02.
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Tobacco development in Cuba, combined with the Canarian migrant movements for centuries, were important factors of the politics, business, society and culture in the island. Fusion of two realities, tobacco and canary emigrant made the mythical figure of the tobac-co farmer, who was known as veguero along the cuban history. This article wants to shed light on the subject, who together with the vision of «labrador» and «guajiro», will be part of the Cuban collective imaginary.
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Lambe, Jennifer. "The Medium is the Message: The Screen Life of the Cuban Revolution, 1959–1962*." Past & Present 246, no. 1 (February 1, 2020): 227–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz034.
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Abstract For decades, the iconic image of the Cuban Revolution has been set in Havana's ‘Revolution Square’, with thousands of Cubans thronging to hear Fidel Castro speak. This portrait undergirds a primary assumption about the Revolution: that many Cubans came to embrace it by basking in the euphoria of Fidel's live presence. For the Revolution's crucial early years, this article proposes that we should reimagine this archetypal conversion experience, setting it not only under Cuba's hot sun in an hours-long rally but also in front of a television (or radio) set. From 1959 to 1962 and beyond, the interactive drama of revolutionary conversion would be constantly staged and actualized on the small screen. The early years of the Cuban Revolution thus offer a compelling window onto political life lived with and through television.
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Hershberg, James G. "The United States, Brazil, and the Cuban Missile Crisis, 1962 (Part 1)." Journal of Cold War Studies 6, no. 2 (April 2004): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039704773254740.
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Though virtually ignored in the historiography, Brazil played an intriguing role in the politics and diplomacy of the Cuban missile crisis and in U.S. Cuban relations during the Kennedy administration. In the years after Fidel Castro took power, successive Brazilian governments tried secretly to mediate between the United States and Cuba as the two countries' mutual confrontation intensified. Newly available U.S., Brazilian, Cuban, and other sources reveal that this role climaxed during the missile crisis, as John F. Kennedy clandestinely sought to employ Brazil to transmit a message to Castro. In turn, Brazil, which was also promoting a Latin American denuclearization scheme at the United Nations as a possible method to resolve the crisis, sought to broker a formula for U.S. Cuban reconciliation that would heighten the prestige of its own “independent” policy in the Cold War. Ultimately, these efforts failed, but they shed light on previously hidden aspects of both the missile crisis and the triangular U.S. Cuban—Brazilian relationship. Thefirst part of this two—part article sets the scene for an in—depth look at the Cuban missile crisis, which will be covered in Part 2 of the article in the next issue of the journal.
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Gordon-Nesbitt, Rebecca. "Her Revolution, Her Life." Monthly Review 68, no. 7 (December 6, 2016): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-068-07-2016-11_6.
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Margaret Randall, Haydée Santamaría, Cuban Revolutionary: She Led by Transgression (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2015), 248 pages, $23.95, paperback.In the early 1950s, Haydée Santamaría Cuadrado moved from a rural Cuban sugar plantation to Havana, to live with her younger brother Abel. Together, they would help to establish a revolutionary movement that would change the history of their country. Haydée, as she is known throughout Cuba—Yeyé to her friends—was one of only two women among 160 men who took part in attacks on Batista's army barracks at Moncada and Bayamo on July 26, 1953, which sparked the Cuban Revolution.… In her recent book, poet and scholar Margaret Randall, who lived in Cuba in the 1970s and became friends with Haydée, has captured the essence of this exemplary woman.Click here to purchase a PDF version of this article at the Monthly Review website.
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Ronda-Pupo, Guillermo Armando. "Cuba—U.S. scientific collaboration: Beyond the embargo." PLOS ONE 16, no. 7 (July 22, 2021): e0255106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0255106.
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Cuba and the U.S. have the oldest Academies of Sciences outside Europe. Both countries have a long history of scientific collaboration that dates to the 1800s. Both scientific communities also share geographical proximity and common scientific research interests mainly in Biotechnology, Meteorology, and Public Health research. Despite these facts, scientists from both nations face serious barriers to cooperation raised by the U.S. embargo established in 1961 that prohibits exchanges with Cuba. The study aims to analyze the effects of U.S. policy on scientific collaboration with Cuban scientific institutions. The results of the bibliometric analysis of Cuba-U.S. joint publications in the Web of Science, and Scopus databases between 1980 to 2020 indicate sustained growth of scientific collaboration between scientists of both nations over the past forty years. The results also show that after the 1980 Smithsonian Institution and the Cuba’s Academy of Sciences agreement significantly increased scientific collaboration between U.S. scientists with their Cuban peers. President Barack Obama’s approach to normalizing the U.S. Cuba relations in 2015 enhanced Cuban scientific production with U.S. scientists by exceeding the number of collaborative papers published during any preceding U.S. Presidential administration. By 2020, Cuba had expanded its scientific links to 80% of the countries in the world. Cuban and U.S. scientists converted from adversaries into partners, showing that science is an effective diplomatic channel. A particularly important question for the future is how robust is the collaboration system in the face of greater political restrictions?
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Chase, Michelle, and Isabella Cosse. "Revolutionary Positions." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857211.
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Abstract This essay opens new perspectives on the Cuban Revolution by considering its global impact through the lens of gender and sexuality. This framework provides important new insights into the rise of the New Left and the anticommunist Right by centering ideas of gender, sexuality, and the family. Locating the Cuban Revolution alongside other contemporary struggles against racism and imperialism, the essay argues that gender and sexuality were crucial terrains of struggle that demonstrate the complexity of the Cold War in the Global South. Moreover, this point of view challenges long-standing perceptions of revolutionary Cuba as “isolated” by showing how the island precipitated and was embedded in transnational networks and flows of people and ideas, including solidarity campaigns, military missions, and forms of cultural diplomacy.
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Nohr, Laura, Theresa Steinhäuser, Alexis Lorenzo Ruiz, Juan Emilio Sandoval Ferrer, and Ulrike von Lersner. "Causal attribution for mental illness in Cuba: A thematic analysis." Transcultural Psychiatry 56, no. 5 (June 10, 2019): 947–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1363461519853649.
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Explanatory models (EMs) for illness are highly relevant for patients, and they are also important for clinical diagnoses and treatment. EMs serve to capture patients' personal illness narratives and can help reveal how culture influences these narratives. While much research has aimed to understand EMs in the Western hemisphere, less research has been done on other cultures. Therefore, we investigated local causal attributions for mental illness in Cuba because of its particular history and political system. Although Cuban culture shares many values with Latin American cultures because of Spanish colonization, it is unique because of its socialist political and economic context, which might influence causal attributions. Thus, we developed a qualitative interview outline based on the Clinical Ethnographic Interview and administered interviews to 14 psychiatric patients in Havana. We conducted a thematic analysis to identify repeated patterns of meaning. Six patterns of causal attribution for mental illness were identified: (1) Personal shortcomings, (2) Family influences, (3) Excessive demands, (4) Cultural, economic, and political environment in Cuba, (5) Physical causes, and (6) Symptom-related explanations. In our sample, we found general and Cuba-specific patterns of causal attributions, whereby the Cuba-specific themes mainly locate the causes of mental illness outside the individual. These findings might be related to Cubans' socio-centric personal orientation, the cultural value of familismo and common daily experiences within socialist Cuban society. We discuss how the findings may be related to social stigma and help-seeking behavior.
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Guerra, Lillian. "Poder Negro in Revolutionary Cuba: Black Consciousness, Communism, and the Challenge of Solidarity." Hispanic American Historical Review 99, no. 4 (November 1, 2019): 681–718. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-7787175.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the personal experiences of African American refugees in Cuba as well as the ways in which the Cuban government sought to mitigate and frequently repress the appeal of the movement of Black Power / poder negro to which Cubans might autonomously ascribe. By universalizing Communist standards of culture, behavior, and political values that leaders glossed as colorless, state agents ranging from the Ministry of Education and the media to Fidel Castro and Cuba's top intelligence chiefs anticipated and co-opted historical memories of slavery as well as cultural expressions of black pride. They did so, however, with varying degrees of success, much as the long legacy of devotion to slave-crafted religiosity and the survival of black discourses of identity reveal then and today.
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Fehimović, Dunja, and Ruth Goldberg. "Santa y Andrés: A dossier." Studies in Spanish & Latin American Cinemas 17, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 377–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/slac_00027_2.
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Carlos Lechuga’s film Santa y Andrés (2016) has enjoyed worldwide acclaim as an intimate, dramatic portrayal of the unlikely friendship that develops in rural Cuba between Andrés, a gay dissident writer, and Santa, the militant citizen who has been sent to surveil him. Declared to be extreme and/or inaccurate in its historical depictions, the film was censored in Cuba and was the subject of intense controversy and public polemics surrounding its release in 2016. Debates about the film’s subject matter and its censorship extend ongoing disagreement over the role of art within the Cuban Revolution, and the changing nature of the Cuban film industry itself. This dossier brings together new scholarship on Santa y Andrés and is linked to an online archive of some of the original essays that have been written about the film by Cuban critics and filmmakers since 2016. The aim of this project is to create a starting point for researchers who wish to investigate Santa y Andrés, evaluating the film both for its contentious initial reception, and in terms of its enduring contribution to the history of Cuban cinema.
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Abreu, Christina D. "The Story of Benny “Kid” Paret: Cuban Boxers, the Cuban Revolution, and the U.S. Media, 1959-1962." Journal of Sport History 38, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 95–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jsporthistory.38.1.95.
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Abstract This article examines the personal life history and professional boxing career of Afro-Cuban boxer Benny “Kid” Paret between 1959 and 1962. Paret died nine days after suffering a brutal beating in the ring at the hands of Emile Griffith, and this article focuses on the public discourse surrounding his death in the context of strained U.S.-Cuba relations, increased Cuban migration to the United States after 1959, and race and ethnic identity formation. Using major U.S. newspapers, magazines, and boxing periodicals as well as African-American and Spanish-language newspapers, this article contributes to a growing body of literature on Latino/as, race, and sport.
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V.C.P. "Cuban Studies." Americas 52, no. 2 (October 1995): 228. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500023890.
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E.J.S. "Cuban Genealogy." Americas 55, no. 2 (October 1998): 319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500027681.
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Eckstein, Susan, and Lorena Barberia. "Grounding Immigrant Generations in History: Cuban Americans and Their Transnational Ties." International Migration Review 36, no. 3 (September 2002): 799–837. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7379.2002.tb00105.x.
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The two paradigms for analyzing immigrant experiences, “assimilationist” and “transnationalist,” leave unanalyzed important differences in immigrant adaptation rooted in different historical generational experiences. This article analyzes the importance of a historically grounded generational frame of analysis. It captures differences in views and involvements between two cohorts of first generation émigrés. Empirically, the study focuses on different Cuban-American cohort crossborder ties. The first cohort, comprised of émigrés who left between 1959 and 1979 primarily for political reasons, publicly oppose travel to Cuba because they believe it helps sustain a regime they wish to bring to heel. The second cohort, who emigrated largely for economic reasons, is enmeshed in transnational ties that, paradoxically, are unwittingly doing more to transform Cuba than first wave isolationism. The cohort comparison is based on interviews with émigrés in Union City, New Jersey and Miami, Florida. The analysis of effects of transnational ties rests on interviews in Cuba as well.
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Hernández Salván, Marta. "Out of History: The Cuban Postrevolution." Revista Hispánica Moderna 64, no. 1 (2011): 81–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rhm.2011.0012.
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Llorca-Jaña, Manuel. "A History of the Cuban Revolution." Hispanic American Historical Review 92, no. 3 (August 1, 2012): 560–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-1600335.
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