Academic literature on the topic 'Croatia – Foreign relations – Italy'
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Journal articles on the topic "Croatia – Foreign relations – Italy"
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Demeshchuk, Аnatolii. "Relations of the Republic of Croatia with EU Countries (1992-1999)." European Historical Studies, no. 12 (2019): 6–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2019.12.6-27.
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This article considers a development and peculiar properties of relations of the Republic of Croatia with European Union countries from the moment of this state’s international recognition on 15 January 1992 to the first Croatian president Franjo Tudjman’s death on 10 December 1999. The main attention is paid to those Western European countries, that played the most significant role in dealing with the crisis on the territory of former Yugoslavia and that had the most crucial place in Zagreb’s foreign policy during the first decade of Croatian independence: Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, France, Great Britain, Italy, Sweden and Vatican (however, the two last are not EU members). The attitude of these countries towards Croatia’s diplomatic goals during 1990ies and the dynamics of their relations with Croatian government, that weren’t constant, are analyzed in this article. The special attention is focused on the reasons of firm German and Austrian support for Croatia at the very beginning of its independence and their significant humanitarian aid for Croats during the war. From the other hand, there are explained reasons of skeptical and cold French and British position on Croatian question and the role of the history in Italian-Croatian relations after 1990. And, of course, Croatian problems and real obstacles in relations with Western European countries and with prospective of European integration during the presidency of Franjo Tudjman (that were really pessimistic) are also considered in this article. The newest researches of Croatian and other foreign authors on Croatian foreign policy in 1990ies were used for preparing this small research, as well as materials of foreign media, mostly Western and Croatian.
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Štefanac-Nadarević, Vesna, Mihovil Vukelić, and Miroslav Cuculić. "Care for health of foreign tourists in case of medical emergency." Tourism and hospitality management 2, no. 2 (December 30, 1996): 369–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thm.2.2.14.
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The county of Primorje and Gorski kotar is one of the most developed tourist regions in Croatia. The majority of tourists come from the neighbouring countries because of the geographical position of this region and because of good relations that Republic of Croatia has with its neighbours. The objective of our research was to examine health care and morbidity of Austrian, German and Italian tourists who stayed in the Rijeka area from 1987 to 1990 and who asked-for medical help on the basis of insurance certificate-convention. Our research is based on the health and other documentation used by Croatian Institute of Health Insurance for the compensation of the expense of medical treatment. In the examined period the total of 3884 tourists were treated, out of which 400 from Austria (10%), 2796 from Germany (72%) and 688 from Italy (18%). There was 9% of children under the age of 9 and 19% of people over 60. In 519 cases (13%) hospital treatment was needed with the total of 5734 days spent in hospital. The majority of patients needed ambulatory treatment, 3365 (87%). As to morbidity of patients injuries were most represented 868 (22%). To patients who needed help because of chronic diseases of cardiovascular system, of nervous system,of locomotor system and respiratory system belongs 6- 11 %. During the period from 1990 to 1995, 4509 tourists were cured. The results of the research will be shown when the analysis is completed. The results will also be compared with the results of other similar researches. The performed analysis shows that among tourists in our region there is a considerable number of persons who suffer from chronic diseases, and who should be offered a highly professional medical treatment as a part of health - tourism programme, aimed at the prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of a disease.
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Pauluzzo, Rubens. "Foreign Market Entry Strategies in the North-Adriatic Area." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 4, no. 1 (January 2013): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/jissc.2013010101.
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The consolidation of economic and political relations in the North-Adriatic area and their formalization encouraged by the new institutional structures of Euro-regions are phenomena of central relevance to the actual European economic environment. These conditions have a significant influence on the strategic choices of local firms. In spite of the geographical proximity between Italy, Austria, Slovenia, and Croatia, cultural differences still act as important determinants in leading foreign investment strategies. The current study aims at analyzing the role played by cultural distance between the examined countries in affecting entry mode strategies followed by companies of the Italian region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia. In particular, the analysis suggests that a larger cultural distance, together with specific market characteristics, may force companies to choose entry forms with a lower degree of control, while specific firm characteristics may have an opposite impact on the internationalization strategies.
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Slakoper, Zvonimir. "The CISG and Croatian Courts." Business Law Review 40, Issue 4 (August 1, 2019): 170–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/bula2019022.
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SUMMARY The United Nations Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods (hereinafter: the CISG) is undisputedly one of the most important and successful achievements in the global harmonization and unification of the law of contract. Eighty-nine states became parties to the Convention to support this claim which proves this fact (http://www. uncitral.org/uncitral/en/uncitral_texts/sale_goods/ 1980CISG_status.html.). The CISG had been applied by Croatian courts even before 1991, when the Republic of Croatia became the subject of (public) international law, because Croatia was part of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, that ratified the CISG on 27 March 1985 with entering into force on 1 January 1988. After gaining independence, the Republic of Croatia notified its succession and the CISG entered into force in relation to Croatia on 8 October 1991 (Official Journal of the Republic of Croatia, No. 15/98). Without any exaggeration and based on facts, it can be said that the CISG is a particularly important source of sales law for Croatian companies. This conclusion can be derived from the scope of application of the CISG as defined under Article 1, the number of states that had adopted it, and the fact that companies located in the Member States are the most important foreign trade partners of Croatian companies (According to the data of the Croatian State Statistics Bureau, in 2017 Croatian companies were exporting an overwhelming value of goods to Austria, the Czech Republic, France, Italy, Hungary, the Netherlands, Germany, Slovenia, Great Britain, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Russia, Japan and the USA (https://www.dzs.hr/Hrv_ Eng/publication/2017/04-02-01_01_2017.htm). Although not all of them are Member States of the CISG, the applicable law for sales contracts is regularly the law of the state where the seller is located and this leads to the application of the CISG as the source of Croatian law.). This in turn led Croatian legal literature to pay special attention to the CISG, which resulted in numerous papers dedicated to the CISG (For an exhaustive list of papers published in Croatia see Tepeš, Nina: Mehanizam popunjavanja pravnih praznina u Konvenciji Ujedinjenih naroda o ugovorima o meðunarodnoj kupoprodaji i unifikacija prava meðunarodne kupoprodaje (Gap-filling mechanism in United Nations Convention on Contracts for International Sale of Goods and Unification of Law on International Sale of Goods), u Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta u Zagrebu 62, (1–2) (2012), page 670), but also to the application of the CISG by Croatian Courts. Although court disputes are undesirable, the number of disputes where the CISG was applied is proportional to the number of sales contracts to which the CISG has been applied.
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Bakic, Dragan. "Nikola Pasic and the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, 1919-1926." Balcanica, no. 47 (2016): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1647285b.
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This paper looks at Nikola Pasic?s views of and contribution to the foreign policy of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS/Yugoslavia after1929) during the latest phase of his political career, a subject that has been neglected by historians. His activities in this field are divided into two periods - during the Paris Peace Conference where he was the head of the SCS Kingdom?s delegation and after 1921 when he became Prime Minister, who also served as his own Foreign Minister. During the peace conference, Pasic held strong views on all the major problems that faced his delegation, particularly the troubled delimitation with Italy in the Adriatic. In early 1920, he alone favoured the acceptance of the so-called Lloyd George-Clemenceau ultimatum, believing that the time was working against the SCS Kingdom. The Rapallo Treaty with Italy late that year proved him right. Upon taking the reins of government, Pasic was energetic in opposing the two restoration attempts of Karl Habsburg in Hungary and persistent in trying to obtain northern parts of the still unsettled Albania. In time, his hold on foreign policy was weakening, as King Alexander asserted his influence, especially through the agency of Momcilo Nincic, Foreign Minister after January 1922. Pasic was tougher that King and Nincic in the negotiations with Mussolini for the final settlement of the status of the Adriatic town of Fiume and the parallel conclusion of the 27 January 1924 friendship treaty (the Pact of Rome). Since domestic politics absorbed much of his time and energy, the old Prime Minister was later even less visible in foreign policy. He was forced to resign in April 1926 on account of his son?s corruption scandal shortly before the final break-down of relations with Italy.
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ČOVIĆ, PAULINA. "FOREIGN STUDENTS AT THE UNIVERSITY OF BELGRADE AND THEIR INTEREST IN THE HISTORY OF SOUTH SLAVS (1923–1941)." ISTRAŽIVANJA, Јournal of Historical Researches, no. 30 (December 25, 2019): 197–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.19090/i.2019.30.197-216.
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The paper examines the schooling of foreign students, holders of the scholarships awarded by the Ministry of Education of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia, at the University of Belgrade between the two World Wars. The first competitions were opened mid 1920s, with those countries which aided the schooling of Yugoslav students at their respective universities being eligible to apply. During the 1930s student exchange continued, in an apparently more extensive and organized manner, only to be extended at the end of the period under review to include countries with which the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, in accordance with the change of foreign policy orientation, established close political and economic relations. Thus, in the beginning, students from France, Great Britain, Czechoslovakia and Poland came to study in Belgrade, whereas, during the years before World War II, students also came from Turkey, Germany and Italy. Scholarship holders most often worked on developing their knowledge of Serbo-Croatian-Slovenian, studied literature and Yugoslav culture in general. Many of them chose to study history, whether as part of their undergraduate or specialist studies. They are the particular focus of this study. The paper is based on unpublished archival sources, periodicals and relevant historiographic literature.
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Zametica, Jovan. "Sir Austen Chamberlain and the Italo-Yugoslav crisis over Albania February - May 1927." Balcanica, no. 36 (2005): 203–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0536203z.
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In the Spring of 1927 a major European crisis was developing in the Balkans It concerned the rivalry between Mussolini?s Italy and the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes over Albania in which, though a small and backward country, both Rome and Belgrade claimed to have legitimate political and security interests. At the time, the Italo-Yugoslav crisis was seen by many observers as containing the potential of turning into a war the Italian government in particular insisting that Belgrade was engaged in military preparations in order to launch an invasion of Albania. An important factor that made the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry over Albania possible in the first place was the country?s perennial political instability. Thus the crisis attracted considerable attention in Europe. Given the fact that France and Italy experienced strained relations, and that the Weimar Germany had only recently returned to the mainstream of the affairs of Europe following the treaties of Locarno, it was Great Britain that emerged as the chief player in attempts to defuse the emergency. Historians have paid relatively little attention to this, by now largely forgotten, episode in the diplomatic history of interwar Europe. The existing literature, however mistakenly tends to interpret the efforts of Great Britain as favoring the Italian claims in Albania. This article, which makes extensive use of primary sources from the Foreign Office, demonstrates that Foreign Secretary Sir Austen Chamberlain and all his relevant officials handled the crisis in an even-handed manner throughout and that, at times, if London exhibited any sympathy and understanding at all for either side, it was towards Belgrade rather than Rome.
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Dziubanovska, N. V., V. V. Maslii, Z. B. Lytvyn, and V. I. Bliask. "An Approach to the Analysis of the Intensity of the International Trade Dynamics on the Example of the European Union Countries." Statistics of Ukraine 97, no. 2 (June 30, 2022): 73–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31767/su.2(97)2022.02.08.
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International trade is an important component of the national economy of any country in the world, as well as a leading form of international economic relations. Changes in the main indicators of foreign trade, such as exports, imports, trade balance, can cause significant imbalances in the parameters of economic growth of the subjects of such relations.The article proposes an approach to analyzing the intensity of dynamic changes in international trade in goods on the example of EU countries during 2004-2021 with using such methodological approaches as grouping, comparison, calculation and analysis of absolute and relative characteristics of dynamics. For this purpose, two groups of countries where distinguished: countries that were members of the EU before 2004 (Austria, Belgium, Great Britain, Denmark, Ireland, Germany, Spain, Italy, Luxembourg, Netherlands, France, Greece, Portugal, Sweden and Finland) and countries that became members of the EU after 2004 (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Czech Republic, Hungary, Cyprus. Bulgaria, Romania and Croatia). In carrying out the study, the cost indicators of trade transactions of the EU countries were used. With the help of such indicators as specific weight, chain and basic growth rates, coefficients of advance, the intensity of export and import dynamics in terms of selected groups where analyzed. The main trends and determinants of the development of export import activities, under the influence of which there were certain changes in the international trade of the EU countries during the period under study, were identified. These determinants include EU enlargement in 2004, the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID 2019 pandemic. Three periods of development of foreign trade of the member countries of this integration group are distinguished. The 5 largest exporter and importer countries, as well as the largest net exporters and net importers in terms of allocated groups, were identified. The results of the analysis also indicate that the countries that joined the EU after 2004 actively used their membership in the context of the development of foreign economic activity: they rapidly increased the volume of merchandise exports and imports. It has been proved that the proposed approach is effective for analyzing the nature of dynamic changes in international trade of any international organizations, integration associations, etc.
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Zubovic, M. "Republic of Croatia’s Membership in NATO." Post-Soviet Issues 6, no. 4 (January 24, 2020): 390–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2019-6-4-390-397.
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The article discusses the Euro-Atlantic vector of Croatian foreign policy, primarily the historical path of the state into NATO and the advantages of membership in this alliance. The Republic of Croatia in its history experienced a rather difficult period associated with the Croatian War for Independence, which began in 1991 after the state announced its withdrawal from the SFRY. Since then, one of the main goals of Croatian foreign policy has been joining the Euro-Atlantic structures, which was fulfiled in 2009, when Croatia became a full member of NATO. Based on the experience of the War for Independence, for the Republic of Croatia this membership is an important factor in ensuring the country’s security, and it can also help improve interstate relations in the Balkans and strengthen stability in the region. The work will also outline the operations and missions in which Croatia participates within the NATO framework and contributes to the successful implementation of Euro-Atlantic foreign policy.
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Trifković, Srdjan. "Rivalry between Germany and Italy in Croatia, 1942–1943." Historical Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1993): 879–904. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014540.
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ABSTRACTThe Independent State of Croatia (Nezavisna Država Hrvatska, NDH), which came into being during Hitler's Blitzkrieg against Yugoslavia in April 1941, was nominally included in the Italian sphere of influence in the Balkans. It soon turned into an uneasy condominium, however, between its formal Italian mentors and the Germans. Italian influence was largely symbolic, while German officers, experts of all profiles, businessmen and officials were prominent in Zagreb from the outset. Mussolini was deeply mistrustful of German intentions, and suspected that Germany sought a leading role in Croatia in spite of Hitler's assurances to the contrary. Nevertheless, the Italians could not devise a strategy to bring their nominal Croatian protégés to heel.While there is no evidence of a German ‘grand design’ to undermine Italy's aspìrations in the Balkans, it is certain that the Germans never intended to give up their leading role in the economic sphere. By early 1942 they secured control over all key natural resources of the NDH and most of its industrial capacity, often acting behind their Italian partners' backs in pursuit of their objectives.Also in 1942 the Wehrmacht made a strong bid to bring Croatian armed forces under its command and control. While this caused some intra-German disputes, and was resisted by the foreign ministry, it proved ultimately successful due to the rise of insurgency which threatened strategic interests of the Axis. Again, Italian claims to precedence were disregarded.The most serious dispute between Italy and Germany in the NDH concerned large joint antiinsurgency operations in the first half of 1943, and the Italians' refusal to give up their links with the Četniks. The breakdown of Italo-German military co-operation in the NDH reflected a deeper malaise of the intra-Axis relationship. It was founded upon different assumptions and objectives, but such differences remained unstated. The rivalry between Germany and Italy in Croatia vividly reflected this deeper schism between the ultimate objectives of Mussolini and his brutal Teutonic friend.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Croatia – Foreign relations – Italy"
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Marcuzzi, Stefano. "Anglo-Italian relations during the First World War." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:2e1d8ba7-53eb-4c29-8974-d1fa0e36cc65.
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This thesis examines how the newly-born Anglo-Italian alliance operated during World War I, and how it influenced each of Britain's and Italy's strategies. It argues that Britain was Italy's main partner in the conflict: Rome sought to make Britain the guarantor of the London treaty, which had brought Italy into the war on the side of the Allies, as well as its main naval and financial partner within the Entente. London, for its part, used its special partnership with Italy to reach three main objectives. The first was to have Rome increasingly involved in the Entente's global war, thus going beyond the national dimension of the 'fourth war of independence' against Austria-Hungary. Britain aimed in particular to complete the blockade of the Central Powers by securing the Mediterranean. This result was achieved slowly - Italy declared war on Turkey in autumn 1915 and on Germany in summer 1916 - and not without contradictions, such as Italy's persistently self-reliant trade policy. The second British goal was to keep Italy in the war when the Caporetto crisis hit: British financial, commercial and military support was crucial to restore Italian forces and morale, and allow Rome to pursue to fight. Finally, in a wider geo-political sense, Britain took advantage of its good relations with Italy to balance French influence in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. London acted as a mediator in the controversies between Rome, Petrograd and Paris, taking upon it the task of keeping the alliance together. Anglo-Italian relations worsened in 1918. Britain's leadership within the Entente declined and was gradually replaced by American leadership. President Wilson's 'politics of nationalities' produced a significant revision of the London pact: Italy felt betrayed by its main partner, Britain, and this caused a long-lasting resentment towards London which had far-reaching consequences in the post-war period.
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Condren, John. "Louis XIV et le repos de l'Italie : French policy towards the duchies of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, 1659-1689." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/8259.
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Between 1659 and 1689, northern Italy was generally at peace, having endured almost three decades of continuous war from the 1620s. The Peace of the Pyrenees of November 1659, between the French and Spanish crowns, seemed to offer the young Louis XIV an opportunity to gradually subvert Spanish influence over the small princely families of the Po valley. The Houses of Farnese, Este, and Gonzaga-Nevers, respective rulers of Parma, Modena, and Mantua-Monferrato, had all been allies of France at various points in the Franco-Spanish War (1635-1659), but had gained scant reward for their willingness to jeopardise their own relationships with the king of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, despite the promises of material and diplomatic support which Cardinals Richelieu and Mazarin had extended to them. As a consequence, they were reluctant to agree to again participate in alliances with France. This thesis examines how Louis XIV gradually came to lose the friendship of these three ruling families, through his arrogant disregard of their interests and their ambitions, and also by his contempt for their capabilities and usefulness. This disregard was frequently born out of the French monarch's unwillingness to jeopardise or to undermine his own interests in Italy – in particular, the permanent retention of the fortress of Pinerolo, in Piedmont, as a porte onto the Po plain. But although the principi padani comprehended the reasons for Louis's unwillingness to act as a benevolent patron, they resented his all-too-palpable distrust of them; his entrenched belief that they were unreliable; and his obvious love of war. The rulers and élites of the Italian states believed that Louis would undoubtedly seek, at some point in his reign, to attack Spain's possessions in Italy, and dwelt in perpetual dread of that day. This thesis provides the account of French policy towards the small Italian states after 1659 which is still absent from the historiography of Louis XIV's foreign policies.
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De, Simone Carolina. "Italy and the community of Sant'Egidio in the 1990s : 'coopetition' in post-Cold War Italian foreign policy?" Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2017. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3623/.
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The aim of this thesis is to explore a specific feature of post-Cold War Italian foreign policy, throwing light from a perspective blending Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) and other International Relations (IR) insights, on the interactions occurred in the 1990s between the Italian state institutions and the Community of Sant’Egidio (CSE), a Catholic lay organisation, one of the most influential non-governmental organisations (NGOs) based in Italy, with a remarkable level of international activity. Firstly, this work offers a detailed account of the Italian “Foreign Policy Community” (Santoro 1991; Hilsman 1967 and 1993) and of the Community of Sant’Egidio, taking into consideration the international and domestic changes occurred after the demise of the Cold War, in order to understand where foreign policy governmental actors and a non state actor (NSA) such as Sant’Egidio fit within the bigger picture of the foreign policy process in Italy. This mapping exercise demonstrates that the country’s foreign policy setting is rather fragmented, featuring a) centres of power and influence scattered along different “rings”, according to the different issues and subpolicies at stake, on a case-by-case basis; and b) an institutional “inner ring” with a relatively high number of “access points” for external actors, i.e. a proactive NGO such as Sant'Egidio, which is located in the “second ring”. Secondly, after identifying slowly emerging “policy subsystems” (Verbeek and van Ufford 2001) in the specific foreign policy subfields of a) preventive diplomacy/crisis management and b) peace-making, in which the Italian governmental foreign policy machinery and the Community are among the extremely small number of actors playing a role and enjoying a certain degree of policy autonomy, this thesis focuses on these two foreign policy areas, in order to try to understand how relations unfolded between the two actors in the cases of the Algerian crisis of 1994-1998 and of the Mozambican peace process of 1990-1992. The examination of these events has showed both competitive (even conflicting) and cooperative relations, respectively on the Algerian dossier and in the Mozambican case. This thesis argues therefore that “coopetition”, a concept borrowed from literature on regulatory theory, and defined as “a flexible mix of competition and cooperation between governmental and non-governmental actors” (Esty and Geradin 2000), is – with some modifications – possibly the most accurate definition to capture the nature of interactions analysed.
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Napolitano, Paul. "International football and international relations football as foreign policy between Italy and England, 1933, 1934, 1939 /." Waltham, Mass. : Brandeis University, 2009. http://dcoll.brandeis.edu/handle/10192/23243.
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Tollardo, Elisabetta. "Italy and the League of Nations : nationalism and internationalism, 1922-1935." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1be4159c-7a45-4e8a-ae05-3d6b296f3429.
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This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.
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SANCHEZ, CAMACHO Alberto. "'Up and down' : Genoese financiers and their relational capital in the early reign of Philip II." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2021. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/69995.
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Defence date: 26 January 2021Examining board: Professor Regina Grafe (European University Institute); Professor Luca Molà (University of Warwick); Professor Carmen Sanz Ayán (Universidad Complutense de Madrid); Professor Manuel Herrero Sánchez (Universidad Pablo de Olavide)
This doctoral thesis analyses the process of state construction in the early modern period from a joint perspective that amalgamates the agencies of state officials, lending communities, and local elites in the Hispanic Monarchy during the four initial years of Philip II’s reign. The project examines the convergence of private agendas inside and outside the royal administration, which were channelled by the Genoese lending community to overcome the consolidation of royal short-term debt in 1557 and its consequences. The application of an institutional approach, based on the works of Avner Greif, to the analysis of the social organisations that prevented a failure of coordination in the Hispanic Monarchy offers a fresh perspective on a topic normally assessed under predatory models. The specific study of two Genoese lenders who contributed to the establishment of a more viable and efficient financial system in the monarchy, Costantin Gentil and Nicolao de Grimaldo, provides details about how interregional transactions and local economies contributed to the consolidation of the early modern state.
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Fronzaglia, Mauricio Loboda. "Políticas pública internacionais = o caso do processo de Bolonha." [s.n.], 2011. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281027.
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Orientador: Valeriano Mendes Ferreira CostaTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T03:50:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fronzaglia_MauricioLoboda_D.pdf: 1619104 bytes, checksum: f458a0985d335fccd654da3d1e9e0170 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011
Resumo: O estudo do Processo de Bolonha como exemplo de Política Pública Internacional é o objeto dessa tese de doutorado. Tendo suas origens na ação dos Ministros responsáveis pelo ensino superior de 29 Estados europeus, o Processo de Bolonha se caracteriza como uma política pública que tem sua gênese e sua dinâmica de interações constituídas no plano internacional e que tem sua implementação dependente das ações nacionais dos Estados participantes, configurando-se como uma política pública que se desenvolve para além dos limites nacionais do Estado, por isso definida nesse trabalho como uma política pública internacional. A tese se desenvolveu seguindo as diretrizes teóricas e metodológicas da sociologia política da ação pública, concentrando-se na dinâmica de interação (internacional e nacional) de três dos seus principais atores: os Ministros responsáveis pelo ensino superior, as universidades e os estudantes (através das ações das suas entidades representativas européias, respectivamente a EUA - European University Association e a ESU - European Students' Union) de forma a demonstrar que o desenvolvimento do Processo de Bolonha é o resultado de interações constantes dos seus atores
Abstract: The purpose of this Ph.D dissertation is to study the Bologna Process, which can be considered an example of International Public Policy. This dissertation has been developed according to the theory and methods of sociological politics of public action. It focused the national and international interaction dynamics of the three main actors: the ministers of higher level education, the universities and the students (by the actions of their representative organizations: European University Association and European Students Union). The Bologna Process was created by the actions from the ministers of higher level education among 29 European countries. This process can be considered as an example of international public policy because its foundation and its dynamics are crossing borders but it relies on national level in order to apply the policies. This dissertation shows that the Bologna Process is a result from the regular interaction from its actors
Doutorado
Relações Internacionais
Doutor em Ciência Política
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Heurtebize, Frédéric. "L'attitude de washington face à l'euro-communisme en france et en italie 1974-1981." Thesis, Paris 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA030129.
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Principalement représentée par les partis communistes italien et français, quoiqu'à des degrés divers, la mouvance eurocommuniste entendait mettre en œuvre un socialisme compatible avec le système politique occidental. Cette volonté se traduisait par un engagement en faveur des libertés et du pluralisme politique, par une prise de distance avec le modèle soviétique et par la volonté de former des alliances. En 1972, en France, socialistes et communistes scellent l’Union de la gauche tandis qu’en Italie, en 1973, le PC appelle à un compromis historique avec la Démocratie chrétienne. Quoique différente à maints égards, la situation dans les deux pays fait renaître outre-Atlantique une crainte qu’on croyait écartée : l’arrivée au pouvoir de PC en Europe de l’Ouest. Cette étude s’attache à examiner l’attitude des États-Unis – notamment l’exécutif et son appareil diplomatique – face à cette menace. La période à l’étude (1974-81) couvre l’émergence, l’apogée et le déclin de l’eurocommunisme et correspond aux présidences Ford (1974-77) et Carter (1977-81). Cette thèse se fonde principalement sur l’examen des archives américaines (présidence, département d’État et CIA) ainsi que sur de nombreux entretiens. L’administration Ford, et Henry Kissinger en particulier, se montra plus inquiète que l’administration Carter. Par ailleurs, quels que furent les dirigeants au pouvoir, la situation italienne suscita plus de craintes que la situation française, à tel point que, sous Carter, le Parti socialiste jouit d’un capital de sympathie élevé au sein de l’administration. Cette étude souligne aussi des différences significatives d’appréciations entre l’exécutif, d’un côté, et les ambassades, les différents services d’analyse et de renseignement américains de l’autre. Pour ces derniers, la participation de ministres communistes dans des gouvernements d’Europe occidentale eût certes causé de réelles difficultés, mais des difficultés surmontablesEurocommunism refers to a trend among West European communist parties that aimed at promoting a communism compatible with Western-style democracy. It entailed embracing democratic "bourgeois" values, criticizing the Soviet model and fostering political coalitions with long-despised parties. French communists and socialists thus formed the Union of the Left in 1972 while the Italian CP called for a "historic compromise" with the Christian Democrats one year later. The period under study (1974-81) spans the birth, climax and decline of that trend but also the presidencies of Gerald Ford (1974-77) and Jimmy Carter (1977-81).Though different in many respects, the political situation in both countries – however sincere, or not, those CPs were in Washington’s view – exacerbated one long-gone fear: the coming to power of communists in Western Europe. This dissertation examines how the US – mainly the White House and its diplomatic and intelligence bureaucracy – regarded that threat. It draws substantially from American archival material (White House, State Department and CIA) and from numerous interviews with former actors and witnesses of that period. This dissertation argues that the Ford administration, whose diplomacy was led by Henry Kissinger, was more concerned about Eurocommunism than the Carter administration. It also argues that the Italian situation caused more concern than the French situation, so much so that members of the Carter team had sympathies for the French socialists. Finally, this study reveals significant differences in judgment – between, on the one hand, the executive branch, and, on the other hand, the embassies and the analytical and intelligence services – as to how threatening Eurocommunism was to American and Western interests. Throughout the decade, overall, the latter proved more relaxed than American leaders about the possible consequences of the CPs’ coming to power
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Passos, Rogério Duarte Fernandes dos. "Espaço europeu de ensino superior e a questão da cidadania europeia." [s.n.], 2015. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/330303.
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Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar PereiraTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação
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Resumo: O trabalho discute a relação da constituição da cidadania europeia com o auxílio da universidade, em particular por meio do estabelecimento da União Europeia e da criação do Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior. Em assim sendo, após resgate histórico do Processo de Bolonha ¿ que no ano de 2010 conformou o Espaço Europeu de Ensino Superior ¿, supõe-se a universidade europeia como locus de contribuição para a cidadania europeia, trazida à tona pelo Tratado de Maastricht de 1992. Tem-se, por conseguinte, a universidade como espaço para acréscimo ao conteúdo da cidadania, não ficando o conceito alicerçado exclusivamente no Estado nacional como a sua unidade básica, uma vez que se identifica a proposta de realizá-la, igualmente, nos campos do saber e da cultura. Para tanto, da mesma forma colhe-se os elementos de uma trajetória de grande atualidade para o contexto político e educacional, apta a visualizar uma Europa não apenas fincada nas questões econômicas, mas, por conseguinte, nas morais e culturais, representando eixo de orientação ao caminho trilhado pelo Processo de Bolonha em direção a valores caros aos seres humanos, tendo a educação superior e as universidades enquanto panos de fundo e como portadoras de uma missão e de uma responsabilidade, no bojo de um itinerário em que elas mesmas podem se proporcionar no contexto de reforma uma autorreflexão e reposicionamento em face das questões do momento contemporâneo
Abstract: The work discusses the relationship of the constitution of European citizenship with the help of the university, specifically through the establishment of the European Union and the creation of the European Higher Education Area. That being so, after historic rescue of the Bologna Process ¿ who in 2010 resigned the European Higher Education Area ¿, it is assumed that the European university as a locus of contribution for European citizenship, brought out by the Maastricht Treaty of 1992. There is, therefore, the university as a space to increase the content of citizenship, not getting the concept rooted exclusively in the national state as its basic unit, since it identifies the proposal to do it also in the fields knowledge and culture. Therefore, in the same way draw in the elements of a great current trajectory for political and educational context, able to see a Europe not just stuck on economic issues, but therefore the moral and cultural, representing orientation axis the path taken by the Bologna Process towards values cherished by humans, with higher education and universities as backdrops and as having a mission and a responsibility, in the midst of a journey in which they themselves can provide in the context of reform one self-reflection and repositioning in view of the question of the contemporary moment
Doutorado
Ensino e Práticas Culturais
Doutor em Educação
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Turiano, Annalaura. "De la pastorale migratoire à la coopération technique : missionnaires italiens en Égypte : les salésiens et l’enseignement professionnel (1890-1970)." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016AIXM3003.
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En 1896, les missionnaires salésiens fondent une école des arts et métiers à Alexandrie destinée à un prolétariat immigré d’origine européenne. Dans les années suivantes, la mission multiplie les ouvertures d’écoles dans les villes du Delta et du Canal, mais sa réputation est avant tout liée aux filières professionnelles. Menacées de disparition sous Nasser, à l’instar des autres établissements d’enseignement étrangers, les écoles salésiennes se maintiennent dans le cadre d’accords de coopération bilatérale entre l’Égypte et l’Italie. Ce travail interroge la longévité de la présence missionnaire et la durabilité d’un ensemble d’établissements scolaires au-delà de dates retenues comme points de rupture entre une Égypte coloniale et postcoloniale. Il est question de l’investissement éducatif sur un modèle étranger d’enseignement professionnel et du rôle que les écoles missionnaires ont joué dans la formation de communautés de métiers. Au miroir des établissements salésiens, c’est la mise en place d’un enseignement technique en Égypte, les enjeux éducatifs, économiques et politiques qu’il incarne qu’on entrevoit. Par ailleurs, l’histoire des missionnaires salésiens et de leur réseau scolaire s’inscrit dans un cadre plus large : l’histoire des migrations méditerranéennes vers l’Égypte, l’histoire de l’Église, de la mission et de son aggiornamento et celle des relations italo-égyptiennes. C’est une histoire tout à la fois locale et globale qu’il s’agit d’éclairer. En rupture avec les approches nationaliste et nostalgique, ce travail se veut une contribution originale à l’histoire des missions et de l’enseignement étranger en ÉgypteIn 1896 the Salesian missionaries established a school of Arts and Crafts in Alexandria, which was intended for working class European immigrants. In the following years, the mission founded other schools in the Delta and Suez Canal regions, but its reputation was particularly tied to its vocational training institutes. Threatened with disappearance under Nasser, like others foreign schools, the Salesian institutes managed to survive within the framework of Italo-Egyptian cooperation agreements. This dissertation questions the longevity of the missionary presence and the durability of the Salesian school network, hence expanding the boundaries between what is commonly delineated as colonial and post-colonial Egypt. The educational investment that Egyptian families made in Salesian vocational schools is analysed as well as the role the mission played in training trades and professional communities. Through the lens of the Salesian schools we catch a glimpse of the emergence of vocational education in Egypt, its educational, economic and political stakes. Moreover, the history of the Salesian missionaries and their schools is analysed within a broader framework: the history of Mediterranean migrations to Egypt, Church and mission histories as well as their aggiornamento, and eventually the history of Italo-Egyptian relations. The aim is to shed light on a history which is concurrently local and global. Distancing itself both from nationalistic and nostalgic approaches, this work aims to provide an original contribution to the history of missions and foreign education in Egypt
Books on the topic "Croatia – Foreign relations – Italy"
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Thatcher, Margaret. Messages from Croatia. Zagreb: Croatian Institute for Culture and Information, 1998.
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1949-, Ramet Sabrina P., Clewing Konrad, and Lukic Renéo, eds. Croatia since independence: War, politics, society, foreign relations. München: Oldenbourg, 2008.
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Omrčanin, Margaret Stewart. Margaret Thatcher's doctrine on recognition of Croatia. Washington, D.C: Ivor Press, 1992.
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Adam, Jolly, Kettaneh Nadine, McKenna Cameron, Confederation of British Industry, Klynveld Peat Marwick Goerdeler, and Croatia Airlines, eds. Doing business in Croatia. London: Kogan Page, 1998.
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US GOVERNMENT. United States and Croatia: A documentary history 1992-1997. [S.l.]: [s.n.], 1997.
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Frangipani, Bernhardus de. Oratio pro Croatia: Govor za Hrvatsku : (1522). Modruš: Katedra Čakavskog sabora Modruše, 2010.
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Dinger, Dörte. Zwischen Furcht und Bewunderung?: Italienische Haltungen zur neuen deutschen Aussenpolitik. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 2006.
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Italian foreign policy: The statecraft of the founders. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1996.
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Dinger, Dörte. From friends to collaborators: A constructivist analysis of changes in Italo-German relations with the end of the Cold War. Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2013.
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editor, Gavinelli Dino, and Lucchesi Flavio editor, eds. Italy and China: An evolving geographical perspective. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 2014.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Croatia – Foreign relations – Italy"
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Sherifi, Shkëndije Geci. "Kosovo–Croatia Bilateral Relations." In Kosovo’s Foreign Policy and Bilateral Relations, 115–29. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003371588-6.
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Cesa, Marco, and Sonia Lucarelli. "Introduzione. Umberto Gori e le Relazioni Internazionali in Italia." In Studi e saggi, 7–15. Florence: Firenze University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-595-0.01.
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Umberto Gori has held the first chair of International Relations in Italy and has been the first scholar to address a series of central topics in the analysis of foreign policy and international politics. Those who browse, even if only rapidly, his rich bibliography cannot but be struck by the great variety of the topics examined: from the first works of a predominantly legal nature, we move on to studies centered on methodological and epistemological issues, relations between states, analysis of foreign policy in general and Italian foreign policy in particular, Peace Research, strategic affairs, intelligence, and finally the impact of the information and digital revolution on international politics and contemporary strategy. What holds together so many different issues is, firstly, a constant attention to methodology and, secondly, a clear preference for a predominantly operational approach, in the belief that knowledge must always be functional to decision and action. These basic attitudes are reflected not only in his strongly characterized research agenda, but also in the twofold nature of his teaching commitment: on the one hand, Gori taught outside the university classrooms, at military and governmental institutions, for decades; on the other hand, he introduced issues traditionally reserved to diplomacy and security institutions into the Italian academic context. Such a propensity to build bridges between different worlds - academic, military, technological, diplomatic, financial - and a research vocation that has never failed make Umberto Gori a figure indissolubly linked to the birth and development of International Relations in Italy.
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Kamiński, Tomasz, and Michał Gzik. "Italy." In The Role of Regions in EU-China Relations. Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/8142-517-9.04.
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Fast growing network of national contacts in the Sino-Italian affairs builds the important layer of subnational bilateral relations. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the role of paradiplomatical cooperation between Italian and Chinese regions. This paper contains a short overview of bilateral Italian-Chinese relations in political, economic and social terms. Furthermore there is a description of competences of the regions in the Italian foreign policy in term of legal environment for the autonomous activities of Italian regions in the international arena. Moreover this paper contains the analyses of existing links between Italian and Chinese regions on the basis of a survey conducted among regional authorities from all Italian regions. Finally it contains the case of Umbria, as a region that active cooperation with China goes well beyond economic relations.
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"All quiet on the Western front: Italy and transatlantic relations." In Italy's Foreign Policy in the Twenty-first Century, 61–82. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745299-13.
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"Values promotion and security management in Euro- Mediterranean relations: the case of Italy." In Italy's Foreign Policy in the Twenty-first Century, 215–35. Routledge, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315745299-21.
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Simón, Juan Antonio. "Football, Diplomacy, and International Relations during Francoism, 1937–1975." In Soccer Diplomacy, 48–69. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813179513.003.0004.
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Throughout the decades under Franco, Spanish foreign policy often used football as a diplomatic tool. In a totalitarian system where sport was subject to political government interests, football allowed the regime to show a positive image of Spain, favoring its progressive integration into the European context. Before the end of the Spanish Civil War in April 1939, Francoism started to implement a new model of sports politics. Franco understood that this activity might be a benefit to his international legitimation, an aid to the political control of the Spanish society, and a propaganda tool. Spain experienced a radical ostracism from the international sporting context during this period, reducing its international football relations to those countries ideologically close to Francoism such as Germany, Italy, and Portugal.
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Sorbello, Paolo. "Italian Business in Central Asia." In Eurasiatica. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-376-2/015.
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While distant and little-known to the Italian public, Central Asia plays an important role for Italy. Kazakhstan is an important supplier of oil to Italy and Italy is the principal customer for Kazakhstani oil. This article concentrates on Italy-Kazakhstan relations because they represent the lion’s share of Italy-Central Asia relations, while also providing a rationale to explain the diverging pathways that allowed Kazakhstan to interact more proficiently with foreign companies, rather than its close neighbours. By focusing on the energy sector, this article also highlights how trans-national companies (TNCs), such as Italy’s Eni, transfer practices from their global experience in oil and gas to their destination countries in Central Asia. In particular, this article analyses the cost-cutting practices of outsourcing services and outstaffing workforce, for which Italian companies and joint ventures have become instrumental.
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Hoare, Marko Attila. "The Communists and the Serb Rebellion, c. April–September 1941." In Genocide and Resistance in Hitler’s Bosnia. British Academy, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263808.003.0002.
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The Partisan movement in Bosnia-Hercegovina was the product both of long-term socio-economic developments at home and of the short-term ‘accident’ of foreign invasion and occupation; it involved the merger of a traditional Serb-peasant uprising and a modern urban-revolutionary movement; and it represented both a characteristic chapter and a turning-point in modern Bosnian history. The Axis powers of Germany and Italy, by destroying the Yugoslav kingdom, changed the course of Bosnian history. Their installation in power of the Ustasha regime, and the latter's genocide of the Serb population of Croatia and Bosnia-Hercegovina, unleashed a resistance movement that would take shape as the Partisans. Yet the Partisans were not simply an armed response to the new order, but a revolutionary movement of a specifically Bosnian kind.
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Zanoni, Elizabeth. "Brotherly Love." In Emotional Landscapes, 91–111. University of Illinois Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252043499.003.0006.
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This chapter argues that Italian migrants in Argentina employed Italian-language newspapers to construct gendered and racialized constructions of familial love between Italians and Argentines as “brotherly people” during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These everyday articulations of emotions and love in the ethnic press, the chapter contends, were just as important to the creation of international allegiances and national identities as were the more formal decisions made by diplomats and statesmen. Newspapers like La Patria degli Italiani depicted foreign relations between Italy and Argentina as family relations—as relations between racially similar “Latin brothers”—to justify male-predominate migration, to promote favorable attitudes toward Italy and its migrants, and to rebuke unbrotherly destinations like the United States.
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Meneguzzi Rostagni, Carla. "Italy's Attention Turns to China Between the ’50 and the ’60." In Sinica venetiana. Venice: Edizioni Ca' Foscari, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.30687/978-88-6969-220-8/008.
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It is surprising that the very existence and recognition of China had significant repercussions on domestic policy in Italy, which was the country with the strongest Communist party in the West. In the ’50s the Italian official policy was compelled by membership in Atlantic alliance and relations with United States, to refuse economic exchanges with China. According to documents found in “Ministero degli Affari Esteri” and in “Aldo Moro” archives, even in the same years political characters such as the Socialist Pietro Nenni, the Christian Democrats Giovanni Gronchi and Amintore Fanfani worked to favour China-Italy exchanges and economic actors like Dino Gentili and Enrico Mattei organised economic Italian missions to China. Since 1960, thanks to trade relations set up in the ’50s, and to political events (December 1963 the first centre-left government with Aldo Moro president, Pietro Nenni vicepresident and Giuseppe Saragat to foreign affairs, and at the beginning of 1964 the French political recognition of China), the process was accelerated. Thus, in December 1964 the first commercial agreement between Italy and China was concluded and commercial offices were opened in Rome and Beijing. After 1964 the Chinese question entered Italian foreign policy and was included in parliamentary debates and government programmes. The American diplomacy, dominated by the Vietnam war, opposed any initiative to Chinese recognition but Italy anticipated the better reported, more celebrated US recognition.
Conference papers on the topic "Croatia – Foreign relations – Italy"
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Mansur, Daria. "ON THE ISSUE OF FOREIGN POLICY RELATIONS OF THE REPUBLIC OF ITALY AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION OVER THE LAST 20 YEARS." In 6th SWS International Scientific Conference on Arts and Humanities ISCAH 2019. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sws.iscah.2019.1/s08.003.
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Karluk, S. Rıdvan. "EU Enlargement to the Balkans: Membership Perspective to the Balkan Countries." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c05.01163.
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After the dispersion of the Soviet Union, the European Union embarked upon an intense relationship with the Central and Eastern European Countries. The transition into capital market and democratization of these countries had been supported by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs at the beginning of 1989 before the collapse of the Soviet Union System. The European Agreements were signed between the EU and Hungary, Poland, and Czechoslovakia on December 16th, 1991. 10 Central and Eastern Europe Countries became the members of the EU on May 1st, 2004. With the accession of Bulgaria and Romania into the EU on January 1st, 2007, the number of the EU member countries reached up to 27, and finally extending to 28 with the membership of Croatia to the EU on July 1st, 2013. Removing the Western Balkan States, Serbia, Montenegro, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina from the scope of external relations, the EU included these countries in the enlargement process in 2005.The European Commission has determined 2014 enlargement policy priorities as dealing with the fundamentals on preferential basis. In this context, the developments in the Balkans will be closely monitored within the scope of a new approach giving priority to the superiority of law. The enlargement process of the EU towards the Balkans and whether or not the Western Balkan States will join the Union will be analyzed.
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Fatur Šikić, Tanja. "THE IMPACT OF TOURISM AND FINANCIAL DEVELOPMENT ON CARBON EMISSIONS: EVIDENCE FROM EU MEDITERRANEAN COUNTRIES." In Tourism and hospitality industry. University of Rijeka, Faculty of Tourism and Hospitality Management, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.20867/thi.26.14.
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Purpose - The tourism sector not only contributes significantly to gross domestic product, but also plays an important role in the sustainable economic development of a country. Tourism accounts for approximately 8% of global carbon emissions. From flights and boat trips to souvenirs and accommodations, various activities contribute to tourism emissions. Formulating mitigation measures for sustainable tourism requires an understanding of the factors contributing to the increase in tourism CO2 emissions. This study analyses the impact of tourism and financial development on CO2 emissions, while controlling for foreign direct investment (FDI), real income and energy consumption in seven Mediterranean countries that are part of the European Union (Croatia, Cyprus, France, Greece, Italy, Slovenia, and Spain). Methodology - A dynamic panel regression model was used to understand the impact of tourism and financial development on CO2 emissions. The analysis was conducted using annual data from 1995 to 2020 for a sample of seven EU Mediterranean countries. Findings - The empirical results show that the number of tourist arrivals, financial development, real income and energy consumption play an important role in explaining CO2 emissions. Although financial development has an increasing effect on CO2 emissions, tourist arrivals reduce CO2 emissions. It seems that the EU policy to promote sustainable tourism has managed to reduce CO2 emissions. It appears that the tourism sector is using more clean and environmentally friendly technologies in its activities. European countries should continue to take the necessary measures for sustainable tourism. Contribution - This paper aims to contribute to the existing literature in two ways. First, this study examines the impact of tourist arrivals and financial development on environmental degradation so that appropriate measures can be taken to ensure sustainable tourism. Second, this study focuses on seven Mediterranean countries that are part of the EU and have similar tourism characteristics. The tourism sector in these countries depends heavily on beach tourism. Therefore, the results of this analysis will be of particular interest to policy makers.