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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.
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This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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De, Simone Carolina. "Italy and the community of Sant'Egidio in the 1990s : 'coopetition' in post-Cold War Italian foreign policy?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3623/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore a specific feature of post-Cold War Italian foreign policy, throwing light from a perspective blending Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and other International Relations (IR) insights, on the interactions occurred in the 1990s between the Italian state institutions and the Community of Sant’Egidio (CSE), a Catholic lay organisation, one of the most influential non-governmental organisations (NGOs) based in Italy, with a remarkable level of international activity. Firstly, this work offers a detailed account of the Italian “Foreign Policy Community” (Santoro 1991; Hilsman 1967 and 1993) and of the Community of Sant’Egidio, taking into consideration the international and domestic changes occurred after the demise of the Cold War, in order to understand where foreign policy governmental actors and a non state actor (NSA) such as Sant’Egidio fit within the bigger picture of the foreign policy process in Italy. This mapping exercise demonstrates that the country’s foreign policy setting is rather fragmented, featuring a) centres of power and influence scattered along different “rings”, according to the different issues and subpolicies at stake, on a case-by-case basis; and b) an institutional “inner ring” with a relatively high number of “access points” for external actors, i.e. a proactive NGO such as Sant'Egidio, which is located in the “second ring”. Secondly, after identifying slowly emerging “policy subsystems” (Verbeek and van Ufford 2001) in the specific foreign policy subfields of a) preventive diplomacy/crisis management and b) peace-making, in which the Italian governmental foreign policy machinery and the Community are among the extremely small number of actors playing a role and enjoying a certain degree of policy autonomy, this thesis focuses on these two foreign policy areas, in order to try to understand how relations unfolded between the two actors in the cases of the Algerian crisis of 1994-1998 and of the Mozambican peace process of 1990-1992. The examination of these events has showed both competitive (even conflicting) and cooperative relations, respectively on the Algerian dossier and in the Mozambican case. This thesis argues therefore that “coopetition”, a concept borrowed from literature on regulatory theory, and defined as “a flexible mix of competition and cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors” (Esty and Geradin 2000), is – with some modifications – possibly the most accurate definition to capture the nature of interactions analysed.
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Napolitano, Paul. "International football and international relations football as foreign policy between Italy and England, 1933, 1934, 1939 /." Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23243.
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Tollardo, Elisabetta. "Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
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SANCHEZ, CAMACHO Alberto. "'Up and down' : Genoese financiers and their relational capital in the early reign of Philip II." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69995.
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Defence date: 26 January 2021Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
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Fronzaglia, Mauricio Loboda. "Políticas pública internacionais = o caso do processo de Bolonha." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281027.
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Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira CostaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O estudo do Processo de Bolonha como exemplo de Política Pública Internacional é o objeto dessa tese de doutorado. Tendo suas origens na ação dos Ministros responsáveis pelo ensino superior de 29 Estados europeus, o Processo de Bolonha se caracteriza como uma política pública que tem sua gênese e sua dinâmica de interações constituídas no plano internacional e que tem sua implementação dependente das ações nacionais dos Estados participantes, configurando-se como uma política pública que se desenvolve para além dos limites nacionais do Estado, por isso definida nesse trabalho como uma política pública internacional. A tese se desenvolveu seguindo as diretrizes teóricas e metodológicas da sociologia política da ação pública, concentrando-se na dinâmica de interação (internacional e nacional) de três dos seus principais atores: os Ministros responsáveis pelo ensino superior, as universidades e os estudantes (através das ações das suas entidades representativas européias, respectivamente a EUA - European University Association e a ESU - European Students' Union) de forma a demonstrar que o desenvolvimento do Processo de Bolonha é o resultado de interações constantes dos seus atores
Abstract: The purpose of this Ph.D dissertation is to study the Bologna Process, which can be considered an example of International Public Policy. This dissertation has been developed according to the theory and methods of sociological politics of public action. It focused the national and international interaction dynamics of the three main actors: the ministers of higher level education, the universities and the students (by the actions of their representative organizations: European University Association and European Students Union). The Bologna Process was created by the actions from the ministers of higher level education among 29 European countries. This process can be considered as an example of international public policy because its foundation and its dynamics are crossing borders but it relies on national level in order to apply the policies. This dissertation shows that the Bologna Process is a result from the regular interaction from its actors
Doutorado
Relações Internacionais
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Heurtebize, Frédéric. "L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.
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Principalement représentée par les partis communistes italien et français, quoiqu'à des degrés divers, la mouvance eurocommuniste entendait mettre en œuvre un socialisme compatible avec le système politique occidental. Cette volonté se traduisait par un engagement en faveur des libertés et du pluralisme politique, par une prise de distance avec le modèle soviétique et par la volonté de former des alliances. En 1972, en France, socialistes et communistes scellent l’Union de la gauche tandis qu’en Italie, en 1973, le PC appelle à un compromis historique avec la Démocratie chrétienne. Quoique différente à maints égards, la situation dans les deux pays fait renaître outre-Atlantique une crainte qu’on croyait écartée : l’arrivée au pouvoir de PC en Europe de l’Ouest. Cette étude s’attache à examiner l’attitude des États-Unis – notamment l’exécutif et son appareil diplomatique – face à cette menace. La période à l’étude (1974-81) couvre l’émergence, l’apogée et le déclin de l’eurocommunisme et correspond aux présidences Ford (1974-77) et Carter (1977-81). Cette thèse se fonde principalement sur l’examen des archives américaines (présidence, département d’État et CIA) ainsi que sur de nombreux entretiens. L’administration Ford, et Henry Kissinger en particulier, se montra plus inquiète que l’administration Carter. Par ailleurs, quels que furent les dirigeants au pouvoir, la situation italienne suscita plus de craintes que la situation française, à tel point que, sous Carter, le Parti socialiste jouit d’un capital de sympathie élevé au sein de l’administration. Cette étude souligne aussi des différences significatives d’appréciations entre l’exécutif, d’un côté, et les ambassades, les différents services d’analyse et de renseignement américains de l’autre. Pour ces derniers, la participation de ministres communistes dans des gouvernements d’Europe occidentale eût certes causé de réelles difficultés, mais des difficultés surmontablesEurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power
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Passos, Rogério Duarte Fernandes dos. "Espaço europeu de ensino superior e a questão da cidadania europeia." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/330303.
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Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar PereiraTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O trabalho discute a relação da constituição da cidadania europeia com o auxílio da universidade, em particular por meio do estabelecimento da União Europeia e da criação do Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior. Em assim sendo, após resgate histórico do Processo de Bolonha ¿ que no ano de 2010 conformou o Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior ¿, supõe-se a universidade europeia como locus de contribuição para a cidadania europeia, trazida à tona pelo Tratado de Maastricht de 1992. Tem-se, por conseguinte, a universidade como espaço para acréscimo ao conteúdo da cidadania, não ficando o conceito alicerçado exclusivamente no Estado nacional como a sua unidade básica, uma vez que se identifica a proposta de realizá-la, igualmente, nos campos do saber e da cultura. Para tanto, da mesma forma colhe-se os elementos de uma trajetória de grande atualidade para o contexto político e educacional, apta a visualizar uma Europa não apenas fincada nas questões econômicas, mas, por conseguinte, nas morais e culturais, representando eixo de orientação ao caminho trilhado pelo Processo de Bolonha em direção a valores caros aos seres humanos, tendo a educação superior e as universidades enquanto panos de fundo e como portadoras de uma missão e de uma responsabilidade, no bojo de um itinerário em que elas mesmas podem se proporcionar no contexto de reforma uma autorreflexão e reposicionamento em face das questões do momento contemporâneo
Abstract: The work discusses the relationship of the constitution of European citizenship with the help of the university, specifically through the establishment of the European Union and the creation of the European Higher Education Area. That being so, after historic rescue of the Bologna Process ¿ who in 2010 resigned the European Higher Education Area ¿, it is assumed that the European university as a locus of contribution for European citizenship, brought out by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. There is, therefore, the university as a space to increase the content of citizenship, not getting the concept rooted exclusively in the national state as its basic unit, since it identifies the proposal to do it also in the fields knowledge and culture. Therefore, in the same way draw in the elements of a great current trajectory for political and educational context, able to see a Europe not just stuck on economic issues, but therefore the moral and cultural, representing orientation axis the path taken by the Bologna Process towards values cherished by humans, with higher education and universities as backdrops and as having a mission and a responsibility, in the midst of a journey in which they themselves can provide in the context of reform one self-reflection and repositioning in view of the question of the contemporary moment
Doutorado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Doutor em Educação
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Turiano, Annalaura. "De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.
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En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en ÉgypteIn 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt
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Grau, i. Segú Martí. "Relat històric i multilateralisme: la construcció de l'espai euromediterrani, 1995-2012." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/285607.
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La present recerca estudia l'ús d'analogies històriques en els discursos dels màxims responsables de la política exterior de França, Espanya i Itàlia per a defensar l'existència i evolució d'un marc multilateral euromediterrani a partir de la Declaració de Barcelona el 1995. Malgrat l'aparença continuista i formulària d'aquestes referències al passat, el seu significat varia amb els interessos de l'agenda política. L'evolució es produeix enmig de la contradicció insoluble de presentar la Mediterrània com el locus fundacional de la civilització -com a una regió, per tant, capaç de regenerar el món amb el seu exemple- i al mateix temps observar la història mediterrània com a fonamentalment marcada pel conflicte entre grans blocs culturals. Les pròpies bases del discurs feien difícil, doncs, que els representants polítics poguessin proporcionar fonaments històrics als objectius declarats d'inclusió cultural i cohesió regional. L'anàlisi revela, en canvi, com el relat històric preparà la progressiva desaparició del diàleg polític a la regió, propiciant el decandiment del propi marc multilateral poc després d'haver entrat en contacte amb la nova realitat de la primavera àrab.This research looks at the use of historical analogies concerning the Mediterranean in the political speeches of top foreign-policy decision-makers in France, Spain and Italy since the Barcelona Declaration of 1995. In spite of the consistent and formulaic appearance of such references to the past, their meaning shifted as political interests changed. This evolution took place in the midst of an unsolvable contradiction. While political leaders have largely presented the Mediterranean as the birthplace of civilization, and as such, as a region capable of regenerating the world by example, at the same time, conflict between cultural blocs has been perceived as the defining feature of Mediterranean history. The very basis of discourse, then, made it difficult for leaders to provide a historical ground for the stated political goals of cultural inclusiveness and regional cohesion. Analysis reveals, on the contrary, that historical narrative contributed to a progressive withdrawal of political dialogue, which ultimately entailed the waning of the multilateral framework itself as the Arab Spring unfolded.
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KLINGER, William. "Negotiating the nation : Fiume, from autonomism to state making (1848-1924)." Doctoral thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10434.
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Defence date: 23 November 2007Examining Board: Prof. Raffaele Romanelli, La Sapienza University, Rome ; Prof. Marina Cattaruzza, University of Bern ; Prof. Drago Roksandić, University of Zagred ; Prof. Heinz Gerhard Haupt, EUI-HEC
This thesis is made available in Open Access in October 2018 as requested and wanted by the family of the author who tragically was killed on 31 January 2015. It is his family’s desire that the author’s research is open and available to all.
no abstract available
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GÖHDE, Ferdinand Nicolas. "Foreign soldiers in the risorgimento and anti-risorgimento : a transnational military history of Germans in the Italian armed groups, 1834-1870." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/33052.
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Defence date: 3 October 2014Examining Board: Professor Heinz-Gerhard Haupt, supervisor (European University Institute); Professor Lucy Riall (European University Institute); Professor Catherine Brice (Université Paris-Est Créteil); Professor Oliver Janz (Freie Universität Berlin).
This thesis compares the motives, experiences and practices of Germans in the Papal, Bourbon and Garibaldian armed groups. It shows how solidarity was, on all political sides, increasingly conceptualized as an act by and between nations and argues that political mobilization did not necessarily directly inform the single enlistment. Recruitment activities not only combined mercenary traditions with new forms of communication and association, but they also overlapped, leading many to change between armed groups. The study provides the first in-depth statistical analysis of these Germans based on soldiers’ registers, contextualizing it with transnational soldiering across Europe; not only did Germans stay in the regular armies for quite long periods, but previous and later enlistments in other armies were common - this also holds true for the "German" Garibaldians. Examining hitherto neglected economic incentives, the study demonstrates the plurality of political, cultural, economic and professional motives of single soldiers, thus blurring the lines of the opposition between the militarily inexperienced political war volunteer and the mercenary that is so central to the polemics of the time and "new Risorgimento historiography". Based on legal sources and soldiers’ reports, the study analyses the every-day life of Germans in the Italian armed groups in terms of a culturally revived "new military history", and is particularly attentive to issues of masculinity. The different institutional contexts the Germans were placed in - e.g. foreigners’ corps, ministries - informed differing experiences. In contrast to the multi-national make-up of many corps, imagery of national grouping progressively superseded formal military structures, resulting in continuous comparisons of corps and nationalities and increases in "nationalizing" experiences. This goes counter to the image of foreign commitment in Italy as a cosmopolitan experience and an a priori positive understanding of the "transnational". Hence, the role of foreign soldiers was crucial for the "military" Risorgimento and "revirilization".
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SRETENOVIC, Stanislav. "La France et le nouveau Royaume des Serbes, Croates et Slovènes (1918-1929) : des relations inter-étatiques inégales." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5983.
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Defence date: 27 January 2006Examining board: Prof. Arfon Rees, Supervisor ; Prof. Laurence Fontaine (IUE) ; Prof. Robert Frank (Université de Paris I) ; Prof. Marta Petricioli (Università di Firenze)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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DEL, HIERRO Pablo. "Beyond bilateralism : Spanish-Italian relations and the influence of the major powers, 1943-1957." Doctoral thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/18398.
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Defence date: 16 June 2011Examining Board: Prof. Kiran Klaus Patel (EUI, Supervisor); Prof. Federico Romero (EUI); Prof. Fernando Guirao (University Pompeu Fabra); Prof. Andrew Rotter (Colgate University)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The aim of this work is to study Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations in the period 1943-1957. However, and in spite of the fact that the question of Spanish-Italian diplomatic relations between 1943 and 1957 will remain at the heart of this research, this is not merely a history of bilateral relations. In fact, the present work contends that this bilateral relationship cannot be studied in isolation and that a broader context is key, in order to obtain a full understanding of it. In this way, this research will also focus on how these two countries responded to the challenges of the post-war period, and how they struggled to pursue a more independent foreign policy with respect to the major powers. Hence, it is clearly important to analyse the degree of influence which Great Britain first and the United States afterwards exerted both in Spain and Italy and over their relations. The role of France will also be scrutinised, although it will be under a different light, since France did not possess the material capabilities to display a hegemonic policy in Western Europe after 1943. However, the French role in Spanish- Italian relations cannot be ignored either, especially after 1950 when the diplomats at the ‘Quai D’Orsay’ began to intervene more actively in the affairs of the two neighbouring states. Therefore, this research will also address the question of how much room for manoeuvre the Spanish and the Italian Governments really had in the diplomatic field. By accomplishing these objectives, the present research will enrich the existing field of scholarship of both the Spanish and Italian foreign policies after the Second World War and, at the same time, it will contribute to obtaining a better understanding of international relations in Western Europe during the post-war period and, especially the role of the major powers.
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REINHARDT, Nicole. "Macht und Ohnmacht der Verflechtung: Rom und Bologna unter Paul Y :Studien zur fruehneuzeitlichen Mikropolitik im Kirchenstaat." Doctoral thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5955.
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Defence date: 31 May 1997Examining board: Prof. Dr. Miroslav Hroc, EUI ; Prof. Dr. Michael Müller, Halle (supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Paolo Prodi, Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico Trento ; Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Reinhard, Freiburg (external supervisor) ; Prof. Dr. Luise Schorn-Schütte, Potsdam
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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MERCAN, Fatma Özden. "In the shadow of rivalry and intrigues : diplomatic relations of Genoa and Florence with the Ottoman Empire during the Sixteenth-century." Doctoral thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/46625.
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Defence date: 30 May 2017Examining Board: Professor Luca Molà, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Jorge Flores, EUI; Professor Maria Pia Pedani, Università Ca’ Foscari, Venezia; Professor Kate Fleet, University of Cambridge
This dissertation focuses on the relations of Genoa and Florence with the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century, with a specific emphasis on key moments in their diplomatic contacts. Triggered by political and economic factors, both states attempted to restore their relations with the Ottoman Empire in the second half of the sixteenth century. Building largely on Italian archival material and complementing it with Ottoman and European sources, this study reconstructs each diplomatic negotiation process that took place and highlights the complex environment in which they occurred. Although the Genoese and the Florentine diplomatic enterprises took place at different times (the Genoese during the late 1550s and the Florentines in the 1570s and 1590s) and under different circumstances, they followed similar patterns, shared common experiences and were confronted with the same obstacles. Thus one of the main contributions of this study is to examine Genoese and Florentine diplomacy with the Ottoman Empire together, and to present a comprehensive picture of the intricacies of cross-cultural diplomacy in the early modern period, placing specific emphasis on actors, stratagems and exchanges. In so doing, it also sheds light on the dynamics of political configurations and alliances as well as inter-state rivalries, which were shaped by commercial and political interests in the early modern Mediterranean.
Chapter 5 ‘Medici-Ottoman Diplomatic Relations (1573-1580) : What Went Wrong' of the PhD thesis draws upon an earlier version published as chapter 'Medici–Ottoman diplomatic relations (1574-78) : what went wrong?' (2016) in the book ‘The Grand Ducal Medici and the Levant’
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NACCI, Michela. "La barbarie del confort : L'anti-americanismo in Francia e in Italia negli anni trenta." Doctoral thesis, 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5913.
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Defence date: 1 June 1988Examining board: Claude Fohlen ; Luigi Marino ; Pierre Milza ; Paolo Rossi ; Stuart J. Woolf (supervisor)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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SABA, Andrea Filippo. "Industria degli armamenti e politica estera : Il caso italiano (1919-1939)." Doctoral thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/5964.
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Examining board: Prof. Duccio Bigazzi, Università degli Studi di Milano ; Prof. Albert Carreras, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcellona (supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Hertner, Universität Halle (co-supervisor) ; Prof. René Leboutte, Istituto Universitario Europeo ; Prof. Marta Petricioli, Università degli Studi di FirenzeDefence date: 3 October 1995
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017
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WHITLING, Frederick. "The western way : academic diplomacy : foreign academies and the Swedish institute in Rome, 1935-1953." Doctoral thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/14990.
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Defence date: 9 November 2010Examining Board: Prof. Antonella Romano (EUI), Supervisor Prof. Anthony Molho (EUI) Prof. Stephen L. Dyson (University at Buffalo, The State University of New York) Prof. Salvatore Settis (Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa)
First made available online on 14 January 2013.
The focus of this investigation lies on the dynamic of national interests versus international collaboration among the so-called foreign academies in Rome during the immediate post-war period in Italy. This is a study of individual, local and national representation and mentalities, as well as of national scholarly institutions. The study covers the period 1935-1953, and concerns scholarly interaction at five foreign academies in Rome - the Swedish Institute in Rome (SIR), the British School at Rome (BSR), the American Academy in Rome (AAR), the École française de Rome (EFR) and the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut Rom (DAIR) - all representing national academic structures and scholarly paradigms in relation to the study of antiquity and perceptions of common classical heritage and tradition. The investigation attempts to illuminate and contextualise the foreign academies in Rome, and has been inspired by the conspicuous general lack of assessment of the foreign academies beyond national ‘hagiographical’ histories, and by a need for self-reflective evaluation of the academies in historical context.
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Turiano, Anna-Laura. "De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970)." Thesis, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.
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En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en ÉgypteIn 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt