Journal articles: 'Cuban Historians'

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Ogelsby, J. C. M. "The Cuban Autonomist Movement's Perception of Canada, 1865-1898: Its Implication." Americas 48, no. 4 (April 1992): 445–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006742.

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The history of Cuba from the 1860s to 1898 has been written largely from the revolutionary, independentista perspective. It is a perspective that has been appealing to U.S. and Cuban historians alike, but it may well be a perspective that has distorted the Cuban political experience and made it more difficult to understand the Cuban reality. That this perspective is alive and well can be seen in recent publications which give short shrift to the Cuban Autonomist movement, a movement that was essentially Cuban and whose leadership came from the largely urban, professional elite that rejected both annexation and independence.

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Chase, Michelle. "“A Cuba That Keeps Unsettling”." Radical History Review 2020, no. 136 (January 1, 2020): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7857380.

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Abstract Two young Cuban historians, Ailynn Torres Santana and Diosnara Ortega González, discuss their forthcoming book of oral histories with Cuban women. They describe their methodology, their intellectual formation, and the reception of gender studies and oral history in the Cuban academy.

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Garcia, Alyssa. "Federada Testimonios on the Ground." Meridians 19, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 149–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8117790.

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Abstract In 1961, several mass organizations in Cuba collaborated as Fidel Castro launched a national campaign against prostitution. By 1965, only four years later, the Revolution proclaimed “the elimination of prostitution” in Cuba. This article examines the Cuban Revolution’s national campaign to end prostitution as a case study to investigate how gender and patriarchy affect the ways social change is operationalized. Interested in the relationship between social and cultural change, following the tradition of feminist historians, this article utilizes the oral histories of two Cuban federada women involved in the State’s campaign to consider how the Revolution’s macro program was implemented and carried out at micro level. The narratives of these local agents in the everyday spaces of the campaign provide a bottom-up lens which can be juxtaposed with the Revolution’s proclaimed “success.” These testimonios detail how gender and patriarchy played out on the ground, limiting the campaign’s efforts toward social change, therefore demonstrating the tensions and contradictions of how social change is exercised within human agency and constraint.

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Scott, Len, and Steve Smith. "Lessons of October: historians, political scientists, policy-makers and the Cuban missile crisis." International Affairs 70, no. 4 (October 1994): 659–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624552.

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McKercher, Asa. "A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 4–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00551.

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With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.

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GARCÍA, DAVID. "“We Both Speak African”: A Dialogic Study of Afro-Cuban Jazz." Journal of the Society for American Music 5, no. 2 (April 14, 2011): 195–233. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752196311000034.

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AbstractFrom 1947 to 1948 the Dizzy Gillespie orchestra with Chano Pozo produced some of the most important recordings that contributed to the development of Afro-Cuban jazz. Pozo had already led a successful career as a professional musician in Havana before he moved to New York City, where he met Gillespie and joined his bebop big band. The integration of a black Cuban percussionist into Gillespie's all-black band raises important questions about the racial politics enveloping the popularization of bebop, Afro-Cuban jazz, and the work of others in contemporaneous political, cultural, and intellectual arenas. This article provides new documentation of Pozo's performances with the Gillespie band in the United States and Europe and shows the ideological concerns that Pozo and Gillespie shared with West African political and cultural activists, Melville Herskovists and his students, and early jazz historians in the 1940s. The article suggests an alternative methodology for scholarship on jazz in the United States that approaches jazz's extensive engagements with Cuban and other Afro-Atlantic musicians as embodying the crux of jazz's place in the Afro-Atlantic.

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WHITNEY, ROBERT. "The Architect of the Cuban State: Fulgencio Batista and Populism in Cuba, 1937–1940." Journal of Latin American Studies 32, no. 2 (May 2000): 435–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00005800.

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This article examines how Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar emerged as the ‘strong man’ of Cuba. Historians have pointed out that from 1934 to 1940 Batista's primary support came from the army and the police. We also know that, like many other Latin American leaders at the time, Batista went through a ‘populist phase’. Populists acknowledged the reality that ‘the masses’ were a new force in society and that ‘the people’ were at the centre of the nation and the state. Populist discourse functioned to construct a ‘people’ out of fragmented and scattered populations. Batista was very aware that in order to rule Cuba he had to appeal to ‘the people’ and to the revolutionary sentiments of 1933. But we need more information about exactly what Batista's political ideas were and how he put them into practice. This article shows how Batista became, in his own words, the ‘architect’ of the post-revolutionary state between 1937 and 1940. Batista supervised Cuba's transition from a military dictatorship in 1934 to a nominal constitutional democracy in 1940. The aim is to shed some light on how this remarkable transition took place.

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Eastman, Alexander Sotelo. "The Neglected Narratives of Cuba's Partido Independiente de Color: Civil Rights, Popular Politics, and Emancipatory Reading Practices." Americas 76, no. 1 (January 2019): 41–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/tam.2018.48.

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On March 10, 1910, Pío Coronel informed his readers that he was abandoning his home in the western province of Pinar del Río and saddling up his horse to set out on an important journalistic and political assignment. The black press journalist noted that once he got wind of Cuban president José Miguel Gómez's plans to set off from the presidential palace on a political campaign across the island, he kissed his wife goodbye and took off in pursuit with little more than a pen and a shoulder bag. In the following weeks, Pío galloped hundreds of miles across the Cuban countryside, or, as he called it, the “ill-fated American Colony,” to report on how black communities from Havana to Guantánamo received President Gómez. In other words, Pío showcased Cuba's black public sphere, which despite its effervescent political and civic life was outside the purview of Cuba's mainstream reporters. As this article argues, it was also largely neglected by subsequent generations of historians.

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Sartorius, David. "Transitory Trust: Falsified Passports, Circulars, and Other Speculations in Nineteenth-Century Cuba." Journal of Social History 55, no. 1 (September 1, 2021): 7–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shab028.

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Abstract In nineteenth-century Cuba, the increasing and uneven use of passports for maritime travel generated confusion about their authority and encouraged their falsification. This essay explores the forgery and misuse of travel papers alongside the fabrications of an official colonial record that concealed the illegal transatlantic slave trade as it implemented documentary procedures for legal travel. Cuban officials pursued individuals who traveled without passports, with other people’s passports, or lacked other papers, with a disproportionate focus on the circulation of free people of African descent. At the same time, the limited reach of government decrees and policies complicated strict determinations of transgression. Rather than taking this as evidence of a broken system, recognizing how various actors created the conditions for a collective susceptibility both to the authority conferred by passports and to plausible falsehoods lets us view borders, individual identity, and Caribbean mobility in new light. The essay calls on historians to approach the archival record of passports and mobility by balancing our retrospective recognition of falsifications with an awareness of fluctuating estimations of documentary veracity in the past.

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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. "Still Continents (and an Island) with Two Histories?" Law and History Review 22, no. 2 (2004): 377–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141651.

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Historians of Latin American slavery will find de la Fuente's article to be a particularly trenchant and learned essay on familiar historiographic controversies. The archival research awakens anticipation for the author's in-depth study of the earlier period of Cuban slavery, much neglected in favor of the heyday of the sugar complex of the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Concentrating on the law and “slaves' claims-making” (341) allows for an important entry into the subject, complementing recent studies of slavery in Spanish America that have focused on how slaves used the institutions of Spanish colonialism to gain freedom or greater autonomy. However, reviving the Tannenbaum thesis, even in the limited form of the law, inspires less enthusiasm. De la Fuente's interpretation of Cuban slavery, through his rereading of Tannenbuam, does not produce misrepresentations in his treatment of historiography or sources; rather, I sense in this work the static conception of New World slavery created by Tannenbaum's dichotomous vision, both among and within particular colonial and national slave societies.

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Giovannetti, Jorge L. "Subverting the Master's Narrative: Public Histories of Slavery in Plantation America." International Labor and Working-Class History 76, no. 1 (2009): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547909990111.

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AbstractThis article examines public representations of slavery on plantation sites devoted to heritage tourism in the Americas. Plantations of various colonial backgrounds are compared in terms of the narratives they present, finding that the history of slavery is largely hidden in Barbados and Puerto Rico, while addressed more explicitly (although still problematically) in the Brazilian and Cuban cases. The article highlights the importance of tour guides and site administrators in the production of histories of slavery and advocates for a more proactive role of historians in the production of public histories of slavery and for more productive and instructive discussions on this thorny topic.

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FitzGerald, Réachbha. "Historians and the Cuban Missile Crisis: the Evidence–Interpretation Relationship as seen through Differing Interpretations of the Crisis Settlement." Irish Studies in International Affairs 18, no. -1 (January 1, 2007): 191–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3318/isia.2007.18.191.

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Jerónimo Kersh, Daliany. "Women’s Small-Scale, Home-Based Informal Employment during Cuba’s Special Period." Latin American Perspectives 45, no. 1 (August 28, 2017): 175–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x17726082.

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There is consensus in the literature that adherence to the traditional division of labor in Cuban society caused women to be disproportionately affected by the cutbacks to state services and shortages during the post-Soviet economic crisis known as the Special Period. After the devaluation of the state wage, many Cubans had to look for alternative forms of employment. Highly skilled professional Cuban women turned to feminized informal activities that made them similar to women in capitalist countries in the region and amounted to a partial reversal of the revolution’s substantial progress on gender equality. In contrast to the regulated self-employment on which existing studies focus, women’s informal labor up until 2010 was often small-scale, home-based, and unregulated. An analysis of oral histories and press archives identifies changes and continuities in women’s informal work during the crisis and shows where the interviewees locate themselves within this watershed in the Cuban Revolution. Existe un consenso sobre el hecho de que la adhesión a la división tradicional del trabajo en la sociedad cubana afectó de manera desproporcional a las mujeres a partir de la crisis económica post-soviética conocida como el Período Especial, con sus concomitantes recortes a los servicios estatales y la escasez. Tras la devaluación de los salarios estatales, muchos Cubanos tuvieron que buscar formas de empleo alternativas. Las profesionales cubanas altamente calificadas se dedicaron a actividades informales feminizadas, como ya hacían las mujeres en países capitalistas de la región, dando lugar a un retroceso parcial en el progreso revolucionario hacia la igualdad de género. A diferencia de lo que muestran estudios previos sobre el trabajo regulado por cuenta propia, hasta 2010 el trabajo informal de las mujeres a menudo se llevaba a cabo en pequeña escala, dentro del hogar y de manera no reglamentada. Un análisis de historias orales y archivos de prensa traza los cambios y continuidades en el trabajo informal de las mujeres durante la crisis y muestra dónde se ubican las entrevistadas en tal momento decisivo de la Revolución cubana.

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González Prada, Manuel, Cathleen Carris, and Thomas Ward. "The Slaves of the Church." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 3 (May 2013): 765–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.3.765.

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Manuel GonzÁlez prada (1844-1918), like inca garcilaso de la vega, César vallejo, josé marÍa arguedas, and mario vargas llosa, ranks among the top Peruvian literary figures, but only in Peru, where his work is hotly debated by literati, social scientists, historians, politicians, and journalists. Outside Peru he rates no more than the inclusion in anthologies of one of his poems; his most famous essay, “Nuestros indios” (“Our Indians”); or the occasional critical article on his work. However, with the Cuban José Martí (1853-95), González Prada is a founder of Latin American modernism, a movement that critics generally accept as running roughly from the publication of Rubén Darío's Azul, in 1888, to Darío's death, in 1916. Gordon Brotherston notes that Darío coined the term modernismo the same year he published Azul (vii). There are many reasons there has been less interest in González Prada than in Martí and other modernists. To begin with, Darío, in an 1888 visit to Peru, met with Ricardo Palma but not González Prada (Castro). Palma, writing in a more traditional style—even though he invented a genre, tradiciones—was the establishment's literary darling, while González Prada, always the innovator in style and an agitator in subject matter, remained largely unknown outside his native land. Thus, it made perfect sense that the maker of literary movements would visit the internationally known Palma but not González Prada, who could not add to his fame and expanding literary networks. Furthermore, when Darío later went to New York he turned his epistolary relationship with Martí into a personal friendship (Henríquez Ureña 93). In the United States there is much more interest in Martí, who lived here, than in González Prada, who did not. Hispanic modernism is typically understood to include the like-minded people whom Darío knew personally, such as Martí, Julián del Casal (Cuba), Manuel Gutiérrez Nájera (Mexico), Ricardo Jaimes Freyre (Bolivia), and Juan Ramón Jiménez (Spain), and to exclude those whom he did not, such as Adela Zamudio (Bolivia) and González Prada. Finally, González Prada's anarchism, his feminism, and his tell-it-like-it-is essays did not endear him to many people.

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Krebs, Ronald R. "How Dominant Narratives Rise and Fall: Military Conflict, Politics, and the Cold War Consensus." International Organization 69, no. 4 (2015): 809–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818315000181.

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AbstractContemporaries and historians often blame the errors and tragedies of US policy during the Cold War on a dominant narrative of national security: the “Cold War consensus.” Its usual periodization, according to which it came together in the late 1940s and persisted until the late 1960s when it unraveled amidst the trauma of the Vietnam War, fits well with a common theory of change in ideas and discourse. That theory expects stasis until a substantial unexpected failure (in this domain, military defeat) discredits dominant ideas and unsettles dominant coalitions. However, systematic data reveal the standard history of this important case to be wrong. Based on a large-scale content analysis of newspaper editorials on foreign affairs, this article shows that the Cold War narrative was narrower than conventional accounts suggest, that it did not coalesce until well into the 1950s, and that it began to erode even before the Vietnam War's Americanization in 1965. To make sense of this puzzle, I develop an alternative theory of the rise and fall of the narratives that underpin and structure debate over national security. Rooted in the dynamics of public narrative and the domestic politics of the battlefield, the theory argues that military failure impedes change in the narrative in whose terms government officials had legitimated the mission, whereas victory creates the opportunity for departures from the dominant narrative. Process-tracing reveals causal dynamics consistent with the theory: failure in the Korean War, which might have undermined Cold War globalism, instead facilitated the Cold War narrative's rise to dominance (or consensus); and the triumph of the Cuban Missile Crisis made possible that dominant narrative's breakdown before the upheaval of Vietnam. This hard and important case suggests the need to rethink the relationship between success, failure, and change in dominant narratives of national security—and perhaps in other policy domains as well.

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Streeter, Stephen M. "Campaigning Against Latin American Nationalism: U.S. Ambassador John Moors Cabot in Brazil, 1959-1961." Americas 51, no. 2 (October 1994): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007925.

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A recent edited study of U.S. ambassadors assigned to Latin American countries beset by economic and political crises assesses the importance of individuals as determinants of U.S. foreign policy. Although the authors differed in their conclusions, two in particular suggested that even ambassadors who enjoyed great operational independence rarely disagreed with the ideological premises of their superiors in Washington. Historian Louis A. Pérez, for example, portrayed U.S. ambassador to Cuba Sumner Welles as “an active powerbroker” who “operated out of a defined ideological framework, a world view that allowed him to recognize social forces as potential friend or likely foe to U.S. interests.” Welles's attempt in 1933 to remove Cuban President Ramón Grau San Martin, who had abrogated the Platt Amendment, coincided with the State Department's policy of keeping Cuba favorable to U.S. economic and strategic interests. Scholar Jan Knippers Black came to a similar conclusion about the role of Ambassador Lincoln Gordon in the 1964 overthrow of leftist Brazilian President João Goulart. Black found it “extremely difficult to isolate his [Gordon's] imprint on more fundamental aspects of policy … it seems unlikely that U.S. policies and actions would have differed in any significant way, had some other individual been serving at that time and place as ambassador.”

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Serrano, Elsie Alejandrina Pérez. "LA INCLUSIÓN COMO UN PROCESO POR EL SISTEMA EDUCATIVO: EXPERIENCIAS DE INCLUSIÓN EN LA UNIVERSIDAD DE HOLGUÍN, CUBA." Educação & Sociedade 38, no. 138 (January 2017): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/es0101-73302017151507.

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RESUMEN: El trabajo analiza la experiencia de inclusión en la educación superior en Cuba atendiendo a diferentes aspectos. En el orden teórico se aborda la concepción de inclusión que sustenta las prácticas educativas y la población que recibe ayudas especiales para acceder, permanecer y egresar de las universidades lo cual tiene sustento en la teoría de las necesidades educativas especiales. En el orden metodológico se presentan alternativas para los procesos de inclusión. En el orden práctico se caracteriza brevemente la Universidad de Holguín y se exponen resultados obtenidos, especificando procedimientos pedagógicos que son viables en el contexto de la sociedad cubana. Se utilizan diversas fuentes como: resultados de un proyecto de investigación, documentos de colectivos pedagógicos e historias de vidas.

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Costales Pérez, Zenaida, and Lys Máriam Alfonso Bergantiño. "La radio: vacuna sonora contra la Covid-19 en Cuba." Question/Cuestión 2, no. 66 (June 30, 2020): e471. http://dx.doi.org/10.24215/16696581e471.

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El presente trabajo pretende reconocer el papel de la radio ante la actual crisis sanitaria que enfrenta el mundo, provocada por la Covid-19. Se centra especialmente en Cuba, cuyo sistema nacional de radio se ha reorganizado para extender sus ondas sonoras a una mayor audiencia, a partir del cambio de programación, los encadenamientos nacionales y las nuevas rutinas productivas. El relato de las radios comunitarias ha encontrado espacio oportuno en las emisoras nacionales, resaltando las historias de los cubanos en el enfrentamiento a la enfermedad. La presencia de las emisoras cubanas en Internet con audio real y el acceso de los cubanos a las nuevas tecnologías ha permitido la participación activa de un mayor número de personas y, en consecuencia, el aumento de la audiencia. La radio cubana resurge renovada ante esta nueva coyuntura sanitaria.

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Rodríguez, Javier. "Estrategias y modos de acción en el cruce de prácticas religiosas y coyunturas cotidianas. Una mirada al complejo religioso Ocha-Ifá en la Cuba del Siglo XXI." Cuadernos de Antropología 24, no. 1 (June 6, 2014): 3. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/cat.v24i1.15014.

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<p>El título propuesto para este artículo revela la intención de interrogar la relación existente entre las recomendaciones emanadas de la iniciación ritual en el complejo religioso Ocha-Ifá en Cuba y las prácticas cotidianas. El presente propone analizar algunos de los modos de acción puestos en marcha por los practicantes, a partir de estas recomendaciones, y cómo estos estructuran lo que se ha denominado en este espacio como las relaciones con las diferentes figuras del otro. En este sentido pretende, en primer lugar, mostrar las historias míticas en tanto operadores de estos modos de acción; en segundo lugar, mostrar cómo estas recomendaciones y las acciones que promueven van a dar al traste con la reproducción de prejuicios raciales propios de la sociedad cubana actual: sobre todo una vez que estas recomendaciones entran en contacto tanto con las dinámicas de la vida cotidiana como con las subjetividades e intersubjetividades individuales y colectivas indistintamente.</p>

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Perez, Louis A., and Josef Opatrny. "Antecedentes historicos de la formacion de la nacion cubana." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 3 (August 1988): 581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516524.

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De León Castillo, Dayron, and Leonardo Gell Fernández-Cueto. "Historias cruzadas en noches oscuras: acercamiento crítico a la película cubana Chamaco (2010) de Juan Carlos Cremata." ESCENA. Revista de las artes 81, no. 1 (June 5, 2021): 183–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/es.v81i1.47284.

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Este artículo se propone realizar un análisis crítico acerca de la película cubana Chamaco (2010) del director Juan Carlos Cremata (n. 1961), basada en la obra teatral homónima de Abel González Melo (n. 1980). Las preguntas que lo originan pretenden evidenciar los temas sociales que Chamaco introduce a la cinematografía cubana –con énfasis en lo concerniente a la construcción de la sexualidad masculina–, cómo maneja su director los códigos cinematográficos a partir de un texto teatral, qué realidades del entramado social aborda y desde qué perspectiva lo hace. Para ello, los autores se apoyan en publicaciones referentes a ambas obras dramáticas, a aspectos históricos de la industria cubana del cine, el cine queer, así como aspectos sobre la construcción de sentidos desde la imagen.

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Ivkina, Liudmila. "Patriot and Humanist: In memory of the Cuban scientist Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring (1889—1964)." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-4 (October 1, 2020): 174–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi92.

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Emilio Roig de Leuchsenring is a prominent Cuban historian, sociologist, lawyer, publisher and public figure. E. Roig de Leuchsenring’s work, filled with deep patriotism and humanism, was devoted to the study of Cuba’s historical past and present. His historical writings have made an important contribution to the fight against the distortion and falsification of the country’s history and laid the foundations for the progressive democratic anti- imperialist historiography of Cuba’s history.

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Mamlyuk, Boris N. "The Ukraine Crisis, Cold War II, and International Law." German Law Journal 16, no. 3 (July 2015): 479–522. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200020952.

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The Ukraine crisis has, yet again, called into question the coherence and stability of international law both as a language for mediating particular types of international disputes—such as conflicts between the so-called Great Powers— and as a set of institutions capable of serving asforafor the resolution of these disputes. Given the scale and intensity of the ongoing war in Ukraine and the magnitude of its regional and global repercussions, a number of policymakers and historians have already made compelling arguments for why the conflict may be the most significant threat to global order since the end of the Cold War—perhaps even since the Cuban Missile Crisis. While policymakers in the U.S. and Russia have cautioned against drawing Cold War parallels, numerous analysts in both countries have proclaimed the start of a new Cold War in light of the rapid deterioration in relations between Moscow and Washington. Beyond bilateral U.S.–Russia relations, and in the words of Dmitri Trenin, director of the Carnegie Moscow Center, Cold War Two (hereinafter “CWII”) has “effectively put an end to the interregnum of [post-Cold War] partnership and cooperation betweenthe Westand Russia.” While sharing the view that a new Cold War has erupted, this article suggest that its causes are far deeper and its likely battlegrounds are far wider than mere antagonism between the United States and Russia over the fate of Ukraine, To the extent that CWII has begun, it may mark a return to interbloc rivalry, East versus West, or even Great Game geopolitics. To complement these frames, the present conflict may also be understood by viewing it through the prism of political economy, particularly the study of “new-statism,” or the new developmental state within the broader context of the development of global capitalism. Thinking of CWII this way allows one to ask whether CWII is actually a war between Western liberal capitalism and various systems of state capitalism, of which Russia's is but one. To be even more precise, one can also ask whether the conflict is better thought of as a contest between different state capitalisms for control over key trade or transit routes, production locales, and markets. Tribes, states, and empires have always waged mortal combat over these material matters. CWII—whether it has started or soon will—will likely rest on similar considerations. And yet, despite the seriousness of the threat, there has been remarkably little academic discussion, and much less public debate, regarding the configuration of global power flows that has contributed to this crisis or the role, and limitations of law in structuring our political imaginations in response to these challenges. This Article is an attempt to call attention to several serious aspects of the Ukraine crisis which have hitherto been underanalyzed, namely the role of information warfare in exacerbating its magnitude.

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Heller, Rafael. "What counts as a good school? A conversation with Larry Cuban." Phi Delta Kappan 102, no. 3 (October 26, 2020): 32–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0031721720970699.

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Kappan’s editor talks with education historian Larry Cuban about the various ways Americans have judged the quality of schools and the success of various efforts to improve schools. For much of the 20th century, efficiency was the watchword, as schools adopted scientific management techniques from the business sector. By the mid-1960s, that goal was subsumed by a focus on effectiveness, which required that schools find ways to measure the outcomes of their efforts. At the same time, alternative models have emerged, challenging the idea that there’s only one “best” way of doing school.

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García Piñeiro, José Carlos. "Apuntes sobre la historia de las investigaciones médicas en Cuba." Arbor 167, no. 657 (September 30, 2000): 143–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/arbor.2000.i657.1153.

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Garcia-Avello, Macarena. "La frontera como zona de contacto transnacional en la literatura latina estadounidense." Tropelías: Revista de Teoría de la Literatura y Literatura Comparada, no. 29 (December 6, 2017): 403–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26754/ojs_tropelias/tropelias.2018292144.

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Esta investigación analiza las siguientes obras en relación con la teoría propuesta por Gloria Anzaldúa en Borderlands/ La Frontera: The New Mestiza (1987). The House on Mango Street (1984) de Sandra Cisneros, How the Garcia Girls Lost their Accent (1991) y Yo (1997) de Julia Álvarez, Dreaming in Cuban (1992) de Cristina García, Desert Blood: The Juarez Muerders (2005) de Alicia Gaspar de Alba y Las historias prohibidas de Marta Veneranda (1997) de Sonia Rivera-Valdés. Mi análisis parte de la tesis de que la idea de “la frontera” no se limita al contexto chicano, sino que proporciona una categoría de análisis muy útil a la hora de aproximarse a ciertas escritoras latinas de distintos orígenes y grupos sociales. Por lo tanto, la frontera se concibe como espacio transnacional que posibilita una zona de contacto en la que diferentes voces latinas articulan una epistemología inseparable de lo político. Drawing on Gloria Anzaldúa's Borderlands/ La Frontera: The New Mestiza (1987), this article analyzes Sandra Cisneros's The House on Mango Street (1984), How the Garcia Girls Lost their Accent (1991) and Yo (1997) by Julia Álvarez, Cristina García's Dreaming in Cuban (1992), Alicia Gaspar de Alba's Desert Blood: The Juarez Muerders (2005) and Sonia Rivera-Valdés' Las historias prohibidas de Marta Veneranda (1997). The borderlands goes beyond the Chicano context, offering a useful category of analysis when approaching different latina writers. Therefore, the borderlands is conceived as a transnational contact zone where a wide variety of latinas voices articulate an epistemological narrative that cannot be separated from the political.

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Wyndham, Marivic, and Peter Read. "When Cultures Divide." Public Historian 40, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2018.40.1.34.

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We two Australian public historians recently published a history of memorials in Santiago, Chile, to the victims of the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship, Narrow but Endlessly Deep: The Struggle for Memorialisation in Chile since the Transition to Democracy. Our different upbringings and experiences (one a migrant from Cuba, the other Anglo-Australian) produced disagreements as to how we should interpret the memorializations. In particular, the foundational narratives of Cuba and Australia in which we were raised affected our differing interpretations. The article explains these differing foundational narratives and then cites examples of textual disagreements and how we resolved them. We believe that this challenging interrogation of lifetime values improved the monograph and may offer insights for other cross-cultural collaborations.

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KAPCIA, ANTONI. "The Siege of the Hotel Nacional, Cuba, 1933: A Reassessment." Journal of Latin American Studies 34, no. 2 (May 2002): 283–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x02006405.

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The Hotel Nacional battle occurred during the decisive 1933 revolution, when the siege of the deposed military reached its bloody finale. Overall, historians have downplayed the incident or disagreed about the details and its significance. Such neglect and disagreement can be explained by contemporary confusion and the urge of those subsequently seeking to legitimise the revolution to hide the unpalatable and rewrite history. However, the siege may in fact have decisively changed moderate left political opinion, thus shaping the character of post-1934 politics by contributing to Batista's subsequent rise to power.

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Segre, Roberto. "Eliana Cárdenas." Art and Architecture, no. 42 (2010): 122–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/42.a.pxg3lqdw.

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It is more common for disciples to write memories of their old masters that it is for a master to bear the hard news of the death of one of his disciples. It is painful and sad to face and deal with the death of Eliana Cardenas, the leading historian of architecture in Cuba.

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Hernández Sandoica, Elena. "La historia de Cuba vista desde España: estudios sobre "política", "raza" y "sociedad"." Revista de Indias 58, no. 212 (April 30, 1998): 7–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/revindias.1998.i212.762.

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Velázquez Albo, Marco. "Tuning history in Latin America." Arts and Humanities in Higher Education 16, no. 4 (January 4, 2017): 358–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474022216686522.

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This article analyses the development and achievements of the area of History in the Tuning-Latin America Project from its launch in 2004 to its completion in 2013. Through two phases and nine general meetings, academics from Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Cuba, Guatemala, Mexico and Peru, along with academics from Spain, Portugal and Italy, discussed the professional formation of future generations of historians. The debate centred on the concept of “competences” as the axis of training, a concept which generated innovative thinking and understanding but also friction due to specific historiographic traditions and regions. The Tuning-Latin America Project generated a significant body of documentation on the new challenges implicit in training historians in a globalized world. However, it has not received sufficient analysis from the Latin-American perspective. This article contributes to this by providing insight on the Tuning Project’s successes and limitations in Latin America, as well as evaluating its progress more than a decade after it was introduced.

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Pulido Llano, Gabriela. "Cubanos “perniciosos” vigilados en México, 1920-1950." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 4, no. 7 (March 21, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppela.24487988e.2017.7.63979.

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En este artículo se examina la situación de los cubanos que, de 1920 a 1950, fueron vigilados por la Dirección General de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociales en México (dgips), denominada de otras maneras a lo largo de este período, adscrita a la Secretaría de Gobernación. A través de algunas historias ejemplificamos el tratamiento prejuicioso que recibieron estos sujetos, con el que se decidió en muchos casos si se permitía o no a un cubano seguir habitando como residente en territorio mexicano.

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Pulido Llano, Gabriela. "Cubanos “perniciosos” vigilados en México, 1920-1950." De Raíz Diversa. Revista Especializada en Estudios Latinoamericanos 4, no. 7 (March 21, 2018): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ppla.24487988e.2017.7.63979.

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En este artículo se examina la situación de los cubanos que, de 1920 a 1950, fueron vigilados por la Dirección General de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociales en México (dgips), denominada de otras maneras a lo largo de este período, adscrita a la Secretaría de Gobernación. A través de algunas historias ejemplificamos el tratamiento prejuicioso que recibieron estos sujetos, con el que se decidió en muchos casos si se permitía o no a un cubano seguir habitando como residente en territorio mexicano.

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PATERSON, THOMAS G. "The Historian as Detective: Senator Kenneth Keating, the Missiles in Cuba, and His Mysterious Sources." Diplomatic History 11, no. 1 (January 1987): 67–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.1987.tb00005.x.

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de la Fuente, Alejandro. "Slave Law and Claims-Making in Cuba: The Tannenbaum Debate Revisited." Law and History Review 22, no. 2 (2004): 339–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4141649.

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Scholars of slavery in Latin America are giving renewed attention to the study of the law. Although this literature is not as developed and sophisticated as in the United States, where slavery has been a central concern of legal historians for quite some time, a specialized subfield seems to be in the making. This is a welcome development. After all, every important aspect of slaves' lives in the Iberian colonies, from birth and nourishment to marriage, leisure, punishment, and rest, was regulated in theory by a vast, indeed massive, array of positive laws. Some of these regulations had been part of the traditional statutes of Castile for centuries, others were passed by the Crown or by local organs of administration and power.

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Carta, Massimiliano. "Las historias contaminadas de Pedro Lemebel y Reinaldo Arenas: entre mariconaje guerrero y nuevas sidentidades." Arte y Políticas de Identidad 17, no. 17 (January 31, 2018): 103. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/320001.

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A finales del siglo pasado, en plena emergencia sanitaria debida a la pandemia del SIDA, se produjeron numerosas obras artísticas, literarias, cinematográficas que trataban el tema. Antes que anochezca del cubano Reinaldo Arenas y Loco Afán: crónicas de sidario del chileno Pedro Lemebel se colocan dentro de esta tendencia general, aportando al debate internacional una perspectiva original, debido a las identidades latinoamericanas e interseccionales de los autores que de hecho tuvieron que confrontarse personalmente con el contexto estadounidense, muy diferente al propio de pertenencia. Ambas “autohistorias1” se colocan entre erotografía y tanatografía, en un viaje de solo ida entre la vida, alimentada por el sexo y la muerte, relacionada con el calvario de la enfermedad. El SIDA no influenció solamente las artes sino sobre todo las identidades, llevando a los sujetos involucrados a cuestionar nuevas maneras de relacionarse adentro y afuera de la comunidad LGBTIQ (Lesbianas, Gays, Bisexuales, Transgenero-transexuales, Intersexuales, Queer). Ricardo Llamas las bautizó Sidentidades.

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Wilcox, Robert. "Paraguayans and the Making of the Brazilian Far West, 1870-1935." Americas 49, no. 4 (April 1993): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007410.

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One of the most important aspects of the recent mass migrations of Latin Americans into previously remote regions of the hemisphere is the impact these have had on areas cut by international boundaries. With the exception of the United States-Mexico border, however, historical examination of the process is still in its infancy. And few observers have developed a satisfactory theoretical basis explaining an admittedly complex process.One exception was Cuban historian Jorge Mañach, who spoke of “balanced” and “unbalanced” frontiers, largely in the context of the United States-Mexican boundary. He believed that power distribution between nations determined the degree to which their frontier interrelationships were equal or unequal. In Mañach's view, when a politically or economically weaker nation shares a boundary with one that is stronger, overall communication is sacrificed and the stronger power inevitably “spills over” into the neighboring region, economically and culturally.

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García Ruiz, Solángel, Aleida Fernández Moreno, Clara Yamile Duarte Cuervo, and Israel Cruz Velandia. "Investigación para la inclusión en Latinoamérica: retomando sueños coloquiales." Revista de la Facultad de Medicina 63, no. 3Sup (October 20, 2015): 7–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.15446/revfacmed.v63n3sup.52942.

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<p>América Latina es una región de contrastes, de historias compartidas de antaño que mezclan la revolución cubana y las dictaduras de los setenta, la depresión económica de los ochenta, el surgimiento de los modelos neoliberales en los noventa, la era tecnológica, los dilemas del desarrollo y la revaloración de los saberes del sur de los últimos tiempos; esas que se debaten entre las injusticias e inequidades, que siempre están albergando esperanza y deseos de cambio. Ya Galeano en los setenta hablaba de la pobreza del hombre como resultado de la riqueza de la tierra, y del desarrollo como un viaje con más náufragos que navegantes.</p>

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Morrison, Karen Y. "Spanish Imperial Vassalage and the Social Reproduction of Slavery in Colonial Cuba." Journal of Global Slavery 3, no. 3 (August 8, 2018): 261–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405836x-00303004.

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Abstract With the social reproduction of slavery in colonial Cuba as its center point, this essay draws on the recent historiographical acknowledgment of the way vassalage mediated the often starkly drawn social distinctions between whites and enslaved people within colonial Spanish America. Inside the region’s emergent, capitalist political economy, feudal vassalage continued to define each social sector’s rights and responsibilities vis-á-vis the Spanish Crown. The rights of enslaved vassals derived from their potential contributions to the Spanish monarchy’s imperial survival, in their capacity to populate the extensive empire with loyal Catholic subjects and potential military defenders. These concerns also justified the Spanish monarchial state’s ability to intervene between its slaveholding vassals and its enslaved vassals, by limiting private property rights over enslaved people and operating in ways that did not fully conform to capitalist profit motives. Awareness of such sovereign-vassal interdependencies challenges historians to broaden their understanding of the relationship between capitalism and slavery to include the remnants of feudal social-political forms, even into the nineteenth century.

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Medina Pérez, Milena, and Ilianet Mora Turro. "Las logias de la ciudad de Las Tunas: protagonistas de la historia en la República Neocolonial de Cuba." Memorias, no. 31 (January 15, 2017): 150–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.14482/memor.31.9922.

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Hernández García, Yuliuva, and Alisa Natividad Delgado Tornés. "Mujeres víctimas de violencia en Cuba. Un estudio de estrategias disciplinares, narrativas de violencia, espacios geográficos y dispositivos ineficaces." La Manzana de la Discordia 11, no. 2 (October 31, 2016): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v11i2.1625.

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El artículo analiza, a partir de un Estudio de Caso realizado en Moa, Cuba, estrategias disciplinarias aplicadas a mujeres víctimas de violencia en la relación de pareja en espacios geográficos específicos, así como narrativas de legitimidad y pactos culturales que silencian prácticas de violencia, incluida la violación incestuosa a niñas y adolescentes. Emerge que no existe un circuito espacial eficaz para atender a mujeres víctimas de violencia en el país, de forma tal que experimentan sufrimiento, inseguridad, desprotección social y legal. Es un estudio cualitativo, realizado mediante historias de vida, entrevistas en profundidad, análisis de documentos, entrevistas estructuradas y los resultados constituyen el primer análisis de su tipo en el país.

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Scott, Rebecca J. "Paper Thin: Freedom and Re-enslavement in the Diaspora of the Haitian Revolution." Law and History Review 29, no. 4 (October 20, 2011): 1061–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248011000538.

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In the summer of 1809 a flotilla of boats arrived in New Orleans carrying more than 9,000 Saint-Domingue refugees recently expelled from the Spanish colony of Cuba. These migrants nearly doubled the population of New Orleans, renewing its Francophone character and populating the neighborhoods of the Vieux Carré and Faubourg Marigny. At the heart of the story of their disembarkation, however, is a legal puzzle. Historians generally tell us that the arriving refugees numbered 2,731 whites, 3,102 free people of color, and 3,226 slaves. But slavery had been abolished in Saint-Domingue by decree in 1793, and abolition had been ratified by the French National Convention in 1794. In what sense and by what right, then, were thousands of men, women, and children once again to be held to be “slaves”?

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Schmidt-Nowara, Christopher. "The Specter of Las Casas: José Antonio Saco and the Persistence of Spanish Colonialism in Cuba." Itinerario 25, no. 2 (July 2001): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300008846.

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The empire of absolutist Spain haunted the debates over the empire of liberal Spain. To take one example, José Arias y Miranda, an unemployed civil servant who would later work as the librarian for the Ministerio de Ultramar (Overseas Ministry), responded to the Real Academia de la Historia's query on the effects of the American empire on Spain's economy and society in words that would have been familiar to a seventeenth-century arbitrista. After reviewing America's drain on the sparse Spanish population and the corrupting effects of gold, silver, and land on Spanish work habits, Arias y Miranda concluded ‘that America was […] the determining cause of Spain's decadence’.

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Sánchez Baena, Juan José. "Aproximación a la historia del “imperialismo editorial” de Estados Unidos en la etapa preindependentista cubana: entre la necesidad y el exilio." Anuario de Estudios Americanos 55, no. 1 (June 30, 1998): 81–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/aeamer.1998.v55.i1.366.

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Guerra, Abilio. "Roberto Segre, 1934-2013. A Life of Adventure that Ends with a Banal Tragedy." Modern Africa, Tropical Architecture, no. 48 (2013): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/48.a.i0e84o9q.

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Born in 1934 in Milan, Roberto Segre migrated to Argentina with his family in 1939, fleeing the anti–Semitism of Benito Mussolini’s fascist government. He graduated as an architect at the University of Buenos Aires in 1960 and soon after, in 1963, settled in La Havana, Cuba, where he taught history of architecture for three decades. In 1994, he began his career as a Brazilian researcher and professor on graduate courses in urban planning at the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), where he served until March 2013. During these decades of professional activity, he came to be respected as a critic and historian, publishing many books and articles of the utmost importance on Latin American architecture.

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Gootenberg, Paul. "The “Pre-Colombian” Era of Drug Trafficking in the Americas: Cocaine, 1945-1965." Americas 64, no. 2 (October 2007): 133–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2007.0148.

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Before anyone heard of Colombiannarcotraficantes, a new class of international cocaine traffickers was born between 1947 and 1964, led by little-known Peruvians, Bolivians, Chileans, Cubans, Mexicans, Brazilians, and Argentines. These men—and often daring young women—anxiously pursued by U.S. drug agents, pioneered the business of illicit cocaine, a drug whose small-scale production in the Andes remained legal and above board until the late 1940s. Before 1945, cocaine barely existed as an illicit drug; by 1950, a handful of couriers were smuggling it by the ounce from Peru; by the mid-1960s this hemispheric flow topped hundreds of kilos yearly, linking thousands of coca farmers across the eastern Andes to crude labs, organized trafficking rings, and a bustling retailer diaspora in consuming hot-spots like New York and Miami. The Colombians of the 1970s, the Pablo Escobars who leveraged this network into one of hundreds of tons, worth untold billions, are today notorious. Yet historians have yet to uncover their modest predecessors or the actual start of Colombia's role: cocaine's “pre-Colombian” origins.

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Arnaiz, Idalia Morejón. "Nativos excêntricos e subversão da nacionalidade." Remate de Males 32, no. 2 (December 19, 2012): 431–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.20396/remate.v32i2.8635896.

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Embora a literatura cubana tenha um vasto repertorio de historias de desenraizamento, vindas do exílio nos Estados Unidos, a nova ordem mundial vem estimulando o trânsito dos escritores cubanos por outros territórios como os ex-países comunistas do Leste europeu. Comentaremos aqui três livros: os romances Enciclopedia de una vida en Rusia, Livadia. Mariposas nocturnas del imperio ruso, de José Manuel Prieto, e o livro de relatos Teoría del alma china , de Carlos A. Aguilera. Esses autores não reclamam pertencer a um país ou sua participação civil dentro dos marcos da nacionalidade, já que eles continuam a ser “nativos”. Entretanto, como provar a sua identificação com a língua e a cultura de um país se, a partir de um dado momento, se encontram permanentemente fora dele? Este trabalho se propõe a analisar alguns aspectos que tornam esses romances representativos do debate literário sobre pós-nacionalismo e outredade.

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Seguin, Marie-Christine. "Convergencia de circunstancias en el asentamiento de la expresión del poema extenso en Cuba, Puerto Rico y la República Dominicana." ÍSTMICA. Revista de la Facultad de Filosofía y Letras 1, no. 25 (March 2, 2020): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.15359/istmica.25.5.

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Entre tradiciones y procesos de transformación, asistimos a una poética del pensar del poema extenso en las Antillas hispanas. Desde la “décima”, venida de Europa, se desarrolla una creatividad lingüística por medio de una apertura pragmática, en estrecha relación con la particularidad colonial: entre mito del progreso y mito de la edad de oro. Para entender la inventiva caribeña, recordamos la práctica del Neobarroco, elaborado a base de las confluencias de lo heterogéneo. Vemos como a través de una heteroglosia discursiva, el poema extenso se asienta en este espacio cultural que son las islas antillanas y subrayamos su papel actual en el relato de historias mínimas que alimentan por otro cariz la historia universal.

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Fraile, Pedro, and Alvaro Escribano. "The Spanish 1898 Disaster: The Drift towards Natonal-Protectionism." Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 16, no. 1 (March 1998): 265–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0212610900007126.

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Two interrelated ideas are developed in this essay: first, that the consequences for the Spanish economy of loosing the last colonies —Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines— at the end of the nineteenth century were relatively small, and that it hardly can be regarded, as many historians have done as the Disaster of 1898. Second, that despite its small overall direct impact on the Spanish economy, the independence wars fought with the colonies, and the defeat at the hands of the Americans in 1898, started a process of intense political nationalism that resulted in the adoption of western Europe's most stringent autarchy at the beginning of the twentieth century. The colonial Disaster was therefore, an indirect one. Its economic consequences were first felt by Bentham's «ruling few» —in Spain's case, the wheat, flour, and textile traders of Castile and Catalonia— and later reached the «subject many» by way of their influence on the adoption of extreme protective measures («integral protection», as it became known by Spanish nationalists) facilitated by the general climate caused by the colonial loss.

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Pesoutova, Jana. "Paisajes curativos dominicanos como expresión de la memoria cultural: una reflexión sobre sus rizomas." Ciencia y Sociedad 44, no. 4 (November 28, 2019): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.22206/cys.2019.v44i4.pp51-68.

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Este artículo expone algunas de las principales ideas recogidas a través del estudio de las prácticas actuales de sanación en Cuba y República Dominicana y sus antecedentes históricos.1 El estudio sitúa la importancia de la continuidad de prácticas curativas dentro del rico simbolismo del paisaje y explora el concepto de memoria cultural por su potencial para complementar y vincular los datos sobre las historias medicinales, las profundas transformaciones demográficas y los paisajes curativos después la conquista europea. El análisis se desarrolla, esencialmente, a través de datos obtenidos por trabajos de campo etnográficos llevados a cabo en regiones de ambas islas, complementados por información recopiladas de fuentes históricas. En este artículo su enfoque resalta las problemáticas cerca los estudios de las herencias cultuales indígenas en el contexto de prácticas curativas y aborda en general cómo la gente se relaciona con los ancestros indígenas hoy en República Dominicana.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Cuban Historians'

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