To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: (CSOs) for Civil Society Organisations.
Journal articles on the topic '(CSOs) for Civil Society Organisations'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic '(CSOs) for Civil Society Organisations.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Aeby, Michael. "Making an impact from the margins? Civil society groups in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing process." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 4 (November 4, 2016): 703–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x16000616.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACTThe paper examines the role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in Zimbabwe's interim power-sharing process. It identifies CSOs’ organisational capacity, nature of engagement in the political process and relations with the power-sharing parties as the principal issues affecting CSOs’ ability to promote peace-making and democratisation in the context of a transitional executive power-sharing process. Based on these analytical themes, the case analysis argues that CSOs’ sway on the transition was particularly constrained by organisational fragmentation and disunity, divergent strategies vis-à-vis the interregnum, diminishing access to political elites, the latter's refusal to permit greater civic involvement, and continued repression.
2
VAN LEEUWEN, MATHIJS. "To Conform or to Confront? CSOs and Agrarian Conflict in Post-Conflict Guatemala." Journal of Latin American Studies 42, no. 1 (February 2010): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x10000064.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article is about the role of civil society after violent conflict. It argues that the transformations that civil society organisations (CSOs) make are more ambiguous than supporting donors and NGOs presume. The article analyses how, ten years after the 1996 peace agreements, Guatemalan CSOs deal with agrarian conflict. It discusses in detail the case of a church-related organisation assisting peasants with agrarian conflicts and the challenges it faced in defining its strategies. The article argues that supporting donors and NGOs should stop seeing the difficulties of organisational change in post-conflict situations exclusively in terms of the internal incapacities of civil society. Instead, they should re-politicise their analyses and focus on the importance of broader social and political processes in post-conflict settings for the strategic options open to CSOs.
3
Khan, Khadija, Arshad Waheed, and Saadia Iqbal. "Monitoring and Evaluation: Civil Society Organisations’ Competitive Edge in Effective Poverty Alleviation." Pakistan Development Review 42, no. 4II (December 1, 2003): 909–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v42i4iipp.909-924.
Full textAbstract:
The role of Civil Society Organisations as preferred partners in development is strongly emerging across the globe. Among many reasons, one is reasonably good governance. The social sector has shown the acumen to learn and apply corporate management practices and international standards fast enough to start leading the competition. Notwithstanding the fact that a large part of development funding under soft loans and grants is channeled to the government, the CSOs receive a significant share directly and indirectly to implement development projects in communities. It has opened tremendous opportunities for CSOs to experiment and evolve new approaches in project management, community organisation, service delivery, product development, resource mobilisation and financial management. What makes the civil society organisations different from the public sector organisations? Fundamentally two things; these are non-governmental and nonprofit. However, the real difference is in the way civil society organisations are managed. It includes leadership, commitment, professionalism, systems and practices, thrust of work and most of all performance.
4
Samuels, Harriet. "Public interest litigation and the civil society factor." Legal Studies 38, no. 4 (July 20, 2018): 515–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/lst.2018.9.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article explores civil society organisations’ (CSOs) participation in judicial review proceedings. This became contentious when the Ministry of Justice announced that it intended to reform the judicial review process, and suggested changes to the law on standing and third-party interventions. Ultimately, the Criminal Justice and Courts Act 2015 did not amend the law in these areas, but has arguably made it more difficult for CSOs to engage in public interest litigation. Attempts to restrict the access of CSOs to judicial review need to be seen in the context of the shifting relationship between CSOs and the state, and differing perspectives on their function. If CSOs are to continue to take part in judicial review cases they need to justify their presence in terms of their expertise and on the ground knowledge. It is argued that deliberative, dignitarian and more general theories about the nature of civil society may well establish a basis for CSOs’ continued presence in judicial review litigation.
5
Heylen, Frederik, Evelien Willems, and Jan Beyers. "Do Professionals Take Over? Professionalisation and Membership Influence in Civil Society Organisations." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 31, no. 6 (March 24, 2020): 1226–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-020-00214-9.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractWhile many scholars have postulated the decline of membership influence as an important consequence of the professionalisation of civil society organisations (CSOs), other analysts have argued that traditional membership-driven CSOs are resilient and that hiring professionals does not necessarily diminish membership influence. This study sheds light on this issue by analysing membership influence in a representative sample of approximately 2000 CSOs from five European countries and the European level. As members generally have a strong influence on CSOs’ policy positions, our analysis demonstrates that the pessimistic tone in much contemporary scholarly work is largely unwarranted. On the contrary, hiring professionals does not invariably decrease membership influence and can, when members are closely engaged in advocacy work, even facilitate it.
6
Musinguzi, Denis. "The role of Civil Society Organisations in post-conflict development of northern Uganda." Journal of Science and Sustainable Development 6, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 122–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jssd.v6i2.7.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines the role of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in post-conflict reconstruction and development of northern Uganda. The analysis is informed by the increased spate of violent conflicts in Africa since the end of the Cold War; the destruction caused by violent conflicts; and the significant role played by CSOs in post-conflict reconstruction and development. The northern part of Uganda witnessed the most protracted and devastating Lord‘s Resistance Army (LRA) conflict in the country‘s post-independence history, which forms the central focus of the study. To generate a deeper analysis of the role of CSOs, this article delves into the historical evolution of civil society from the classical thought of ancient Greece to the modern and contemporary perspectives of civil society. The analysis of the role of CSOs in post-conflict reconstruction and development is framed in the war-topeace transition; and recognises the dialectical relationship between peace and development. The article examines the community‘s perceptions on the role of CSOs and its responsiveness to community needs. It concludes with a reflection on simmering issues, which if not properly addressed, could destroy the positive inroads and peace dividends being realised in northern Uganda. A constructivist and qualitative methodology guided the study, which sought to interpret reality from the context of the espondents.
7
Sherlock, Stephen. "Alliances of Instrumental Advantage: Supporting Women’s Agency in Civil Society Organisations in Indonesia." Politics and Governance 8, no. 4 (November 25, 2020): 147–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i4.3347.
Full textAbstract:
This article examines how Indonesian civil society organisations (CSOs) working for women’s empowerment and gender equality have worked together with members of parliament (MPs) to support processes of developmental change. Examples are taken from initiatives supported by MAMPU, an Australian government funded project that promotes gender equality and women’s empowerment in Indonesia, describing ways in which gender-focused organisations have engaged with, and had an impact upon, the actions of political leaders in parliament. The article focuses on interaction between institutions and the agency exercised by individuals within institutions. MPs act within a structure of institutional and political incentives, but they also have the power to make choices about how they respond to incentives. Moreover, the leaders of outside actors such as CSOs can modify the structure of incentives by both applying pressure on MPs and providing opportunities for legislators to make different choices. One of MAMPU’s tools for targeting MPs has been political economy analysis. Having correctly understood the pressures and incentives facing MPs, CSOs can target their actions to bring about outcomes favourable to both sides in what the article calls ‘alliances of instrumental advantage.’ Organisations supported by MAMPU achieved success where relationships were forged between the organisations and politicians based on the identification of mutual advantage.
8
Chaney, Paul, Seuty Sabur, and Sarbeswar Sahoo. "Civil Society Organisations and LGBT+ Rights in Bangladesh: A Critical Analysis." Journal of South Asian Development 15, no. 2 (August 2020): 184–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973174120950512.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores civil society organizations’ (CSOs) views on the contemporary situation of LGBT+ people in Bangladesh. It is a lacuna requiring attention because of the country’s poor and deteriorating equality and human rights record. Here we analyse the level of attention to prevailing human rights violations and apply critical frame analysis to the corpus of CSOs’ submissions to the United Nations third cycle Universal Periodic Review (UPR), 2013–2018. These reveal how a series of key pathologies—including, violence, intimidation and discrimination—affect the lives of LGBT+ people. The wider significance of this study lies in highlighting that, while not a replacement for justiciable rights, the discursive processes offered by the UPR are of key significance in seeking to advance LGBT+ rights in countries like Bangladesh where oppression combines with extremism and political elites’ refusal to embrace equality in relation to gender identity and sexual orientation.
9
Levchenko, Anhelina. "FINANCING OF PROJECTS OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS BY DONOR FUNDS OF INTERNATIONAL FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS." Economics & Education 6, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 72–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/2500-946x/2021-1-12.
Full textAbstract:
In today’s world, each country has its own methods of financing civil society organisations (CSOs) and the peculiarities of the distribution of the financial burden between the state, private organisations, and donor funds of international financial institutions. Regulatory and institutional mechanisms of both national and global civil society organisations directly affect the funding potential of the state and its people. In addition, the state also plays an important role both in financing transnational activities and in facilitating or hindering the inflow of funds through the establishment of various tax regimes. In view of this, the study of CSOs funding by donor funds of international financial institutions (IFIs) is appropriate because civil society organisations are a necessary precondition for the establishment of a democratic world order. The article is devoted to the study of the main trends and aspects of interaction between international financial institutions and civil society organisations in terms of financial support of the latter. The author analyses the mechanisms of financing civil society organisations by the World Bank Group based on statistical information and research of international institutions. The article also examines the sectoral structure of projects and the regional structure of partners in the framework of the Global Partnership for Social Accountability (GPSA) as a fundamental financial mechanism of the World Bank. The author outlines the relationship between civil society organisations and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development. The purpose of the article is to study and analyse the financial mechanisms of the World Bank as the main donor for the financial support of civil society organisations. Methodology. This study is based on the use of the methodological principle of unity of theory and practice. The methodological basis of the article includes the methods of quantitative and qualitative comparisons, analysis and synthesis, and systems-structural analysis.
10
Engel, Susan. "Germany’s Government-Civil Society Development Cooperation Strategy: the dangers of the middle of the road." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 9, no. 1 (March 21, 2017): 42–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v9i1.4942.
Full textAbstract:
The Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) has been busy since the late 2000s studying the way aid donors manage their relations with development civil society organisations (CSOs). More than studying these relations, they have made some very detailed, managerialist suggestions about how CSOs should be organised and how donor governments should fund and otherwise relate to them. This came out of the debate about aid effectiveness, which was formally aimed at improving both donor and recipient processes. Donors have quietly dropped many of the aspects related to improving their own performance and yet a number have created new interventionist governance frameworks for CSOs. This is the case in Germany, which has a large, vibrant development CSO sector that has traditionally been quite autonomous, even where its received state funding thanks to Germany’s commitment to ‘subsidiarity.’ Yet Germany is otherwise a middle of the road donor and in many ways, these ‘reforms’ are moving its relations with civil society more towards a somewhat more managerialist approach, one that is in fact the norms amongst OECD donors.
11
D'Auria, Viviana, Racha Daher, and Katharina Rohde. "From Integration to Solidarity: Insights from Civil Society Organisations in Three European Cities." Urban Planning 3, no. 4 (December 20, 2018): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v3i4.1688.
Full textAbstract:
This article sheds light on the lack of cohesion in asylum approaches between EU member states and questions the dominance of the ‘integration’ paradigm. It argues that civil society organisations (CSOs) have, through solidarity, challenged the bias ‘integration’ involves and the exclusion it generates. To do this, it examines three case-based practices led by CSOs that operate in three European capital cities—Rome, Brussels and Berlin—and that embrace mobility in the context of front-line, transit and destination countries, respectively. With the ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015 acting as a threshold moment, the cases navigate a complex web of relationships amidst a fragmented debate about asylum, and varying national and local frameworks in Europe. Through the comparison of cases, the article argues that the political possibilities of such practices and their enduring engagements with the urban, remain limited. However, the shift in discourse from ‘stasis’ and ‘integration’ to ‘mobility’ and ‘solidarity’ that the three cases embody, represent a critique that fundamentally challenges urban planning and its role for asylum.
12
Helminen, Maija. "‘We need to make sure that we are always something else’: Victim support organisations and the increasing responsibility of the state in supporting crime victims in Finland and Norway." International Review of Victimology 25, no. 2 (April 26, 2018): 157–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758018767668.
Full textAbstract:
In response to international obligations many Western states have strengthened their responsibility for crime victims’ access to support services. This is also the case in Finland and Norway where this interview study explored the views of representatives from five key civil society organisations (CSOs) working with victims of crime in relation to the public sector’s increasing duty to organise victim support services. The findings indicate that despite the fact that improvements in victims’ access to support services were generally welcomed, there was a growing concern that the position of these traditional CSOs could – or already had – become challenged by the public and private organisations and other CSOs as new funding streams and mechanisms attract new players to the field. This had created a need to highlight the distinctiveness of these agents as CSOs working with victims of crime. This article argues that while international standards for victim support services have been a triumph for victim movements in many countries, their realisation in the present era of austerity and mixed welfare economies presents traditional victim support organisations with new challenges in retaining their ownership and distinctive ways of treating the problem of victimisation.
13
Mirshak, Nadim. "Education as Resistance: Egyptian Civil Society and Rethinking Political Education Under Authoritarian Contexts." Critical Sociology 46, no. 6 (June 18, 2019): 915–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920519856398.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores political education in civil society organisations (CSOs) in post-uprisings Egypt. By employing the work of Peter Mayo and Adam Morton, I develop a Gramscian framework that argues for the need to rethink political education where it can take direct and indirect forms. Direct political education explicitly teaches about politics and rights, and is more likely to be repressed by the Egyptian state. Indirect political education is more covert, taking the forms of games and simulations which can appear, in hindsight, to be apolitical but could have numerous contradictory political implications. Through analysing the different forms of political education provided in Egyptian civil society, I seek to understand how CSOs are able to adapt their educational methods to function, survive and educate under authoritarian contexts. This way, the article offers an insight into the interplay between authoritarianism and resistance through the medium of education.
14
Ramanujam, Nandini, and Miatta Gorvie. "SHIFTING GROUND, SOLID FOUNDATIONS: IMAGINING A NEW PARADIGM FOR CANADIAN CIVIL SOCIETY ENGAGEMENT." Windsor Yearbook of Access to Justice 32, no. 1 (February 1, 2015): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.22329/wyaj.v32i1.4519.
Full textAbstract:
Members of civil society are increasingly decrying what they identify as an insidious trend whereby the government is targeting organizations whose mandates run contrary to the federal government’s political and economic agendas and creating a chill around public policy and advocacy work. The media as well as civil society organizations [CSOs] themselves have documented government attempts to undermine and stifle the voices of dissenting organizations, ranging from rhetorical attacks to the withdrawal of funding for ambiguous reasons. The climate of resentment and suspicion between civil society actors and the government is detrimental for safeguarding the tradition of accountability and transparency in Canada’s democratic institutions. Amidst this turbulent environment, this paper examines the often-made claim by CSO leaders in Canada that public funding is a necessary requirement for a strong civil society, with the aim of challenging and mobilizing the civil society community to not only survive but to reinvigorate its engagement to further social justice in this changing social and economic landscape. We argue that discussions of the state of civil society in Canada focus disproportionately on the question of funding and relationship-building with the government and expose the unforeseen consequences of this trade-off for CSOs, their members, and constituent communities. We close by introducing the potential of a new paradigm of “principled engagement” that would allow Canadian CSOs to thrive as sustainable, adaptable social justice advocates in coming years. Les membres de la société civile décrient de plus en plus ce qu’ils appellent la tendance insidieuse du gouvernement à cibler les organisations dont les mandats vont à l’encontre de ses programmes politiques et économiques et à freiner le travail de représentation et de plaidoyer lié aux politiques publiques. Tant les médias que les organisations de la société civile [OSC] ont déploré les tentatives du gouvernement de faire taire les voix d’organisations dissidentes, que ce soit par des attaques rhétoriques ou par le retrait du financement pour des raisons ambiguës. Le climat de ressentiment et de doute qui règne entre les intervenants de la société civile et le gouvernement nuit au maintien de l’imputabilité et de la transparence qui caractérisent depuis longtemps les institutions démocratiques canadiennes. Dans ce contexte de turbulence, les auteurs de ce texte répondent aux dirigeants des OSC du Canada qui ne cessent de répéter qu’une société civile forte a besoin à tout prix de fonds publics afin de mobiliser ses intervenants et de les encourager non seulement à survivre, mais également à réitérer leur engagement à promouvoir la justice sociale dans ce climat socio-économique changeant. Nous affirmons quant à nous que la société civile du Canada accorde trop d’importance à la question du financement et de l’établissement de relations avec le gouvernement et nous évoquons l’émergence possible d’un nouveau paradigme selon lequel les OSC canadiennes pourraient s’imposer comme des représentants de la justice sociale solides et capables de s’adapter aux changements au cours des années à venir.
15
Nga, Janice Lay Hui. "Global Financial Crisis and Philanthropy: Malaysian Case." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 2 (August 14, 2015): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v7i2.4442.
Full textAbstract:
This paper investigates the issue of the global financial crisis and its impacts on philanthropy and civil society organisations (CSOs) in Malaysia. CSOs are popularly known as non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Malaysia. Financial crisis has caused NGOs in many countries to receive less funding. This situation may threaten and discourage voluntary works. Undoubtedly, these beneficial contributions from the NGOs are needful services to the society. This paper examines the impact of financial crisis through the lens of NGOs and philanthropy activities in Malaysia. It utilises primary and secondary data, employs a mixed method approach, and uses quantitative and qualitative data. While there are many influencing factors in this development, this paper presents several significant aspects in the Malaysian context, including the style and nature of giving, culture, religion, and political pressure. This study attempts to seek potential solutions, pathways and possible approaches beneficial to NGOs and philanthropy activities for their sustainability in facing the financial crisis and its consequences. Experiences and lessons learnt in Malaysia may well be useful and applicable to some extent in other countries.
16
Bhatta, Chandra D. "The Interface between the State and Civil Society in Nepal." Dhaulagiri Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 10 (October 4, 2016): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/dsaj.v10i0.15881.
Full textAbstract:
The paper explores the state-civil society relations in Nepal, which have gone through many ups and downs from various perspectives. This is important for the reason that the two terms are now in the forefront of public debate: Rajya – the state and Nagarik Samaj – civil society. Voices, both in favour and against the state and civil society, are now audible everywhere. The debate has picked up momentum, particularly after the regime change of 2006, when civil society took a new birth and played a crucial role in regime. However, all is not well with the role of both state and civil society. The point at stake, however, is how should one describe the state-civil society relations in Nepal; how they influence, behave, and view each other; and where do they converge and diverge? These are some of the important issues that need to be looked into carefully. The rise of right-based civil society organisations (CSOs) in Nepal has further created confusion vis-a-vis state. Within these contexts, paper here attempts to explain the extant interface.
17
Haryanto. "Boundary Crossers: The Transformation of Civil Society Elites in Indonesia’s Post-Authoritarian Era." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 120–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.3011.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the strategies used by the leaders of civil society organisations (CSOs) to cross the boundary between the field of civil society and the field of the state. Moreover, it examines the implications of this boundary crossing for post-authoritarian politics in Indonesia. In doing so, it tries to answer two questions: First, what are the strategies used by CSO leaders in boundary crossing? Second, what are the political implications of this boundary crossing for Indonesia’s post-authoritarian politics? Using Bourdieu’s field theory as its conceptual framework and drawing on qualitative interviews with CSO leaders, this article scrutinises the mobility of CSO leaders in different sectors: agrarian, anti-corruption, law, and human rights. It identifies two main strategies used in boundary crossing: direct and indirect strategies. Such strategies tend to be individual rather than organisational. Neither strategy is exclusive; CSO leaders do not limit themselves to particular strategies but may combine them and use them simultaneously. Another finding is that, when crossing to the state field, CSO leaders may increase or reduce their capital, or even lose it. Furthermore, boundary crossing has several significant implications for post-authoritarian politics in Indonesia: it generates sectoral policies; it creates political linkages; and finally, it leads CSO leaders to exert political control within the state field.
18
Munyoro, Isaiah, and Archie L. Dick. "DEVELOPMENT PARTNERS IN DISSEMINATING PARLIAMENTARY INFORMATION IN ZIMBABWE: CONTRIBUTIONS AND CHALLENGES." Mousaion: South African Journal of Information Studies 33, no. 4 (March 10, 2016): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0027-2639/696.
Full textAbstract:
United Nations agencies and civil society organisations (CSOs) are working as development partners (DPs) with parliaments across the globe. They are engaged in activities to strengthen parliaments in both developed and developing countries. Data from a study that evaluated the performance of Zimbabwe’s Parliamentary Constituency Information Centres (PCICs) showed that DPs play important roles in disseminating parliamentary information to constituents. This article analyses the contributions by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the International Network for the Availability of Scientific Publications (INASP), and the challenges they face in Zimbabwe.
19
Fagan, Adam. "Promoting Democracy in the Western Balkans after the Global Financial Crisis: Good Intentions Badly Executed?" Southeastern Europe 37, no. 3 (2013): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-03703003.
Full textAbstract:
International donors got involved in the Western Balkans during the last two decades, mainly through civil society organisations (CSOs), with the initial aim of providing emergency relief, and then to promote democracy and broadly support the Europeanization agenda. The intention has also been to contribute to the spread of western values and norms, as well as advance notions of ‘good governance’ and state reform. However, most local CSOs in receipt of such assistance have not developed high capacities and remain dependent on donor funding. They are also vulnerable to political pressures and have become detached from their local constituencies. Through a survey of donors that have operated across the region, this article seeks to examine why the long-term provision of aid and attempts to promote democracy via civil society have seemingly not delivered a sufficient dividend. What is examined here is whether donor conceptualization of ‘civil society development’ is the critical variable determining success. If we acknowledge that how donors view civil society and its contribution to democracy and state building is the basis from which aid is provided, projects are supported, and objectives set and measured, then better understanding the donors’ perspective is an important basis for trying to understand limited success. This, combined with poor co-ordination and collaboration amongst donors and between them and local stakeholders, arguably compounds the problem. The article concludes that although it has long been recognised that donor strategies are contentious and determine the impact of assistance, the economic crisis is exerting a significant impact in terms of priorities, exit strategies and co-ordination, the outcome of which is by no means certain.
20
Lay, Cornelis, and Netra Eng. "State Regulations and Elitisation: A Study of Civil Society Elites in Indonesia and Cambodia." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.3005.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyses how and to what extent state regulation of civil society organisations (CSOs) have resulted in elitisation, i.e., the process of obtaining elite status within and beyond civil society. This is studied in the context of emerging democracy in Indonesia and shrinking civic space in Cambodia. Combining Bourdieu’s concepts of field and elite with strategic action fields, the article uses data from interviews with civil society leaders. It finds different patterns. In Indonesia, elitisation occurs through a process of CSO formalisation and bureaucratisation, with elites gaining legitimacy owing to their formal offices. As a result, competition for formal positions intensifies: This is particularly notable among national CSO leaders, who may shift their activities to the grassroots level to seek further empowerment and other capitals to legitimise their elite status, facilitate the rise of leaders in existing fields, and create pluralistic forms of elites. Regulations have also resulted in the marginalisation of non-formal elites and shifted the locus of legitimacy from activism to formalism. Meanwhile, in Cambodia, regulatory formalisation and bureaucratisation has not only reduced the space for elite competition and level of competitiveness, but also created ‘most dominant actors’ or ‘hyper-elites’ who are loyal to and support the regime and its priorities while punishing those who do not. This has resulted in a monolithic form of elites.
21
Abbas, Muhammad Hamza, and Vaqar Ahmed. "Challenges to Social Accountability and Service Delivery in Pakistan." Social Change 46, no. 4 (December 2016): 560–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085716666601.
Full textAbstract:
This article highlights the major challenges to social accountability in Pakistan. Based on a perception survey of 800 household-level respondents from four provinces of Pakistan besides relevant focus group discussions and key informant interviews, the findings of the study reveal that the respondents have an understanding of which of the basic services they are entitled to and which are not being facilitated by public sector service providers. Owing to the trust deficit between communities and state administration, there is a dire need for establishing and reforming informal and formal grievance redressal mechanisms. On the other hand, with over half of Pakistan’s population not having any formal education, communities need to be trained in social accountability tools through which they may access their rights and entitlements. Civil society organisations (CSOs), working in Pakistan for over the last two decades, urgently need to introduce innovative methods for community mobilisation. These CSOs are also facing severe internal and external security threats which are impacting the effectiveness of community-level accountability exercises. While we take stock of such challenges, there is renewed hope that government and donor community will support local-level CSOs to mitigate threats to social accountability interventions.
22
Kankya, Clovice, Annah Akandinda, and Charles B. Rwabukwali. "The role of civil society organisations (CSOs) in healthcare delivery system: A case study of child immunisation in Kabarole district, Uganda." Health 05, no. 08 (2013): 1277–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/health.2013.58174.
Full text
23
JACOBS, JAMIE ELIZABETH, and MARTÍN MALDONADO. "Civil Society in Argentina: Opportunities and Challenges for National and Transnational Organisation." Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 1 (February 2005): 141–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x04008557.
Full textAbstract:
Among the many consequences of globalisation is the creation of new political spaces. As these emerge, new or redefined power relationships accompany the process. In the course of creating transnational relationships, citizenship, representation and the role of the stakeholders may be redefined. This article focuses on the case of Argentina and on the role of civil society orgnisations (CSOs) in the process of political integration. The relationship between the state and civil society has sparked a debate about the core status of the political system as the third sector assumes roles traditionally belonging exclusively to the state. This raises issues regarding the difference between rights and services, the sources of legitimacy and efforts to enhance accountability, among others. The existing and potential channels of regional cooperation in the context of Mercosur illustrate the interplay between domestic, regional and global norms and institutions. This article emphasises the role of organised civil society in providing sense and meaning in the formation and awareness of supranational concerns, but is sceptical about its possibilities of providing and guaranteeing rights, tasks that still remain in the sphere of the state.
24
von Seggern, Janne, and Mandy Singer-Brodowski. "Why Context Matters for Educational Policy – Analysing Interactive Practice in the Governance of Education for Sustainable Development in Germany." ZEP – Zeitschrift für internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspädagogik 2020, no. 04 (December 4, 2020): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31244/zep.2020.04.04.
Full textAbstract:
The implementation of global educational policies such as Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) entails different national strategies despite its international character. In Germany, the transfer of ESD is characterized by a multi-actor process including representatives from academia, administration, civil society organisations (CSOs), and educational practice – coordinated by the national state. On the basis of five focus group discussions, we examined how the individual actors coordinated their actions in this process. The results show that the communicative interactions of multi-actor processes mirror the specificity of the education sectors’ structures and dynamics. In our analysis, we thus conclude that ESD governance is more than a question of national and regional structures: we argue that an understanding of the structures and cultures of the involved educational areas can contribute to a differentiated knowledge for future ESD policies.
25
Mohamad Noor, Nur Hanis, Boon Kwee Ng, and Mohd Johaary Abdul Hamid. "Tapping the Potential of Rice Research for Sustainable Agricultural Development: Lessons from Malaysia’s Public Research Institutions." International Journal of Interdisciplinary and Strategic Studies 2, no. 1 (May 28, 2021): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.47548/ijistra.2021.29.
Full textAbstract:
This paper explores the achievements, implications and future potential of rice research to achieve sustainable agricultural development in Malaysia according to the Quadruple Helix Innovation Model. The case study on Malaysian Agricultural Research and Development Institute (MARDI) reveals that there are three elements that drive food security and sustainable rice research and development – quality research by Public Research Institutions (PRIs), cooperative private firms in supporting national agricultural agenda and productive farmers in delivering high-yields farming. This paper claims that the presence of public-driven objectives in rice research is the crucial pivot in achieving national food security. The study also found that the cooperation from private firms is key in steering national agricultural agenda towards self-sustaining. The study also found the potential of civil society organisations (CSOs) to transform farmers into more active key players in sustainable agricultural development.
26
Essel, Emmanuel Abeku. "The Consequences of Public Procurement and Its Associated Irregularities in Ghana." Academic and Applied Research in Military and Public 20, no. 1 (September 20, 2021): 55–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.32565/aarms.2021.1.4.
Full textAbstract:
Ghana spends a large number of its public resources on the acquisition of goods, works and services with most of them being sourced through Public Procurement. The country in its quest to ensure transparency and efficiency in its public transaction established the Public Procurement Authority (PPA) and clothed it with powers by an Act of Parliament to discharge the given responsibilities. However, since 2003 when the 4th Republican rule was instituted, not a single government regime has exited from office without recourse to irregularities associated with the procurement processes as reported by the Auditor General’s Annual Reports or reports by Civil Society Organisations (CSOs). The goal of this paper is to look at the consequences of these irregularities in the procurement process posed to Ghana’s development. The methodology used in carrying out this study centred mainly on secondary data, and some recommendations have been offered for consideration.
27
Tyndale-Biscoe, Paul, Paul Crawford, and Bruce Bailey. "Engaging with the WASH enabling environment." Journal of Water, Sanitation and Hygiene for Development 10, no. 1 (February 6, 2020): 124–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/washdev.2020.079.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Sustainability of WASH interventions remains a challenge despite progress and evolution in thinking in the sector. Traditional approaches based on a community engagement model have failed to connect communities to the broader enabling environment necessary for ongoing WASH services. The Australian Government's AUD103 million Civil Society WASH Fund (2013–2018) mobilised civil society organisations (CSO) to engage with the WASH enabling environment by supporting the performance of WASH sector ‘change agents’ — people with primary responsibility for WASH service delivery. This approach represented an overt shift away from previous phases that saw CSOs directly delivering infrastructure and services into communities. This paper presents three tools – Strategy Mapping, Context Mapping and the Change Agent Assessment Tool – developed by the Fund's M&E Panel to test the Fund's Theory of Change (ToC) that greater engagement with the enabling environment would enhance the sustainability of WASH services. These tools were primarily developed to facilitate structured reflection by project teams about the relevance and effectiveness of their approaches, but ultimately provided valuable datasets that appear to authenticate the Fund ToC – suggesting that investing in the enabling environment for WASH services is a more sustainable policy proposition than investing directly in community WASH infrastructure and services. This article has been made Open Access thanks to the generous support of a global network of libraries as part of the Knowledge Unlatched Select initiative.
28
Bhattacharyya, Som Sekhar, and Surabhi Verma. "Firm–civil society organizational collaborations in the context of corporate social responsibility (CSR) initiatives; development of collaboration typology." World Journal of Entrepreneurship, Management and Sustainable Development 16, no. 4 (September 14, 2020): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/wjemsd-12-2019-0101.
Full textAbstract:
PurposeBusiness firms operate in society not only for market gains but also for generating positive social externalities. Civil society organisations (CSO) have helped society to develop across various spheres of influence. The concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) ushered in an era wherein both business economic objectives as well as socio-environmental responsibilities of firms were prioritized simultaneously. The path of firms and CSOs intersected through CSR. In this work, the authors develop a typology on firm–CSO collaboration regarding CSR initiatives.Design/methodology/approachThe authors through a twin approach of systematic literature review (SLR) with qualitative study developed a categorization of collaborations between a firm and a CSO in the context of CSR engagements. Apart from the SLR, the authors undertook two focus group discussions (FGD) with CSR experts (engaged in firm–CSO collaboration). This was done with a semi-structured discussion agenda frame. The data were content analysed for thematic aspects. Thus, both SLR as well as FGD outputs were considered for the study results.FindingsThe authors found six elements in firm–CSO collaboration and seven archetypes of collaboration. The six elements were CSR action elements (CSRAE) consisting of CSR agenda (CSRA), CSR resources (CSRR), CSR capabilities (CSRC), CSR Pprocess (CSRP), CSR monitoring (CSRM) and CSR stakeholder engagement (CSRSE). The seven typologies were CSO as auditor , outsourcing of CSR , CSO-driven CSR, joint CSR, support to CSO for CSR ,guided support to CSO and coordinated CSR.Research limitations/implicationsDoty and Glick, (1994) had undertaken a seminal work on theory building based upon the unique method of application of typologies. Doty and Glick, (1994) elucidated how application of typologies could through a typology study enhance the scope and level for understanding and modelling in a contextual domain involving theory. This study was a step in this direction in the context of firm–CSO collaboration in the context of CSR initiatives.Practical implicationsThis study would help managers from both CSOs and business firms to comprehend in which sphere they were required to collaborate like in resource /capabilities deployment or in designing CSR agendas or CSR process or CSR monitoring or in stakeholder engagement during CSR management. This typology would enable managers to comprehend what would be the most suitable form of collaboration between a firm and a CSO for a specific CSR engagement.Originality/valueThis is one of the first studies that theorizes regarding firm–CSO collaboration in the context of CSR initiatives both in terms of the collaboration building block elements as well as typology presented.
29
Kumi, Emmanuel. "From donor darling to beyond aid? Public perceptions of ‘Ghana Beyond Aid’." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 67–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000570.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractIn recent years, there has been growing interest among lower-middle income countries (LMICs) to reduce their dependence on donor resources, framed normatively as ‘beyond aid’. Yet, public perceptions about beyond aid narratives remain under-studied. This article explores current public perceptions in Ghana about the ‘Ghana Beyond Aid’ (GhBA) vision aimed at promoting structural economic transformation through the use of national resources while reducing dependence on donor aid. Drawing on 67 semi-structured interviews with government officials, civil society organisations (CSOs), donor representatives, academics, ‘ordinary citizens’ and media reviews, this article examines public understanding, rationale and perceived barriers to the implementation of the GhBA vision. I show that while GhBA is a welcome development for promoting structural economic transformation and ownership over national development priorities, mechanisms for propelling the GhBA are largely absent. Achieving GhBA will require a conscious effort by government and stakeholders to move beyond political rhetoric and partisan politics to setting out clear policy direction in addition to building a national consensus in promoting the vision. Implications of the research findings are discussed.
30
Isah Hassan, Abubakar, Norma Binti Mansor, and Nurhidayah Binti Abdullah. "Systematic Literature Review: The Role of Government Institutions in Corporate Social Responsibility in Nigeria." Asia Proceedings of Social Sciences 6, no. 2 (April 22, 2020): 99–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.31580/apss.v6i2.1287.
Full textAbstract:
Although Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives have advanced considerably in the past few years. Despite the advancement in the literature on (CSR) very few of them have reflected on the roles of government institutions, especially in the emerging nations. The purpose of the review is to provide a systematic analysis of the role of government institutions on CSR. A methodical kind of literature review was carried out utilising approaches proclaimed by the Institute for Analyses and Propagations but adjusted to the specific requirements of this analysis. The various online database was searched. The search phrases used were governments, CSR, Civil society organisation (CSOs). The review studies are selected from 2009-2019. The total number of articles collected is one hundred and twenty-three (123) out of which sixty (60) of them were found worthy for the analysis. The functions of government institutions were recognised, particularly in the setting of facility deliverance and sustainable development, all together were described to be used to government institutions, CSR and CSOs research, and other activities. The functions described in the piece of work ought to enlighten all researchers in CSR that successful research in CSR cannot be realised without involving institutional theory.
31
Adefila, Arinola, Osman Arrobbio, Geraldine Brown, Zoe Robinson, Gary Spolander, Ilkhom Soliev, Bret Willers, Luca Morini, Dario Padovan, and Katherine Wimpenny. "Ecologized Collaborative Online International Learning: Tackling Wicked Sustainability Problems Through Education for Sustainable Development." Journal of Teacher Education for Sustainability 23, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jtes-2021-0004.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Education for Sustainable Development (ESD) is increasingly embedded in higher education (HE) due to the current emphasis on tackling the environmental crisis. Similarly, Civic Society Organisations are expanding their mobilization and practical action in communities. These approaches can reach almost all people on the planet and open avenues for effective global action around sustainable development. It is important to connect both learners and develop agents of change in society. In this paper, we focus on how digital resources can support democratization of knowledge production and improve equitable citizen participation in ESD and practical action at the local and global levels. The paper investigates structures, processes and components that support transnational collaboration in digital spaces, particularly, around the enhancement of sustainable environmental attitudes. We use Collaborative Online International Learning (COIL) as a basis to develop EcoCOIL as a versatile model for expanding coalition building tools and principles, to promote environmental citizenship and develop multi-layered communities of practice. Stakeholders include university students and staff, technical experts, business leaders and entrepreneurs, social innovators, policy makers, Community Social Organisations (CSOs), etc. EcoCOIL focuses on co-created wisdom sharing across intercultural, intergenerational and transdisciplinary actors; it brings an innovative, participatory angle to curriculum development by integration of lifelong learning principles and practical facilitation of sustainable behavior within communities in real time.
32
Petrescu, Claudia, and Mihaela Lambru. "Using evidence in shaping disability policy in Romania: the case of sheltered workshops." Evidence & Policy: A Journal of Research, Debate and Practice 17, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 243–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/174426421x16146970604672.
Full textAbstract:
Background: The importance of using evidence to inform the policymaking process has been well established in the literature and practice. In Western countries evidence-based policy (EBP) is already accepted and implemented in many policy areas, including disability policy. In Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) the interest in EBP (evidence-based policy) is new and limited, hampered in many aspects by the regional specificity of the public administration and welfare services reform.Aims and objectives: The present article aims to explore the development of evidence-based disability employment policy in Romania, in a specific area of work integration: sheltered workshops.Methods: The article draws on the findings of extensive research on sheltered workshops that included multiple research methods, such as public policy analysis, social documents analysis, and secondary data analysis of quantitative and qualitative data.Findings: A number of issues concerning the implementation of evidence-based disability policy in Romania have been identified. Some of these issues are related to the administrative and policy capacity of the government. Others are linked to the limitation of the advocacy capacity of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) active in the disability area, or to the weak presence of the academic/research community in the disability policy forum.Discussion and conclusions: There is a limited knowledge of how evidence-based disability policy is developed in CEE countries. This article will emphasise the role of the sheltered workshops in shaping the policy solutions in the area of work integration for persons with disabilities. The article will contribute to better understanding of the disability policy reform, looking closely at how the evidence is built and used within the disability policy process.
33
Axel, Klein, and Blaine Stothard. "No end in sight: the international drug control system once again baulks at the prospect of reform." Drugs and Alcohol Today 19, no. 3 (August 21, 2019): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/dat-04-2019-0014.
Full textAbstract:
Purpose In two separate sections the authors summarise the observations, use the insights to reflect on some of the propositions made in the book, and follow the appeal of one of the authors to civil society and academics to “help governments out of the drug policy dilemma that is now facing them”. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach The genre the authors follow here is ethnography and the material takes the form of reflective field notes. Since each author follows a particular set of interests the authors split the paper into two sections. There are no strong conclusions, safe that the concerns about the international drug control system were fully borne out by events on the floor. Findings The role of CSOs is critical in moving the process forward – but countries are likely to drift apart as the policy differences are becoming inrreconcilable. Research limitations/implications It is imperative to develop new models of cooperation in the management of psychactive substances. Practical implications This is in recognition that at national level just as much as at Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) and UN General Assembly Special Session the increased involvement of CSOs has been pivotal in shifting focus towards public health and human rights. This in turn has encouraged some nations to do the same in their domestic policies – and to stand up and say so in CND meetings. Social implications More involvement of academics and editorial teams in the design of sustainable policies and practices. Originality/value In a critical report on the CND the authors challenge the viability of the international drug control regime in view of the emerging differences between different member states. This is the first attempt in the drug policy literature to assess the durability of the drug control regime as it is faced by the fast paced transformation of cannabis into a recognised medicine and regulated recreational substance. If the appearance of agreement is maintained this is entirely for diplomatic reasons and organisational benefit. In reality, the system is breaking apart and new methods for regulating drugs are emerging.
34
M Ikram, Khan Bajauri, Riaz Sadia, and Rasheed Sabeeha. "Role of Civil Society Organizations in FATA Education." Global Social Sciences Review I, no. I (June 30, 2016): 39–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2016(i-i).03.
Full textAbstract:
Soon after 9/11, the advent of Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) in FATA remained focus of discussion among different scholars and stakeholders at different forums. CSOs are considered the messengers of peace and education. These organizations are getting funds from various sources, UN at their top, and invest in the targeted area(s) for the purpose of enhancing the education of a locality. The debate bifurcates CSOs between real objectives persuading and fabricated objectives persuading. Not only those CSOs who are purely working for education but all CSOs are part of this struggle directly or indirectly. This research is focusing on the programs of the CSOs running in FATA and their direct or indirect impact on the education system of the region. The Methodology used for this research is qualitative, comprising direct in-depth interviews and FGDs with students, local population and other stakeholders.
35
Lindellee, Jayeon, and Roberto Scaramuzzino. "Can EU Civil Society Elites Burst the Brussels Bubble? Civil Society Leaders’ Career Trajectories." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (September 4, 2020): 86–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2995.
Full textAbstract:
The Brussels-based civil society organizations (CSOs) have been conceived by the EU to act as a bridge between the bureaucratic elites and the citizens of Europe. The institutionalized presence of the major EU-based CSOs has, however, called their legitimacy into question, as exemplified by notions such as ‘revolving doors’ implying homogeneous social, educational, and professional backgrounds shared by both EU officials and CSO leaders. This article therefore asks the following questions: To what extent do the leaders of EU-based CSOs merely reproduce the types of capital that mirror those of the political elites in the so-called ‘Brussels bubble’? To what extent do the CSO leaders bring in other sets of capital and forms of recognition that are independent of the Brussels game? How can we explain differences in the salience of EU capital found across policy areas, types of leadership positions, and types of organizations? Empirically, this article qualitatively analyzes the career trajectories of 17 leaders of EU-based peak CSOs that are active in social and environmental policy areas. Despite the highly integrated and institutionalized characteristics shared by all organizations, we find diversity in the composition of the leaders in terms of the extent to which their career trajectories are embedded in the EU arena.
36
Abdel-Samad, Mounah. "Legislators’ Need for Civil Society Expertise: Tunisian Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Opportunity." Nonprofit Policy Forum 8, no. 3 (December 20, 2017): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2016-0027.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThe primacy of the Tunisian revolution and the country’s successful democratic transition (Stepan 2012, “Tunisia’s Transition and the Twin Tolerations.”Journal of Democracy23:89–103) make Tunisia an exemplar for analyzing legislators’ demand for advocacy by civil society organizations or CSOs. Several researchers (Cavatorta 2012, “Arab Spring: The Awakening of Civil Society. A General Overview.”http://www.iemed.org/observatori-es/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Cavatorta_en.pdf, Benoit 2011, “The Counter-Power of Civil Society and the Emergence of a New Political Imaginary in the Arab World.”Constellations: an International Journal of Critical and Democratic Theory18:271–283. doi:10.1111/j.1467-8675.2011.00650.x, Kubba 2000, “Arabs and Democracy: The Awakening of Civil Society.”Journal of Democracy11:84–90) have explored the role of Tunisian civil society in the democratic transition; however, no study examined legislators’ demand for CSOs’ legislative advocacy in Tunisia. By exploring factors influencing legislators and their demand and need for legislative advocacy, this study sheds light on the inner works of policy makers and ways to influence them. This study finds that, contrary to the idea that governments in developing countries do not want civil society participation in politics, Tunisian legislators are open to and eager for legislative advocacy. Based on 40 survey conducted face to face with Tunisian legislators in the National Constituent Assembly, and archival analysis of the National Constituents Assembly sessions’ minutes from 2011 until 2014, this study finds that Tunisian legislators have a high level of trust in CSOs, want their expertise, and are influenced by them when voting in parliament. These results have several potential impacts on understanding of the relationship between CSOs and government and more specifically legislature.
37
Puljek-Shank, Randall, and Willemijn Verkoren. "Civil society in a divided society: Linking legitimacy and ethnicness of civil society organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina." Cooperation and Conflict 52, no. 2 (October 24, 2016): 184–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836716673088.
Full textAbstract:
Civil society (CS) strengthening is central to peacebuilding policies for divided, post-war societies. However, it has been criticized for creating internationalized organizations without local backing, unable to represent citizens’ interests. Based on in-depth empirical research in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this article focuses on the legitimacy of CS organizations (CSOs). It explores why legitimacy for donors rarely accompanies legitimacy for local actors. We hypothesized that whilst donors avoid supporting mono-ethnic organizations, seen as problematic for peacebuilding, ‘ethnicness’ may provide local legitimacy. However, our analysis of CSOs’ ethnicness nuances research characterizing organizations as either inclusive or divisive. Moreover, local legitimacy is not based on ethnicness per se, but CSOs’ ability to skilfully interact with ethnically divided constituencies and political structures. In addition, we offer novel explanations why few organizations enjoy both donor and local legitimacy, including local mistrust of donors’ normative frameworks and perceived lack of results. However, we also show that a combination of local and donor legitimacy is possible, and explore this rare but interesting category of organizations.
38
Dessie, Mulunesh, and Marijke Breuning. "Building Civil Society? An Assessment of the new Ethiopian Civil Society Law and Its Promise for Promoting Democracy." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 5 (August 2021): 1079–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00219096211015321.
Full textAbstract:
A key part of Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s effort to promote the development of civil society is a new law, proclamation 1113/2019, which significantly expands the allowed activities of civil society organizations (CSOs) – especially in comparison to the earlier 2009 law. We examine the genesis of the new law, which was promulgated after the wave of protests in 2016–2019, as well as its impact on the ability of CSOs to work on advocacy of human rights and democracy promotion. The article concludes with an assessment of the new law’s role in the possible expansion of the development of CSOs in the country.
39
Bowen, Glenn A. "Caribbean Civil Society: Development Role and Policy Implications." Nonprofit Policy Forum 4, no. 1 (July 6, 2013): 81–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2012-0013.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractCivil society organizations (CSOs) in Caribbean countries have performed social service delivery and program implementation roles for many years. Using survey, interview, and document review techniques, this cross-national study explored the potential role of nonprofit, nongovernmental, and community-based organizations in regional integration and development. The study has found that Caribbean CSOs perform functions primarily in four areas – social services, community building, local economic development, and sustainable development – while aspiring to carry out more substantial development functions. Their role in development could encompass development planning, public-policy formulation, economic development promotion, and program/project implementation and evaluation. In this article, issues affecting the effectiveness of CSOs are identified and a remedial approach is recommended. The policy implications of a development role for the region’s CSOs are discussed.
40
Kotzian, Peter, and Jens Steffek. "Do members make a difference? A study of Transnational Civil Society Organizations." European Political Science Review 5, no. 1 (February 3, 2012): 55–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175577391200001x.
Full textAbstract:
Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) play an active role in European and global governance, and many commentators see them as a link that connects the international level with citizens. But not all CSOs active at the international level do have a substantial number of members. The question we investigate in this article is to what extent membership distinguishes these CSOs from other transnational actors. To what extent do member and non-member CSOs differ in their roles and activities? Is it plausible to argue, as it quite often happens, that CSOs with members are more legitimate than others? On the basis of a survey of 60 exemplary CSOs we find that membership CSOs neither differ substantially from non-member CSOs in their political behavior, nor do they differ in important aspects of legitimacy, such as transparency or efforts to include beneficiaries.
41
Meyer, Michael, Reinhard Millner, Astrid Pennerstorfer, and Peter Vandor. "Partnership in Times of COVID-19: Government and Civil Society in Austria." Nonprofit Policy Forum 12, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2020-0052.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract How did the relation between Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) and government develop during the first months of the COVID-19 pandemic, once governments had taken restrictive measures to lock down economic and public life? Austria is used as an example of a corporatist welfare state whereby collaboration between government and CSOs occurs particularly in the fields of social services, health-care, and youth. Our analysis focuses on the social service sector and differentiates between several social policy fields. We hereby analyze data from qualitative interviews with CEOs from 30 CSOs, four group discussions with another 30 representatives of CSOs, public agencies and authorities, and from a standardized questionnaire (n = 99 CSOs). We also utilize our own experiences as participant observers in meetings between CSOs and government. Results indicate that CSOs suffered financially partly due to a decrease in income, though mostly due to an increase in cost. In social services in particular, they also faced hardships caused by the need to reorganize operations and human resources, and by the increased demands of customers. Federal government took responsibility for supporting CSOs financially, though such support was hampered by unclear competencies in Austria’s multilayered federal system.
42
Sailo, Lalhruaitluangi. "COVID-19 and Governance in Mizoram: Issues and Challenges." International Journal of Research and Review 8, no. 8 (August 26, 2021): 673–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.52403/ijrr.20210889.
Full textAbstract:
Background: The phenomenon of COVID-19 has remained a mystery to mankind. It is not just about the disease but has also multiple ripple effects on every aspect of life. It has completely changed the course of living in a short period. The entry of Covid-19 has taken a heavy toll on human beings in particular and on every government and institution in general. Hence, for the survival and safeguard of the human race, various governments came up with protocols and measures against the spread of Covid19. Apparently, lockdown is one of the strategies widely adopted by the governments as a means to overcome the Covid-19 issue. Although, being under the same umbrella, there are countries that are worst affected by Covid-19 while some countries do not face as much. No doubt that the virus has reached every nook and corner of the globe, as a matter of fact Mizoram which is situated at the corner of most of North-East India has also been under the distress of Covid-19 Aim: The study examined and understand governance on Covid19 in Mizoram. It stresses how the government and various organizations had given efforts in this situation and how the policy being adopted by them has had an impact on the people so far. It also emphasises the issues and challenges of governance policy on Covid-19 for further references. Methods and Materials: The study was descriptive while data is collected from both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources was based on empirical analysis and questionnaire collected through online survey method while secondary sources include articles, journals, newspapers and internet. Findings are based on an online survey method that was conducted with a sample size of 500 and the universe of the study is Aizawl, Mizoram. Results: Findings of the study have suggested that there is a lack of efficiency in carrying out the governance policy on COVID-19. Although, studies have shown that the setting up of Task Force initiated by the government and their contribution and involvement in the governance is considered remarkable. Conclusion: After all, COVID-19 is assumed to exist long enough along with human beings, therefore, for the survival of an individual, one needs to work and function daily. Thus, by keeping that in mind, Mizoram in particular where the economy is weak and not self-sufficient, the State government and official experts have to adopt new methods and strategies besides “lockdown” for the well-being of the people. Keywords: COVID-19, Lockdown, Government, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs), Task Force, Governance, Standard Operating Procedure (SOP)
43
YE, Chao, and Jennifer Onyx. "Development Paths, Problems and Countermeasures of Chinese Civil Society Organizations." Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 7, no. 2 (August 14, 2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/ccs.v7i2.4350.
Full textAbstract:
Although the process of reform and opening-up accelerates continually in China, the speed of development for Chinese Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) is still slow; most organizations still operate under the government shadow and it is very difficult to cut relations with government. The autonomy of Chinese CSOs, to a large extent, is affected by the constraints from government. Overall, Chinese CSOs are still in their infancy, and they need to be further perfected and developed. The aim of this paper is to present a review of the field, with issues and promise identified. Specifically, the paper focuses on the internal management of these organizations and their existing problems in the development process, and some potential solutions for CSOs’ future development.
44
Lorayna, Kent John A., and Merlita V. Caelian. "Civil Society Organization Participation in Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program Implementation." Philippine Social Science Journal 3, no. 1 (June 22, 2020): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.52006/main.v3i1.121.
Full textAbstract:
Civil society organizations (CSOs) have been at the forefront of advocating agrarian reform principles that engender hope for rural development and nation-building. This study assessed the extent of participation of CSOs and the implementation of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) in the areas of claim folder (CF) documentation, land survey activities, and Certificate of Land Ownership Award (CLOA) distribution and installation. This descriptive-comparative and correlational research used a researcher-made survey questionnaire administered to randomly selected implementers, key leaders of CSOs, and farmer-beneficiaries. Using descriptive and inferential analyses, the study yielded a great extent result for both participation and implementation of CARP. A significant difference was found in the areas of assessment for both participation and implementation. Also, there is a significant relationship between participation of CSOs and implementation of CARP. The study recommends strengthening tripartism initiatives in the implementation of the program.
45
Hochstetler, Kathryn, and Elisabeth Jay Friedman. "Can Civil Society Organizations Solve the Crisis of Partisan Representation in Latin America?" Latin American Politics and Society 50, no. 02 (2008): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2008.00011.x.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractThis article takes up the question of whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can and do act as mechanisms of representation in times of party crisis. It looks at recent representation practices in Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, three countries where political parties have experienced sharp crises after several decades of mixed reviews for their party systems. At such moments, any replacement of parties by CSOs should be especially apparent. This study concludes that the degree of crisis determines the extent that CSOs' representative functions replace partisan representation, at least in the short term. Where systems show signs of re-equilibration, CSOs offer alternative mechanisms through which citizens can influence political outcomes without seeking to replace parties. Where crisis is profound, CSOs claim some of the basic party functions but do not necessarily solve the problems of partisan representation.
46
Warshawsky, Daniel N. "The Perpetual Uncertainty of Civil Society: Case Study of an Anti-Hunger Organization in South Africa." Nonprofit Policy Forum 6, no. 1 (April 1, 2015): 91–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/npf-2013-0006.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractSouth Africa has one of the most active civil societies in the world, with more than 85,000 registered civil society organizations (CSOs). However, the growth of CSOs in post-apartheid South Africa does not necessarily imply that the sector is strong. While it is true that the demise of the apartheid regime increased democratic representation within South Africa, CSOs have experienced a series of institutional challenges which have weakened their organizational stability. This has included increased oversight by the state, inefficient and inconsistent funding from government, fickle demands by private donors, and competition from other sectors. Through an in-depth case study of a historically prominent CSO in South Africa, this paper critically analyzes the institutional challenges faced by CSOs in South Africa. Data findings suggest that lack of long-term funding support, ineffective state funding mechanisms, and competition from state programs and new CSOs have resulted in perpetual uncertainty for some CSOs. In all, these institutional problems may have the potential to shrink, destabilize, and limit the viability of South African CSOs. Moreover, this suggests that South African democratization may have simultaneously produced new opportunities for some CSOs, yet reinforced unequal power relations for other CSOs and thus produced a highly polarized CSO landscape.
47
Beaumont, Stephen John. "PUBLIC FUNDING OF CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATIONS IN LATIN AMERICA: HOW DO WE EVALUATE PROFITABILITY?" CBU International Conference Proceedings 4 (September 22, 2016): 399–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.12955/cbup.v4.786.
Full textAbstract:
For Latin American states, it is common practice to channel public funds to Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) to meet various social needs. However, the impact of this investment is not well understood. There is a need for a deeper knowledge of the issues, such as the components that are being financed and how CSOs use the resources. Also, a better understanding of the impact on the individual beneficiaries of the CSOs is necessary. These issues need resolving to move towards optimizing the use of State resources for the common benefit of society. The main hypothesis of this study is that, although the State generally invests a large amount of funding into CSOs, this funding is inefficiently distributed. A more efficient State funding for CSOs, in terms of positive social impact, would make these organizations more socially profitable.
48
Syal, Reetika, Margit van Wessel, and Sarbeswar Sahoo. "Collaboration, Co-Optation or Navigation? The Role of Civil Society in Disaster Governance in India." VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations 32, no. 4 (March 26, 2021): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11266-021-00344-8.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractExisting research on civil society organizations (CSOs) facing restricted civic space largely focuses on the crackdown on freedoms and CSOs’ strategies to handle these restrictions, often emphasizing impact on their more confrontational public roles. However, many CSOs shape their roles through collaborative relations with government. Drawing on interviews with state agencies and CSOs, this article analyes state–CSO collaboration in the restricted civic space context of disaster risk reduction in India. Findings are that the shaping of CSOs’ roles through collaboration under conditions of restricted civic space is only partly defined by the across-the-board restrictive policies that have been the focus of much existing research on restricted civic space and its implications for CSOs. Interplay at the level of individual state agencies and CSOs, based on mutual perceptions, diverse organization-level considerations and actions, and evolving relations, shape who collaborates with whom and to what effect. This article thus stresses interplay and agency, moving away from simple understandings of co-optation, and calling for a more differentiated approach to the study of state–civil society collaboration under conditions of restricted civic space, with close attention to navigation.
49
Agarin, Timofey. "Civil society versus nationalizing state? Advocacy of minority rights in the post-socialist Baltic states." Nationalities Papers 39, no. 2 (March 2011): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2010.549471.
Full textAbstract:
Strong civil society provides individuals with arenas to bring their interests to the attention of policymakers. In so doing, civil society organizations (CSOs) can support state policies, but can also criticize policies. This paper argues that most minority rights advocacy CSOs in the Baltic states have little say in the crafting of policy and are compartmentalized into the existing agendas, with only a few groups able to evaluate policies independently. It concludes that the Baltic civil society is weak because the CSOs working on minority issues ask policymakers either too much, or too little. The findings suggest that policymakers quell criticism of their work from the side of the CSOs by ignoring their activities. Alternatively, by funding the CSO that shores up the state agenda, policymakers delegate their responsibilities to civic actors, keep critical voices from public debates and claim that their policies have the full support of a vibrant civil society. This paper investigates the options available for civil society actors to relate to policymakers in a nationalizing state by drawing on the data collected in 77 semi-structured interviews with the CSOs working with Russian and Polish minorities in the Baltic states between 2006 and 2009.
50
Sahu, Skylab. "Health Movement and Civil Society Activism: An Interface of Overlap and Exclusion." Studies in Indian Politics 4, no. 2 (November 8, 2016): 206–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023016665531.
Full textAbstract:
Of late, the human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency syndrome (HIV/AIDS) has become a cause of concern for both the state and the non-state actors. The activism led by civil society on HIV/AIDS and health movements espouses the health needs and rights of HIV positive people. While playing politically active role, at times civil society organizations (CSOs) support health movements, and their activities overlap. Although these groups are different in nature, structure and strategies, there are some commonalities among them. This article discusses the opportunities for coalition between CSOs and health movement, and also analyzes problems that lead to exclusion. The joint efforts of movements and CSOs have influenced the policy formulation and implementation towards ensuring rights of HIV positive people. There are several conducive factors towards building a strong network between CSOs and health movement. However, due to limitations associated with their activities, a strong coalition has not been possible resulting in a lack of a strong social movement.