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1
Vaišnys, Andrius. "Transformation of Communist Media Content and Public Space According to the Discourse ‘39Pact: Exiting the “Labyrinth” as an Act of Communication." Informacijos mokslai 90 (December 28, 2020): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2020.90.50.
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This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments.Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of environmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). During this period in the previously mentioned region the control of public space was on the decline.This view will be based on a single thematic discourse: the provision of consequences of the 1939 Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and criticism in communist model media of Lithuania and neighbouring countries. It may be called D’39Pact.D‘39Pact in general has several narratives (it may also be seen from the EP Resolution), but taking into consideration the interpretation of Jurgen Habermas’s Communicative Action, the analysis of transformation of 1988-1989 two of them would suffice, one of which is that of the authorities of the USSR and the other one – that of its opponents. Let’s call opponents USSR dissidents, protestors, underground press (samizdat) and press of public movements which was published legally.Narrative of the USSR authorities: the treaty was the inevitable and no annexes (secret protocols) exist.Narrative of the opponents: based on secret protocols of the treaty, the USSR and Nazi Germany divided the countries and destroyed their political, military, cultural elite and finally – their population of various social layers.Medias, as the main participant of the public space, most clearly disclose the collision of such narratives and transformation in D‘39Pact. The purpose of the article is to discuss the circumstances of transformation of MMPT from the historical perspective and of the public space and come across the factors, which influenced the strongest role of MMPT interpretative accomplishments. Considering the way out of the “labyrinth” regarding the D’39 Pact, we see some similarities with the situation that now exists in Russia.
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Kolevinskienė, Žydronė. "Women’s Literature in Emigration in 1950–1990: the Issue of the Canon." Knygotyra 74 (July 9, 2020): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.74.50.
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The article was inspired by the World Congress of Lithuanian Writers held in Vilnius, in May 2019, during which the literary canon was discussed – not only in Lithuania, but abroad as well: what determines the entry of some books into the school canon, their assessment with literary prizes, various nominations, and why other books remain less noticed by readers and / or literary critics. The theme of this article was further highlighted by the heated debate on the elections of the Book of the Year that took place throughout the autumn (and is still ongoing). Various top five, top ten, top twelve lists, debates over the update of the contents of the curriculum of secondary schools inevitably raise the issue of the literary canon. Therefore, it is considered that perhaps the problem is not what falls or does not fall into the literary canon, but rather how much power society gives to the literary canon itself. The main tasks of the research: to introduce the main theoretical aspects of the literary canon; to discuss the issue of literary canon and women’s creative works; to identify the dominants of the literary canon in the diaspora. The article discusses the issue of the literary canon precisely in women’s literature that was created and is still being created in the diaspora. Research sources: various literary and cultural presses of the Lithuanian diaspora in the US (Aidai (The Echoes), Darbininkas (The Worker), Draugas (The Friend), Gabija, Naujienos (The News) etc.), Literatūros lankai (Literary Folios) (Buenos Aires, 1952-1959), the book by Vladas Kulbokas Lithuanian Literary Criticism in Exile (Rome, 1982). The main reason for this discussion of (non)canonization of women’s literature is that statistically female authors write more on emigration topics. There were more women writers outside Lithuania in the second wave of emigration (DPs); more women than men give a sense to their exile experience even today. The article emphasizes that women’s involvement in public life has never been either simple or natural. Even greater challenges awaited the creating women in 1944, when they moved to the West – Germany, Austria, and from 1949 – to the US, Canada, Australia. Questions are raised as to how and why public attitudes towards the writing, creative woman have changed; how the community of the Lithuanian diaspora, influenced by a new context, new economic and political conditions in the US, thought about new creative challenges, what kind of goals and objectives were set for it. If feminization processes call for rebellion against the dominant (male) canon, if today we are talking about not a single existing canon, but rather about canons, if it is emphasized that the canon is nonetheless a changing thing related with a system of certain time values, then the canon may not exist at all and it cannot exist? The article also actualizes modern migration processes and their reflections in literature (created both in Lithuania and abroad, outside Lithuania; written not only in Lithuanian but also in English) as well, opens new possibilities for reading and interpreting women’s works – and above all – the article dedicated to the World Lithuanian Year, seeks to create a dialogue field that can help deepen the understanding of today’s (e)migration.
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Löwisch, Henriette. "An Interview with Alice Schwarzer on Leni Riefenstahl." German Politics and Society 31, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310304.
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Alice Schwarzer’s name is synonymous with the second-wave women’smovement in West Germany, and when she picks a fight, the odds are ashouting match will follow. Admired by some, reviled by others, West Germany’sbest-known feminist has often used controversy to amplify theactivist journalism she has pursued since the late 1960s. She is opinionated,combative, and unpredictable—attributes all reflected in her 1999 essay onLeni Riefenstahl, which the interview below revisits. Her sympathetic portrayalof the filmmaker met with criticism, which is certainly consistent withthe affinity toward ambivalence Schwarzer has demonstrated throughouther career as an author, activist and talk show celebrity.
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ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Cultural Transmission Versus Perceptions of the Economy." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1996): 78–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029001004.
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The formal division of Germany in 1949 and the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 demarcate a monumental quasi-experiment. Whereas the political culture aspects of this experiment have been studied extensively, the implications of these events for the economic culture in West and East Germany have received less attention. This article attempts to fill this gap in scholarship by examining the basic economic values of parliamentarians in East and West Germany. To this end, I interviewed 168 parliamentarians from the united Parliament in Berlin (79 from the East, 89 from the West). The study finds that the socialist order successfully imbued East MPs with socialist economic values—especially among the postwar cohort—independent of MPs' evaluation of contemporary economic conditions. In contrast, West MPs' economic values reflect the social market system of the West German economy. These results suggest that basic institutional arrangements, once put into place, have a substantial influence on individuals' ideological predispositions.
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Uelzmann, Jan. "Building Domestic Support for West Germany's Integration into NATO, 1953–1955." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (May 2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00941.
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Konrad Adenauer's government in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) engaged in a large-scale media campaign to create political consent for the FRG's integration into the West, a policy that rested to a large extent on rearmament and entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To counter public criticism of rearmament, the West German authorities used Mobilwerbung, a company that maintained a fleet of mobile film screening vans. Clandestinely financed by the government, Mobilwerbung brought government-commissioned films and political speakers into the FRG's remotest areas. Based on archival records on deployments in Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia, this article traces Mobilwerbung's role as a government unit that reacted dynamically to competing events. Through highly detailed reporting on audience reactions, Mobilwerbung served both as a public relations vehicle to foster consent and as an analytical tool that allowed the mapping of public sentiment regarding rearmament.
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Silver, Hilary. "The Social Integration of Germany since Unification." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280109.
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Germans are inordinately preoccupied with the question of national integration. From the Kulturkampf to the Weimar Republic to the separation of East and West, social fractiousness is deeply ingrained in German history, giving rise to a desire to unify the "incomplete nation." Yet, the impulse to integrate German society has long been ambivalent. Between Bismarck and the Nazi interregnum, top-down efforts to force Germans to integrate threatened to erase valued differences. The twentieth anniversary of German reunification is the occasion to assess the reality of and ambivalence towards social integration in contemporary Germany. A review of economic and social measures of East-West, immigrant, and Muslim integration provides many indications of progress. Nevertheless, social cleavages persist despite political integration. Indeed, in some aspects, including in the party system, fragmentation is greater now than it was two decades ago. Yet successful social integration is a two-way street, requiring newcomers and oldtimers to interact. Integration of the European Union to some extent has followed this German path, with subsidiarity ensuring a decentralized social model and limited cohesion. German ambivalence about social integration is a major reason for the continuing social fragmentation of the society.
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Bruce, Gary S. "The Prelude to Nationwide Surveillance in East Germany: Stasi Operations and Threat Perceptions, 1945–1953." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 2 (March 2003): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703763336453.
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Many observers have been puzzled by the extent of the uprising that swept through East Germany in June 1953, given the legendary efficiency of the East German state security (Stasi) forces and their vast network of informants. Some scholars have even attempted to explain the Stasi's inability to foresee and prevent the uprising by arguing that the Stasi conspired with the demonstrators. The opening of the archives of the former German Democratic Republic has shed valuable light on this issue. Based on extensive research in the archives of the Stasi and of the former Socialist Unity Party of East Germany, as well as materials from the West German archives, this article shows that the Stasi did not fail its party superiors in being unable to foresee the uprising of June 1953. There was, in fact, no way that the organization could have foreseen the rebellion. Prior to 1953 the Stasi was not outfitted with a massive surveillance apparatus, nor was it mandated for broad internal surveillance. Rather, it primarily targeted well-known opposition groups at home and anti-Communist organizations based in West Berlin. The criticism directed against the Stasi after the uprising was attributable mainly to Walter Ulbricht's embattled leadership position and his need for a scapegoat.
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Roberts, Geoffrey K. "Selection, Voting and Adjudication: The Politics of Legislative Membership in the Federal Republic of Germany." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00096.
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There Has Been Much Concern In The Past Few Years About the ‘decline of parliament’ in West European democracies. In the United Kingdom, criticism of the New Labour government has included its apparent neglect of Parliament demonstrated by the style and strategies of the government, ranging from reduction in the time allotted to prime minister's question-time and the utilization of the mass media rather than Parliament as the forum for important policy statements, to the government's refusal to accept reforms to the method of appointments to House of Commons select committees, as recommended by the House of Commons Liaison Committee. Strong party discipline, coupled with sanctions which can affect the political careers of MPs for failure to obey the edicts of the party leadership, have limited the autonomy of MPs in Britain, and, to a varying degree, in other West European countries also. Certainly the German Bundestag has been criticized for being too much under the control of the leaderships of the political parties, in terms of voting on legislation, the stage-management of debates and the choice of leaders of the parliamentary parties (the removal by Chancellor Schröder of Scharping as leader of the SPD parliamentary party in 1998 at the instigation of Lafontaine, the then party chairman, is a notorious instance).
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Thiemeyer, Guido. "The “Social Market Economy” and its Impact on German European Policy in the Adenauer Era, 1949-1963." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250205.
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This article focuses on the economic aspects of German European policy in the 1950s and raises the question whether the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany, “Soziale Marktwirtschaft” had any impact on the European policy of the West German state. It argues that Social Market Economy as defined by Ludwig Erhard influenced German European policy in certain aspects, but there was a latent contradiction between the political approach of Konrad Adenauer and this economic concept. Moreover, this article shows that West German European policy was not always as supportive for European unity as it is often considered.
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Ward, Hugh, and Geoffrey Edwards. "Chicken and technology: the politics of the European Community's budget for research and development." Review of International Studies 16, no. 2 (April 1990): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112550.
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Member governments of the European Community have frequently urged the necessity of closer cooperation and collaboration in meeting the challenge posed by new technologies and in countering the lead achieved by the United States and Japan. After delays which seemed almost to contradict any sense of urgency, the Council of Ministers of the Community agreed to a multi-annual Framework Programme of Scientific Research in 1983. A critically important element of that Programme, the European Strategic Programme of Research and Development in Information Technology (ESPRIT), was agreed only after further extensive delays in February 1984. The renewal and extension of the Framework Programme was proposed by the European Commission in early 1986 but was finally agreed only in September 1987, the delay having been caused by the opposition of Britain, France and West Germany, the three member states largely responsible for the protracted negotiations on ESPRIT in 1984. Much attention has been paid to the history of the Framework Programme and ESPRIT, but the budgetary aspects of the decisions, aspects that were highly significant in delaying agreement, especially on the part of Britain and West Germany, have tended to be ignored.
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Unger-Alvi, Simon. "Public Criticism and Private Consent: Protestant Journalism between Theology and Nazism, 1920–1960." Central European History 53, no. 1 (March 2020): 94–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891900092x.
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AbstractBy retracing the history of the Protestant journal Eckart, this article examines a theological forum in which supporters and opponents of the Nazi movement came into direct contact. Specifically, the article evaluates political ambiguities among religious authors, who had openly rejected Nazism from the 1920s onward but would feel compelled by theological considerations to remain loyal to the regime after 1933. Analyzing contemporary discussions of the Protestant Two Kingdoms Doctrine, for example, puts historiographical distinctions between “resistance” and “collaboration” into question. This study shows that Protestant intellectuals were able to voice a limited degree of public criticism until World War II. Their criticism, however, was often so imbued with nationalism and ideals of loyalty that it effectively helped stabilize the Nazi regime. In Eckart, even critics engaged deeply with völkisch and anti-Semitic ideology. Finally, this article also shows how these authors perpetuated nationalist ideas in West Germany after 1945.
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Ivanytska, Maria. "UKRAINIAN EMIGRE TRANSLATORS’ ACTIVITY IN WEST GERMANY AFTER WORLD WAR II." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 150–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.150-160.
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The article provides an insight into the work of cultural activists in Germany in the post-war decades. It delineates the following groups of translators and popularizers of Ukrainian literature in West Germany: 1) German speakers: Halychyna descendant Hans Koch and Elisabeth Kottmeier, the wife of the Ukrainian poet Igor Kosteckyj; 2) the Ukrainian scholars who began their activity before the war: Dmytro (Dimitrij) Tschižeswskij, Iwan Mirtschuk; 3) representatives of the younger wave of emigration – Jurij Bojko-Blochyn, Olexa and Anna-Halja Horbatsch, Igor Kostetskyj, Mychahlo Orest, Jurij Kossatsch and others. The author reflects on the question whether or not the post-war Ukrainian emigration was integrated into a wider context of German culture. This is analyzed from the vantage point of the Western European reader’s/ literary critic’s readiness for the reception of Ukrainian literature. Among the first promoters of Ukrainian literature was the Artistic Ukrainian Movement (Munich), whose member of the board, Jurij Kossatsch, published the first review of the then contemporary Ukrainian literature in the German language “Ukrainische Literatur der Gegenwart” (1947). The author analyzes the first collection of translations of Ukrainian poetry “Gelb und Blau: Moderne ukrainische Dichtung in Auswahl” (“Yellow and Blue: Selected Contemporary Ukrainian Poetry”) compiled by Wolodimir Derzhawin, who condemned the persecution and extermination of poets in the USSR, criticized proletarian literature and the choice of authors. The preface by Derzhavin testified to the conviction of Ukrainian emigrants that free Ukrainian literature could flourish only in the exile. The work of the translators’ tandem of Igor Kosteckyj and Elisabeth Kottmeier is further described. The chronological and quantitative comparison of scholarly publications on Ukrainian literature in the then West Germany revealed that one of the major accomplishments of the Ukrainian diaspora was the transition from the complete lack to a gradual increase of interest in the aforementioned subject. The article emphasizes the significance of the translating activity of Anna-Halja Horbatsch aimed at introducing Ukrainian literature to the German Slavic Studies scholars along with ordinary readers. This was made possible when large collections of translations “Blauer November. Ukrainische Erzähler unseres Jahrhunderts” (Blue November: Ukrainian writers of this century) and “Ein Brunnen für Durstige “ (“The Well for the Thirsty”) were out, and in the 90’s – when the publishing house specializing in translations from Ukrainian literature was founded. The Soviets’ negative reaction to those and previous publications is perceived as a manifestation of the political engagement of socialist literary criticism. Conclusion: Anna-Halja Horbatsch’ contribution to the systematic acquaintance of the West German reader with modern Ukrainian literature is by far the most significant due to her numerous translations, scholarly articles, and critical reviews.
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Elflein, Dietmar. "From Krauts with attitudes to Turks with attitudes: some aspects of hip-hop history in Germany." Popular Music 17, no. 3 (October 1998): 255–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143000008539.
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In an article discussing hip-hop in Germany, one would expect an outline of how hip-hop emerged in the two German states or an analysis of the differences and similarities of the hip-hop scene in the two parts of the country or a report on how this youth culture has been affected by the process of political unification. However, an immediate analysis of the situation shows that although the hip-hop scene was organised in similar ways in both German states, and had similar role models, all the better known acts came from the west.
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (July 2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.
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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unofficial network that helped publish “camouflaged propaganda” at home as well as in France and Great Britain. Germany’s Nazi past was an important aspect of East Germany’s campaign that accused West Germany of having deployed a “Vietnam Legion.” Interestingly, Germany’s Nazi legacy also cast a shadow over the methods West German psychological warfare experts relied on to counter East German accusations.
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Schweiger, Christian. "Deutschland einig Vaterland?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.
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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part of the management of the domestic aspects of German reunification. From a historic-institutionalist perspective the merger of the pathways of the two German states has not taken place. Instead, unified Germany is characterized by the dominance of the institutional pathway of the former West German Federal Republic, which has substantially contributed to the self-perception of East Germans as dislocated, second-class citizens.
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Vasil'ev, V. "New Aspects of Discourse about the Berlin’s Realpolitik." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-30-40.
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The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are emerging all the time, but they have to be considered within a concrete historical and political context. Being of primary significance for all German chancellors, the Trans-Atlantic factor has been shaping itself in a controversial way as to the nation’s public opinion. This has been confirmed by many opinion polls, including the survey on the signing of the EU–U.S. Agreement on the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Chancellor A. Merkel is playing an important role: she is either ascribed full compliancy with Washington, or is being tentatively shown as a consistent government figure in advancing and upholding of Germany's and the EU's interests. A. Merkel has implemented her peace-seeking drive in undoing the Ukrainian tangle by setting up the “Normandy format” involving the leaders of Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine while having cleared it through with the U.S. President B. Obama well in advance. Despite the increasing criticism of Washington’s policy among some part of Germans, for the majority of German voters, the USA remains a country of implementable hopes, the only power in the world possessing a high education level and the most advanced technologies. Americans, for their part, are confident of the important role that Berlin plays in world politics, particularly in what concerns the maintenance of unity within the EU. Berlin aims at further constructive interaction with the USA in the frame of NATO as well as within other Trans-Atlantic formats. Notwithstanding the steady tendency toward increasing of the Washington policy’s critical perception degree in German society, officially Berlin continues as Washington’s true ally, partner and friend. There is every reason to believe that after the 2017 Bundestag elections, the new (the former) Chancellor will have to face a modernized Trans-Atlantic partnership philosophy, with a paradigm also devised in the spirit of the bloc discipline and commitments to allies. The main concern for Berlin is not to lose its sovereign right of decision-making, including the one that deals with problems of European security and relations with Moscow. Regrettably, Germany is not putting forward any innovative ideas on aligning a new architecture of European security with Russia’s participation. Meanwhile, German scholars and experts are trying to work out a tentative algorithm of a gradual return to the West’s full-fledged dialogue with Russia, which, unfortunately, is qualified as an opponent by many politicians. Predictably, the Crimea issue will remain a long-lasting political irritant in relations between Russia and Germany. Although not every aspect of Berlin’s activation in its foreign policy finds support of the German public, and the outburst of anti-American feeling is obvious, experts believe that the government of the FRG is “merely taking stock of these phenomena and ignores them”. Evident is the gap between the government's line and the feeling of the German parties’ basis – the public. It is noteworthy that the FRG has not yet adopted the Law on Holding General Federal Referendums on key issues of the domestic and foreign policy. There is every indication to assume that the real causes of abandoning the nationwide referendums are the reluctance of the German ruling bureaucracy and even its apprehensions of the negative voting returns on sensitive problems, – such as basic documents and decisions of the EU, the export of German arms, relations with the U.S., etc. The harmony between Berlin’s "Realpolitik" and German public opinion is not yet discernible within the system of Trans-Atlantic axes.
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Ismarini, Ani. "KEDUDUKAN ELIT PRIBUMI DALAM PEMERINTAHAN DI JAWA BARAT (1925-1942)." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 6, no. 2 (June 1, 2014): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v6i2.193.
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AbstrakTerbentuknya Province West-Java lebih karena munculnya tuntutan dari masyarakat Hindia Belanda saat itu yang memang sudah mengalami dinamisasi, perkembangan, dan kemajuan dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan. Tuntutan yang mereka ajukan adalah otonomi yang lebih besar yang berkait aspek-aspek politik. Di samping itu, penduduk pun menuntut makin meningkatnya pelayanan pemerintah dalam berbagai aspek kehidupan yang mereka butuhkan. Guna menjawab tuntutan itu dibentuklah pemerintahan Province West-Java. Dalam rangka menjalankan roda pemerintahan diangkatlah sejumlah pejabat yang kebanyakan berasal dari penduduk bumi putera. Momentum ini merupakan kesempatan awal bagi elit pribumi terlibat dalam birokrasi pemerintahan modern. Selanjutnya pengalaman ini menjadi bekal mereka dalam mengelola pemerintahan pada masa-masa berikutnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahapan kerja: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. AbstractWest-Java Province is formed because emerging demands of Nederland-Indie society at that time who had dynamic, growth, and progress in various aspects of life. Their conspicuous demand was greater autonomy related to political aspects. Besides, the people also demanded better government service in many aspects of life. Therefore, West-Java Province government formed. To run the government, some officials who mostly come from native citizen appointed. This momentum is early oppurtunity for the indigenous elite to get involved in the bureaucracy of modern government. In addition, this experience into their stock in managing the government in the sequent periods. This research uses historical method includes four phases, that are heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.
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Minkkinen, Panu. "“The Nude Man’s City”: Flávio de Carvalho’s Anthropophagic Architecture as Cultural Criticism." Pólemos 15, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 91–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pol-2021-2008.
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Abstract Cannibalism is one of the most recognisable taboos of the West and a benchmark with which a supposedly civilised world has traditionally sought to differentiate itself from the radically “other” of the hinterlands. As such, cannibalism has made its way both into the vocabulary of the West’s pseudo-ethnographic self-reflection (e.g. Freud) and the imaginary of its literary culture (e.g. Grimm). A less-well-known strain in this narrative uses cannibalism as a critical postcolonial metaphor. In 1928, the Brazilian poet and agitator Oswald de Andrade published a short text entitled “Anthropophagic Manifesto.” The aim of the manifesto was to distance an emerging Brazilian modernism from the European ideals that the São Paulo bourgeoisie uncritically embraced, and to synthesise more avant-garde ideas with aspects from the cultures of the indigenous Amazonian peoples into a truly national cultural movement. This essay draws on various aspects of the anthropophagic movement and seeks to understand, whether (and how) it influenced Brazilian urban planning and architecture, and especially if it is detectable in the ways in which architects Lúcio Costa and Oscar Niemeyer designed and executed the legal and political institutions in Brasília, the country’s iconic federal capital. The ana-lysis, however, identifies a colonialist inclination in Costa and Niemeyer’s ideological debt to Le Corbusier. Instead, the radical potential of anthropophagic architecture is developed with reference to the less-known São Paulo architect and polymath Flávio de Carvalho whose aesthetic politics provide parallels with contemporary radical politics, as well. The essay suggests that such a notion of politics would be akin to a radical anti-instrumentalism that I have elsewhere, following Georges Bataille and Maurice Blanchot, called a “politics of the impossible.”
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Brzozowski-Zabost, Grzegorz. "Od ruchu protestu do partii władzy. Rozwój Zielonych w Niemczech." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 6, no. 1 (December 31, 2008): 223–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2008.6.1.16.
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The author presents in this paper the developing process of German Green Party. In the 1970s new social movements like environmentalists, peace organizations and feminist founded political party The Greens (Die Grünen). It was an act of opposition against pollution, use of nuclear power, and some aspects of life in highly developed and industrialized society, the formal inauguration was held 1980 in West Germany. 1990 three civil rights groups in East Germany combined to form Bündnis 90, which merged with Die Grünen after long uniting process in 1993. 18 years after foundation they built together with social democrats from SPD government which lasted for two term of office between 1998 and 2005. So day there are a lot of green parties all over the world, but and the German greens are the most successful, they are an example for other green parties.
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MOSES, A. DIRK. "FORUM: INTELLECTUAL HISTORY IN AND OF THE FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY." Modern Intellectual History 9, no. 3 (November 2012): 625–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244312000224.
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What can one say about the state of the art in the Federal Republic? A number of aspects are discernible, not only in the practices and various traditions of intellectual history there, but also in its politics: the stark dichotomy between Marxists and anti-Marxists; the ever-present metahistorical question of which (sub)discipline, field, or method would set the political agenda; and the position of Jewish émigrés. These issues raise still more basic ones: how to understand the Nazi experience, which remained living memory for most West Germans; how to confront the gradually congealing image of the Holocaust in private and public life; and the related matters of German intellectual traditions and the new order's foundations. Had the Nazi experience discredited those traditions and had the personal and institutional continuities from the Nazi to Federal Republican polities delegitimated the latter? These were questions with which intellectuals wrestled while they wrangled about historical method. In this introduction, I give a brief overview of these and other innovations in the field, before highlighting some of its characteristics today.
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Gutorov, Vladimir. "On some Actual Aspects of the Interpretation of the Liberal Tradition in Russia." Politeja 16, no. 5(62) (December 31, 2019): 209–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.62.12.
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On some Actual Aspects of the Interpretation of the Liberal Tradition in Russia
The article examines the key moments of the transformation of liberal tradition in Russia in the context of analysis of the main directions of the transformation of liberal ideological discourse and liberal culture in Western Europe and the United States. The need for such an analysis is primarily determined by the fact that since the early 1990s Western liberal stereotypes have become an ideological basis of the new Russian political elite and the dominant trend in state propaganda. However, the following main fact is often overlooked: in the 20th century,Russian liberalism was compromised twice, so in the short-term the hopes for the revival of the liberal ideas are gone. In the West, the liberal tradition has also been in the state of crisis: Western liberalism has been undergoing a very significant transformation that has far-reaching cultural and political implications. In particular, at the turn of the 21st c., a more active role in Western public discourse was taken by the radical neo-conservative versions of an ideology that combined a conservative program of political reforms with a strong libertarian (neoliberal) rhetoric. This ideology is actively used by the ruling circles of the US and Western Europe to influence ideologically the political elites of Russia – as it happened in Central and Eastern Europe during the so-called “velvet revolutions”. At the same time, what increasingly clearly and sharply came to the fore in the late twentieth century is anti-liberal thought and criticism that has always evolved in parallel with liberalism itself and that almost never ceases to exist.
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Broadhead, Philip. "‘One heart and one soul’: The Changing Nature of Public Worship in Augsburg, 1521-1548." Studies in Church History 35 (1999): 116–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013991.
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Demands for the reform of public worship followed rapidly upon the outbreak of religious disputes in Germany in 1517. This was scarcely surprising, since some of the most important aspects of late medieval worship and devotion, including the mass, had become the focus of criticism. The reform of worship presented many difficulties to both spiritual leaders and secular authorities. In many cases they found it easier to identify the failings of Catholic worship than to devise new services which would be acceptable to all. It was also apparent that worship had not only to reflect the ideals and aspirations of the Church but also those of the wider community, and therefore worship impinged upon social and political life. This paper will look at how one community, the city of Augsburg, dealt with these issues. In particular it will consider the forces which shaped evangelical liturgy, and the reception given to the new forms of worship.
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Deess, E. "Collective Life and Social Change in The GDR." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 2 (September 1, 1997): 207–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.2.m85861x8338218hh.
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Research into East Germany's 1989 collapse often uses models developed for Western social movements which emphasize social movement organizations and activists. This approach may neglect important aspects of the social organization of everyday life in repressive contexts and how these affect social movement processes. Unlike the West, East Germany built social life around state-sponsored groups, called collectives, and these had a marked effect on the development of the opposition. Research presented here, based on interviews and archival documents, shows how collective discussions, although never oppositional in the fullest sense, facilitated grievance construction and an awareness of common political exclusion. Over the course of time, especially after Gorbachev's reforms, these practices laid the groundwork for mobilization in the relative absence of an opposition movement. Without understanding the concealed social movement processes operating within collective groups, the state's sudden, and peaceful, collapse is not easily explained.
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Alter, Nora M. "Two or Three Things I Know about Harun Farocki." October 151 (January 2015): 151–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/octo_a_00206.
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I last saw my friend Harun Farocki a few days before the opening of his exhibition at the Hamburger Bahnhof in late January 2014. Astonishingly, this was his first major one-person show in Berlin, a city that he called home and that had shaped his intellectual and artistic sensibility for over half a century. “I should have been born in Berlin,” he muses in his autobiographical “Written Trailers” (2009). Farocki was initially drawn to West Berlin in the early 1960s because the island city had been spared the Wirtschaftswunder (economic miracle) of the 1950s that had reshaped the rest of West Germany. It retained a forlorn rawness, a sense of bohemia, and a countercultural public sphere that attracted hippies, draft dodgers, political outcasts, and artists of all kinds. Farocki was a member of the first Deutsche Film und Fernsehakademie (Berlin Film Academy) class, along with Helke Sander, Holger Meins, and Wolfgang Petersen. He lived in a commune, wrote criticism, and produced relatively obscure agitprop films such as Herstellung eines Molotow-Cocktails (How to Make a Molotov Cocktail) (1968), Anleitung, Polizisten den Helm abzurissen (How to Remove a Police Helmet) (1969), and the better-known Nicht löschbares Feuer (Inextinguishable Fire) (1969). As Berlin changed over the years, however, so, too, did Farocki and his filmmaking practice.
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Wittje, Roland. "The Establishment of IIT Madras. German Cold War Development Assistance and Engineering Education in India — Das IIT Madras. Deutsche Entwicklungshilfe und indische Ingenieurausbildung im Kalten Krieg." Technikgeschichte 87, no. 4 (2020): 335–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0040-117x-2020-4-335.
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The Indian Institute of Technology (IIT) Madras was established between 1959 and 1974 with assistance of the Federal Republic of Germany, which was the largest West German enterprise in the field of technical education abroad. The support consisted of German experts for teaching and in setting up laboratories and workshops. In this article, I argue that the engagement of the Federal Republic at IIT Madras must be understood primarily as a political project. The Federal Republic saw itself in direct competition with the Soviet Union, but also with the USA and the UK, which in turn supported the establishment of the IITs in Bombay, Kanpur and Delhi. While West Germany’s engagement had initially been motivated by influencing India’s position on divided post-war Germany, this changed towards the end of the 1960s to the vested interest of German policymakers in long-term scientific and technical cooperation. The German assistance was reoriented, from workshop-based engineering education to setting up a technological research university. Planning and policy were guided by political premises, to which the educational and scientific aspects were subordinate, and German staff was controlled and restricted in its scientific freedom. The German faculty saw themselves confronted with implementing a project which had been politically predefined as a successful Indo-German collaboration, by establishing meaningful research and engineering training. As a case study, the article contributes to the important history of aid in technical educational as part of Westas well as East German development aid during the Cold War, which so far has received little if any attention among historians.
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Howes, Seth. "DIY, im Eigenverlag: East German Tamizdat LPs." German Politics and Society 35, no. 2 (June 1, 2017): 26–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350203.
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Between 1983 and 1989, as the two German pop music industries continued to license one another’s properties, and Amiga continued releasing American and British records, five long-playing records were released by independent labels based in Western Europe that contained music recorded in the German Democratic Republic. They were then smuggled out of the country rather than formally licensed for release abroad. Existing outside the legal framework underlying the East German record industry, and appearing in small pressings with independent labels in West Germany and England, these five tamizdat LPs represent intriguing reports from the margins on the mutual entanglement of the two Germanies’ pop music industries. Closely examining these LPs’ genesis and formal aspects, this article explores how independent East German musicians framed their own artistic itineraries with respect to (or in opposition to) the commercial pop circuit, as they worked across borders to self-release their music.
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Rowe, Michael. "France, Prussia, or Germany? The Napoleonic Wars and Shifting Allegiances in the Rhineland." Central European History 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 611–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000203.
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The following article focuses on the Rhineland, and more specifically, the region on the left (or west) bank of the Rhine bounded in the north and west by the Low Countries and France. This German-speaking region was occupied by the armies of revolutionary France after 1792. De jure annexation followed the Treaty of Lunéville (1801), and French rule lasted until 1814. Most of the Rhineland was awarded in 1815 to Prussia and remained a constituent part until after the Second World War. The Rhineland experienced Napoleonic rule first hand. Its four departments—the Roër, Rhin-et-Moselle, Sarre, and Mont-Tonnerre—were treated like the others in metropolitan France, and it is this status that makes the region distinct in German-speaking Europe. This had consequences both in the Napoleonic period and in the century that followed the departure of the last French soldier. This alone would constitute sufficient reason for studying the region. More broadly, however, the Rhenish experience in the French period sheds light on the much broader phenomena of state formation and nation building. Before 1792, the Rhenish political order appeared in many respects a throwback to the late Middle Ages. Extreme territorial fragmentation, city states, church states, and mini states distinguished its landscape. These survived the early-modern period thanks in part to Great Power rivalry and the protective mantle provided by the Holy Roman Empire. Then, suddenly, came rule by France which, in the form of the First Republic and Napoleon's First Empire, represented the most demanding state the world had seen up to that point. This state imposed itself on a region unused to big government. It might be thought that bitter confrontation would have resulted. Yet, and here is a paradox this article wishes to address, many aspects of French rule gained acceptance in the region, and defense of the Napoleonic legacy formed a component of the “Rhenish” identity that came into being in the nineteenth century.
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Blokhin, Konstantin V. "Leo Strauss and His Neoconservative Disciples (on the Problem of the Sources and Genesis of Neoconservatism)." RUDN Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (December 15, 2019): 729–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2019-21-4-729-744.
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The article discusses the problem of Leo Strauss’ influence on the political culture of the United States and analyzes the current historiographic situation pertaining to the problem. The authors demonstrate that both in the USA and in modern Russia the question of the degree and nature of L. Strauss’s influence on the neocons remains open. Meanwhile, it is obvious that Strauss had a significant impact on the formation of neoconservative ideology, which is manifested in the similarity of the basic ideas of the philosopher and his disciples. The formation of the philosopher’s views took place during the crisis of the Weimar Republic and the Nazis’ rise to power in Germany, which postulated Strauss’ idea about the need for strong democracy and its ability to defend itself against tyranny. The concept of strong democracy that can withstand totalitarianism and authoritarianism is one of the key ideas of neo-conservatism. The similarity of Strauss’ philosophical views to those of the neoconservatives is seen in criticism of the liberal world order and moral foundations of the West, which gave rise to relativism and nihilism. The conformity of neoconservative worldview, including and its variants, such as straussianism, to the ideas of Strauss is manifested in advocating the interests of Israel, which the founders of neo-conservatism view as an outpost of the Western world.
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Szatkowski, Tim. "Griechenlands EG-Beitritt aus der Sicht der Regierung Schmidt/Genscher (1976–1982) / The Federal Government of Schmidt and Genscher and the Entry of Greece to the European Communities (1976–1982)." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 120–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0107.
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Abstract The government of the Federal Republic of Germany under Chancellor Schmidt and Foreign Minister Genscher supported Greece’s joining of the European Communities which took place at the beginning of 1981, more than every other EC member state. This essay shows that primarily political motives played a role. Under the conditions of the East/West conflict the Federal Government hoped to win a reliable ally and to strengthen the southeast flank of the NATO. Doubts resulted from possible financial burdens and social problems as a result of the freedom of movement agreed on by contract for Greek employees. However, these worries weren’t decisive at the end. Economic aspects not least were disregarded negligently. The question whether Greece was capable of the joining because of serious structural difficulties received little attention. The government Schmidt/Genscher thought to be able to overcome all problems with the transfer of financial resources which especially the Greek government under Prime Minister Papandreou demanded.
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Bernhardt, Christoph, and Kathrin Meissner. "Communicating and Visualising Urban Planning in Cold War Berlin." Urban Planning 5, no. 2 (June 26, 2020): 10–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v5i2.3028.
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This article analyses the dynamics of communication, specifically with regard to the significance of visualisations in urban planning between the two competing political regimes of East and West Germany in divided Berlin (1945–1989). The article will demonstrate the ways in which planners on either side of the Iron Curtain were confronted with matters unique to their own political contexts and conditions for public communication, as well as how they faced similar challenges in fields of urban renewal and negotiating public participation. The post-war decades in Berlin were marked by strong planning dynamics: large-scale reconstruction after WWII and the ‘showcase character’ of political confrontation and competition. In this context, new strategies of communicating urban planning to the public were developed, such as large-scale development plans, public exhibitions and cross-border media campaigns. Paradigmatic shifts during the mid-1970s generated new discourses about urban renewal and historic preservation. The new focus on small-scale planning in vivid and inhabited inner-city neighbourhoods made new forms of communication and public depiction necessary. In the context of social and political change as well as growing mediatisation, planning authorities utilised aspects of urban identity and civic participation to legitimise planning activities. The article traces two small-scale planning projects for neighbourhoods in East and West Berlin and investigates the interrelation of visual communication instruments in public discourses and planning procedures during the 1980s, a period that prominently featured the new strategy of comprehensive planning. Furthermore, the article highlights the key role of micro-scale changes in the management of urban renewal along both sides of the wall and the emergence of neighbourhood civil engagement and participation.
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Belinskii, A. V., and M. V. Khorol’skaya. "‘Another brick in the wall’. On the origins of nationalism in the ‘new’ federal states of Germany." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 2 (July 28, 2021): 87–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-2-87-125.
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A relatively broad support enjoyed by the populist and nationalist parties and movements (AfD, National Democratic Party of Germany, PEGIDA), as well as a higher rate of hate crimes in the eastern part of the Federal Republic of Germany raise a question on the nature of nationalism in this region. The present paper examines the causes of widespread xenophobic and nationalist sentiments in the ‘new’ federal states. To this end, the authors address a wide range of social-political and psychological factors, focusing on the historical roots and causes of the recent rise of nationalism in East Germany. Particularly, the authors show that the right-wing parties took advantage of popular frustration caused by the collapse of the East German economy after the country’s reunification and massive unemployment by putting all the blame on migrants. Nevertheless, the causes of growing xenophobia in East Germany were far from being solely economic. For example, the authors underline the role of the politics of memory in the GDR and primarily the approaches of its leaders to the issues of the Nazi past and their attempts to draw on the country’s history to shape a new national identity. However, the failure of the state to provide an unbiased view on the national history, rigid official ideology and its alienation from the popular demands have led to the growing nationalism in the GDR. Besides, a number of other aspects is pointed out which have also fostered xenophobic sentiments in this part of the country. Unlike West Germany which started to accept labour migrants from Italy, Turkey and Yugoslavia back in 1950s, the GDR saw few foreigners and contacts between them and local population were limited. As a result, the paper not only helps to create a more detailed image of the East German nationalism but also to identify the underlying causes of the growing popularity of right-wing populist parties and movements in the FRG, most notably, the unfinished process of the country’s reunification and structural imbalances between the ‘old’ and the ‘new’ federal states.
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Bakalov, A. S. "ON THE FORMATION OF GERMAN REALISM." Izvestiya of the Samara Science Centre of the Russian Academy of Sciences. Social, Humanitarian, Medicobiological Sciences 23, no. 77 (2021): 81–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2413-9645-2021-23-77-81-90.
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The relevance of research. In German literary criticism, there is no unambiguous definition of the phenomenon of literary realism, however, at the empirical level, it is understood as a literary system based on a mimetic-oriented depiction of reality, often critically comprehended and subjectively colored due to the norms and ideas that are taking shape in society. Research methodology. Complex and systematic methods of literature analysis are applied. In this article, the author comes to the conclusion that the realism of the turn of the XIX - early XX centuries. retains its main principles of artistic comprehension of the world, and at the same time the signs that do not allow talking about its dissolution in the eclectic picture of the emerging modernity. The main thing remains the disclosure of "the essence of life phenomena through their individualized generalization (typification)", analysis and specific historical logic of presentation Realism at the turn of the 19th - early 20th centuries. closely associated with such phenomena as regional literature, "new business-like", historical novel. On its basis, workers' and proletarian-revolutionary literature developed in many ways. In German literature of the twentieth century. realistic tendencies intensified in the times following the historical and political catastrophes, primarily after the two world wars lost by Germany. Realism played a significant role in the literature of the Weimar Republic (the works of E.M. Remarque, L. Feuchtwanger, L. Frank and others), while in contact with modernist and avant-garde trends (for example, with "new business-like"). Realism turned out to be no less significant after 1945, having equally influenced the formation of the literatures of West and East Germany (writers of the "group of 47", Erwin Strittmatter, "socialist realism", etc.). German realism, which emerged in the middle of the 19th century, was able to demonstrate its flexibility and ability to enter into alliances with other natural artistic directions, without losing its main specificity - the desire for materiality, the authenticity of personal and collective experience, as well as symbolizing the "obvious" with the goal of approaching the "true".
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Nycz, Grzegorz. "The Bitburg Controversy from the New Cold War Perspective: Reagan’s Views on WWII Nazi Germany’s Soldiers’ Victimhood." Ad Americam 22 (March 28, 2021): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/adamericam.22.2021.22.03.
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The Bitburg Controversy from the New Cold War Perspective: Reagan’s Views on WWII Nazi Germany’s Soldiers’ Victimhood
Why to go back to 1985 to discuss present-day key concerns of international relations fromthe perspective of World War II history during the Cold War? The May 5, 1985 Bitburg cemetery celebrations, when US president altogether with German chancellor (Helmut Kohl) paid tribute to WWII veterans (of both sides of the conflict) was an example of the Ronald Reagan administration’s public relations fiasco: the “Great Communicator” failed to refer to WWII history in a manner that would save him from harsh criticism. Importantly, the 1985 debate concerning the Bitburg ceremony and the moral aspects of a homage to German (Axis) WWII soldiers gave an incentive to “Historikerstreit” in Germany, a dispute regarding WWII history in a manner comparable to Holocaust responsibility as a collective burden carried by Germans. The Bitburg cemetery, since the 1930s a monument (Kolmeshöhe Ehrenfriedhof) to WWI German military victims, and then to their younger colleagues during WWII (Wehrmacht and, controversially, Waffen-SS) remained a broadly commented upon focal point of Cold War disputes, allowing such questions that might bring about a possibilityof ground-breaking change in present-day political rivalries caused by failed (or successful) Cold War propaganda related to WWII choices. The Bitburg case as a particularly illustrative one and could also shed more light on the post-Soviet Russian effort to increase its influence by relying on the myths of the “Great Patriotic War”.
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Dore, Ronald. "In Search of the Adequate Level of Intelligence - Martin Chick (ed.): Governments and Markets: Aspects of Government-Industry Relations in the UK, Japan, West Germany and the USA since 1945, Aldershot, Edward Elgar, 1990, viii and 229 pp., £38.50." Government and Opposition 26, no. 4 (October 1, 1991): 526–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb00410.x.
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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.
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The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.
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Grashoff, Udo. "Driven into Suicide by the East German Regime? Reflections on the Persistence of a Misleading Perception." Central European History 52, no. 02 (June 2019): 310–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000165.
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AbstractThe assumption that the communist dictatorship in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) drove many people to suicide has persisted for decades, and it is still evident in academic and public discourse. Yet, high suicide rates in eastern Germany, which can be traced back to the nineteenth century, cannot be a result of a particular political system. Be it monarchy, democracy, fascism, or socialism, the frequency of suicide there did not change significantly. In fact, the share of politically motivated suicides in the GDR amounts to only 1–2 percent of the total. Political, economic, or sociocultural factors did not have a significant impact on suicide rates. An analysis of two subsets of GDR society that were more likely to be affected by repression—prisoners and army recruits—further corroborates this: there is no evidence of a higher suicide rate in either case. Complimentary to a quantitative approach “from above,” a qualitative analysis “from below” not only underlines the limited importance of repression, but also points to a regional pattern of behavior linked to cultural influences and to the role of religion—specifically, to Protestantism. Several factors nevertheless fostered the persistence of an overly politicized interpretation of suicide in the GDR: the bereaved in the East, the media in the West, and a few victims of suicide themselves blamed the regime and downplayed important individual and pathological aspects. Moreover, state and party officials in the GDR unintentionally reinforced the politicization of suicide by imposing a taboo on the subject, which only fueled the flames of speculation about its root causes.
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Radomsky, Guilherme Francisco Waterloo, and Ondina Fachel Leal. "From the production of rules to seed production: Global Intellectual Property and local knowledge." Vibrant: Virtual Brazilian Anthropology 9, no. 1 (June 2012): 451–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s1809-43412012000100015.
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This paper analyzes the links and overlappings between traditional knowledge and biodiversity in the context of ecological family farming in southern Brazil. The data presented are part of an ethnographic study carried out among a network of ecological farmers, Ecovida, in the west of Santa Catarina state. The current global patent regime, most prominently the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPs) of the World Trade Organization (WTO), has had direct effects on seed production and agricultural food crops. In a scenario of increasing creation of patents, patent regulations, provisions on cultivars (plant varieties and seed breeding) and a number of other global trade control mechanisms, family farmers and other related social actors have rejected the multilateral development agencies' notion of life as "resource". This study has a two-fold aim: first, it approaches the international context of the intellectual property regime on biodiversity and knowledge production; second, it examines the actions taken by farmers participating in the Ecovida network toward creating alternative ways of managing knowledge to produce "free" seeds. As an outcome, there is a parallel political action of criticism and resistance to the current narrowing of agriculture's genetic base, and organized efforts to multiply seeds, know-how and knowledge through networks, banks and centers of agro-biodiversity. Our central argument is that all these social actors - who make up the so-called ecological network and who seek, in their activities, to carry on the multiplication and variability of seeds and promote the diversity of knowledge to produce diverse seeds - are also creating collective strategies of social resistance vis-à-vis the prevailing global modes of controlling knowledge, seeds and food production.
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Korstanje, Maximiliano E. "The epistemological structure of mobilities." Journal of Tourism Analysis: Revista de Análisis Turístico 25, no. 1 (April 9, 2018): 54–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jta-02-2018-0006.
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Purpose This paper aims to revolve around two problems which, though imagined as different, can be addressed altogether. On one hand, the advance of terrorism as a major threat to the tourism industry, while – on the other – we discuss the ontological nature of tourism as a rite of passage, which is vital to keep the political legitimacy of officialdom. At the time, paradoxically, social scientists shrug off tourism as a naïve commercial activity, while the main tourist destinations are being attacked by jihadism. This suggests the disinterest of ones associates to the interests of others. Design/methodology/approach The author holds the thesis that tourism derives from ancient institutions, which illuminated in the growth of Occident and the formation of hospitality. Capitalism hides the importance of tourism as a mere trivialization as a bit-player. However, a closer look reminds precisely the opposite. The recent attacks perpetrated at main destinations reveal tourism as an exemplary (symbolic) center of the West, a source of authority and power for the existing hierarchal order. Findings The issue captivates the attention of scholars, officials and policymakers, and at the same time, epistemologists of tourism receive a fresh novel debate regarding the origins of tourism. Originality/value It is a great paradox that tourism would be selected as a target for jihadism but at the same time a naïve activity for social scientists or at the least by the French tradition. Despite the partisan criticism exerted on tourism as an alienatory force, this work showed two important aspects, which merits to be discussed. At a closer look, tourism should be understood as “a rite of passage” whose function associates to the revitalization of those glitches happened during the cycles of production. Second, and most important, tourism accommodates those frustrations to prevent acts of separatism or the rise of extreme conflict among classes.
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Suttmeier, Richard P. "Chinese Scientists and Responsibility: Ethical Issues of Human Genetics in Chinese International Contexts. Edited by OLE DÖRING. [Hamburg: Institut für Asienkunde, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Asienkunde, 1999. 257 pp. DM 38.00. ISBN 3-88910-227-1.]." China Quarterly 181 (March 2005): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741005280104.
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It has been more than 80 years since Chinese intellectuals, struggling with the complexities of “science and philosophy of life,” debated the challenges of finding the moral wisdom needed to apply new scientific knowledge in ethically responsible ways. Could a moral compass be found? Would it be discovered in Chinese culture, or would it come from the West?Advances in science and technology during the course of the 20th century have often outpaced progress in understanding “science and philosophy of life.” Nevertheless, the importance of the ethical dimensions of science and technology has increased in all countries, and there is little doubt that the new technologies of the early 21st century are already bestowing on us new moral conundrums. As advanced technologies and scientific research capabilities diffuse around the world, the ethical traditions which inform moral choice seemingly become more heterogeneous, and the need for reasoned, cross-cultural moral discourse increases. The Institut für Asienkunde in Hamburg is therefore to be congratulated for convening the “First International and Interdisciplinary Symposium on Aspects of Medical Ethics in China,” from which the 15 papers in this volume come.There is no easy way to summarize the diversity of views presented in this provocative conference report. The authors include practising scientists from China and students of bioethics from China, Malaysia, Germany and the United States. But, the theme of eugenics – especially the ways in which advances in human genetics affect our moral stance towards eugenics – link a number of the papers. The atrocities of Nazi Germany strongly condition the views of the Western authors. Reacting, perhaps, to China's 1994 Law on Maternal and Infant Health Care, the latter seem to be urging Chinese researchers, medical practitioners, ethicists and policymakers to take the German experience to heart – even as China embraces the promises of the new genetic technologies. Thus, historian Sheila Faith Weiss' “Prelude to the maelstrom,” an informative account of the origins of Nazi eugenics in the 19th and early 20th-century culture of German medicine, is not so subtly subtitled, “A cautionary tale for contemporary China?” The Chinese authors acknowledge this “cautionary tale,” but also speak to the ethical challenges of new genetic technologies from a tradition with its own understandings of how practical knowledge and moral purpose are related, and how individual and collective well-being are reconciled.
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Zubir, Zusneli. "SEJARAH PERKEBUNAN DAN DAMPAKNYA BAGI PERKEMBANGAN MASYARAKAT DI ONDERAFDEELING BANJOEASIN EN KOEBOESTREKKEN, KERESIDENAN PALEMBANG, 1900-1942." JURNAL PENELITIAN SEJARAH DAN BUDAYA 1, no. 1 (July 23, 2019): 79–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.36424/jpsb.v1i1.109.
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The purposeandobject ofthis paperisarelevancebetween the existence oflarge estates, Onderneming Europeandits impact on societyin Onderafdeeling Banjoeasinen Koeboestrekenthe colonial periodin1900-1942. The method usedin this studyis the historical method to reconstruct the history of the plantationand the implications forthe development of society in Onderafdeeling Banjoeasinen Koeboestrekken. Data collection techniques use drefersto the first stage in the history ofthe process of heuristic methods, finding and collecting historical sources. Data analysis techniques with regard to the second stage, third and fourth in the history covering methods of source criticism, and historiography interpretation. Based on the research results and conclusions, the opening rubber plantations in the colonial period Onder afdeeling Banjoeasinen Koeboe strekken highly correlated with the natural conditions of this area and also the political changeskonial, open the door. There are two big companies that invest heavily large plantations of rubber namely, first, Rubber Ondernemingen Melaniain 1909 the plantingand effort trubber massively from the east end of Marga Pangkalan Balai to the west endMarga Gasing and centered in Musi Landas. Secondly, plantation Oud Wassenaar, N.V. Oliepalmenen rubber Mijnsprawling in the gutter are as ranging northern Batang Hari Leko, Marga Rantau Bayur, toits northern Marga Suak Tape, Marga Betung and Tebenan area. The relevance of the opening of a large estate with acommunity in Onder afdeeling Banjoeasinen Koeboe strekkenseenin some ways. First, the change in the position of the local elite, the Pasirah, Kerio, others Marga council officials. Secondly, helped create the “repair” the public infrastructure facilities and infrastructures there. Third, encourage the development ofeconomic activity and providea tremendous impact in the dusun-dusun marga’s. Fourth, many builders connecting road for the purposes of transportation of rubber has abroad and profound impacton the pattern of a traditional society, not only for the Malays Banjoeasin, but also to aspects of the life of the Kubu’s Banjoeasin. They began the gradual assimilation are creating Kubu’s Banjoeasin with Malay Banjoeasin due to changes in the orientation of his thinking because it began opening their areas of influence of the outside world.
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Adeng, Adeng. "SEJARAH SOSIAL KOTA BEKASI." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 6, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/ptj.v6i3.171.
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AbstrakKegiatan penelitian dan penulisan sejarah sosial baru dilakukan sekitar tahun 1950-an, baik di negara-negara maju maupun di negara-negara yang sedang berkembang. Di negara-negara yang sedang berkembang seperti Indonesia, kegiatan penelitian dan penulisan Sejarah Sosial masih sedikit dilakukan terutama yang bercorak sejarah sosial daerah. Penelitian dan penulisan sejarah yang sering dilakukan bercorak Sejarah Politik dan Sejarah Militer. Sejarah politik isinya menguraikan tentang pemerintahan kerajaan-kerajaan di Indonesia, pada masa pemerintahan Belanda, dan pendudukan Jepang. Sejarah Militer isinya tentang pertempuran-pertempuran baik melawan agresi Belanda maupun facisme Jepang. Dengan tersusunnya Sejarah Sosial Kota Bekasi diharapkan dapat diperoleh gambaran atau potret seluruh aspek kehidupan sosial daerah Kota Bekasi pada masa kini, dengan latar belakang masa lampau untuk memberikan proyeksi pada masa yang akan datang. Untuk merekontruksi digunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahap, yaitu: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiografi. Kota Bekasi sebelumnya sebuah kecamatan dari Kabupaten Bekasi. Pada tahun 1982 Kecamatan Bekasi ditingkatkan statusnya menjadi kota administrasi. Pada tahun 1996 kembali ditingkatkan statusnya menjadi kotamadya. Dalam perkembangannya Kota Bekasi menjadi kawasan industri dan kawasan tempat tinggal kaum urban. Kota yang berada dalam lingkungan megapolitan ini merupakan salah satu kota besar urutan keempat di Indonesia yang terdapat di Provinsi Jawa Barat. AbstractThe Research and writing of the new social history made around the 1950s, both in developed countries and in emerging countries. In countries like Indonesia as one of the emerging countries, research and writing of Social History is few, especially about the history of social region. Research and writing of history is often done patterned with Political History or Military History. The contents of Political history usually outlining with the era of kingdoms, and the governments in Indonesia at the time of Dutch and Japanese occupation. The contents of Military History usually discussed the battles either against the aggression of the Dutch and Japanese fascism. With the completion of the Social History of Bekasi City, hopefully it can get a photograph all aspects of the social life of the city of at present, with a background in the past to provide projections of future. This research used historical method which includes four phases: heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography. In the past Bekasi well known as sub-district of Bekasi District. In 1982 the sub-district of Bekasi upgraded to municipality or administration city. Bekasi become a city in 1996. In their development, Bekasi become a central of industrial area and as residence of urban society. The town is located in a megapolitan city of Jakarta, and one of the biggest cities in in the province of West Java.
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., Adeng. "SEJARAH SOSIAL KABUPATEN LEBAK." Patanjala : Jurnal Penelitian Sejarah dan Budaya 5, no. 2 (June 2, 2013): 264. http://dx.doi.org/10.30959/patanjala.v5i2.137.
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AbstrakTulisan mengenai Sejarah Sosial Daerah Kabupaten Lebak menggambarkan kehidupan masyarakat yang mencakup aspek geografi, pemerintahan, penduduk, budaya sinkretisme dan masyarakat adat, budaya, dan pendidikan. Untuk merekontruksi kembali menggunakan metode sejarah yang meliputi empat tahap, yaitu: heuristik, kritik, interpretasi, dan historiogarfi. Lebak menjadi bagian dari wilayah Kesultanan Banten dan masyarakatnya menganut ajaran agama Islam. Pada abad ke-19 terjadilah perubahan politik di daerah tersebut. Perubahan itu seiring dengan semakin meluasnya kekuasaan Belanda di wilayah Banten yang ditandai oleh penghapusan Banten tahun 1808 oleh Daendels. Perkembangan selanjutnya pada masa pemerintahan Letnan Gubernur Jenderal Thomas Stamford Raffles (1811-1816), Banten dibagi menjadi empat daerah setingkat kabupaten, yaitu: Kabupaten Banten Lor, Banten Kulon, Banten Tengah, dan Banten Kidul. Setelah kekuasaan dipegang kembali oleh Belanda, maka wilayah Banten dibagi menjadi 3 kabupaten yaitu: Kabupaten Serang, Caringin, dan Lebak. Perubahan berikutnya terjadi pada tanggal 14 Agustus 1925, Lebak menjadi sebuah kabupaten otonom. Kemudian, pada tahun 1950 mengenai pembentukan daerah-daerah dalam lingkungan Provinsi Jawa Barat. Kabupaten Lebak dimasukkan ke dalam 25 Daerah Tingkat II di provinsi tersebut. Pada tahun 2003 Kabupaten Lebak menjadi bagian dari Provinsi Banten. Penduduk Kabupaten Lebak dari tahun ke tahun mengalami perkembangan yang signifikan, begitu pula di bidang sosial budaya dan pendidikan berkembang cukup dinamis.AbstractThis study illustrates aspects of community life in Kabupaten Lebak in the 19th century. Then, Lebak was part of the Sultanate of Banten and most of the people embraced Islam. In the 19th century Lebak faced a political change due to the expanding power of theDutch in Banten. Daendels eliminated the Sultanate of Banten in 1808. During the reign of Lieutenant Governor-General Thomas Stamford Raffles (1811-1816) Banten was divided into four districts: Banten Lor (Northern Banten), Banten Kulon (Western Banten), Banten Tengah (Central Banten), and Banten Kidul (Southern Banten). When the Dutch regained its power in Banten, the region was divided into three disctricts: Serang, Caringin, and Lebak. In August 14, 1925 Lebak became an autonomous district. In 1950 District of Lebak was part of 25 districts in the Province of West Java, and since 2005 the district became part of the Province of Banten. Today, the population of Lebak has been increasing significantly every year and the educational and socio-cultural life has been developed quite dynamically. To reconstruct this history the author conducted method in history: heuristic, criticism, interpretation, and historiography.
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Kulesha, Nadiia. "“Ukrayinskyi Prapor” (1923—1932s): the Berlin period of the newspaper of the President of the Ukrainian National Council." Proceedings of Research and Scientific Institute for Periodicals, no. 9(27) (2019): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.37222/2524-0331-2019-9(27)-2.
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The centenary of the Ukrainian Revolution (1917―1921s) made relevant the interest to the developments and the personalities of that time, specifically, to the personality of the President of the ZUNR, Petrushevych, Yevhen. The newspaper «Ukrayinskyi Prapor» founded in 1919 in Vienna, throughout its existence, was considered as an official print organ of the Dictator (i.e., Y. Petrushevych). The Vienna period of this publication lasted from August 1919 to mid-November 1923. From the end of November 1923 till April 1932, the paper was published in the capital of the Weimar Republic, Berlin. It was the only newspaper of the Ukrainian emigration published for the longest time in interwar Germany. It was an example of a socio-political periodical. There collaborated outstanding editors and publicists. The pages of this paper record the history of the diplomatic struggle of the West Ukrainian foreign representatives for the liberation of the Eastern Galicia from the protectorate of Poland and the restoration of Ukrainian statehood. Its materials documented the course of the occupation of the Eastern Galicia by Poland and the process of «Polonization» of the Ukrainian population of that region. The article explores the Berlin period of existence of the magazine. Specifically, it studies the changes in the ideological line of the magazine, more specifically, its pro-Soviet editorial orientation because of the illusions about the transformation of the national policy of the Soviet rule in Ukraine, especially during the period of Ukrainization. Then the traditional headings of the magazine were joined by the publications with positive coverage of the flourishing Ukrainianization in Soviet Ukraine. The newspaper also actively reacted to the SVU (Union for Liberation of Ukraine) trial in Kharkiv, justifying the position of the Soviet authorities. The paper’s editorial staff were well-known figures of Ukrainian politics, science, and culture: Yu. Bachynsky, O. Hrytsai, A. Zhuk, M. Lozynsky, R. Perfetsky, and others. They provided a high level of editorial content with high-quality, multifaceted texts. We conclude that in terms of the editorial content and formal aspects, the newspaper «Ukrayinskyi Prapor» matched the standards of the European mainstream press of that time.
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Jensen, John V. "“I Danmarks Interesse”. Minerydningen pa den jyske vestkyst 1945." Fund og Forskning i Det Kongelige Biblioteks Samlinger 56 (March 3, 2017): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/fof.v56i0.118933.
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John V. Jensen: In Denmark’s Interest … Mine clearing on Jutland’s west coast 1945
The article is about mine clearing on Jutland’s west coast in 1945. The mine clearing started shortly after the German capitulation. It was unusual because German soldiers were forced to do the work, which, with a few exceptions, was completed on 1 October 1945. The work cost the lives of around 150 German soldiers and wounded even more. In the many years that followed, the perception was that, despite the loss of German lives, the mine clearing had been achieved in a satisfactory way. This perception faced criticism in 1998 with the claim that the mine clearing was a dark chapter in Denmark’s history, and that Danish war crimes had been committed. The German Wehrmacht surrendered to the Allies in Denmark on 4 May 1945, and it was the British liberation force that gave the order for the mines to be cleared. There is evidence to suggest that the political powers in Denmark may have drawn British attention to the mines on Jutland’s west coast. At any rate, the order to clear the mines was incorporated into the terms and conditions of the capitulation. Under the British command, the mines were to be cleared by German soldiers in as short a time as possible, while the Det Danske Pionerkommando (Danish Engineer Command Battalion) was tasked with supervising the clearing work. The article shows that this German-British-Danish collaboration was far from problematic. There were conflicts from the Danish side, especially in terms of sloppiness and laziness among its own inspectors, while the Pionerkommando’s more limited collaboration with the Germans, in terms of counting and subsequent checks, was apparently less strained than one would have expected. This perception was based on the erroneous assumption that it was the Danes who were in command of the German mine clearers. It has been claimed that the mine clearing work was achieved by forced labour. The article states that this is not as clear-cut as it sometimes has been claimed. It is quite obvious that the German soldiers, who were commandeered from the marched groups immediately after the liberation of Denmark, must to a great extent have been forced because of their training. However, there were supposedly also several volunteers among the later arrivals of mine clearers, even though they were less well trained. The work in Denmark was a way of avoiding the prison camps and an alternative to working, for example, in the coal mines in Germany. One argument is that the British, and especially the Danes, had a significant interest in the Germans not getting maimed or killed in the minefields, because as long as the Germans cleared the mines, it meant that Danes did not have to do the work. It is believed that this was the harsh logic of the times. It is believed without a doubt, that the high German losses are explained by the high speed, at which the mine clearing work was carried out. It was work that had to be done, and both the British and the Danish authorities were in agreement on that. However, notwithstanding the tempo, the task’s complexity, the Germans’ work methods and relative inexperience played a role. The article questions whether there actually were any Danish war crimes. From a British (and a Danish) perspective, there were not any German prisoners of war, but military units, which had capitulated and whose labour could be exploited, for example, for mine clearing without there being any conflict with international conventions. In that sense, there were no war crimes. However, be it soldier or war prisoner, the losses remain the same.The contemporary material paints a different and more detailed picture than has been shown up until now and shows that the history of the mine clearing is less clear-cut and more complex than supposed. The tension between Danes and Germans was nowhere near as pronounced as posterity would have it, and internal Danish factors and the relationship with the British also played a role, thereby downplaying the revenge motive, which otherwise has been used to explain the German loss of life. The Danish and German soldiers had an important common interest. This has been overlooked and undermines the explanation that there were revenge and inhumanity. This revenge motive is perhaps to be found in particular outside the ranks of the soldiers, whether Danish, German or British: for example, in the wider Danish population, who conversely had nothing to do with the mine clearing.The mutual interest between the Germans, the British and the Danes was expressed precisely in a written statement from Pionerkommandoet to the ‘Jydsk-fynske Kommando’ (Jutland-Fyn Command) on 14 June 1945: “It is also in Denmark’s interests that the Germans clear the mines, and that we [the Danes] are not forced to do it ourselves”.
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Malahovskis, Vladislavs. "MANIFESTATION OF LATGALIAN IDENTITY IN EXILE." Via Latgalica, no. 5 (December 31, 2013): 88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17770/latg2013.5.1644.
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The article deals with some aspects of Latgalian identity and perception in exile, their origin and main key issues. At the end of the Second World War about 120,000 - 140,000 residents of Latvia found their asylum in the West. About 7,000 of them were Latgalians. Despite their common sense of belonging to lost Latvia, common aspirations for freedom and independence of a Latvian state, Latvian intelligentsia was not united in exile. It was composed of different social and scientifi c organizations, etc. The lack of unity is based on heritage and stereotypes. Historically Latgale had different socio-economic conditions, different socio-political development of events and belated national consciousness development. That is why Latgalians in exile were not united. Their beliefs were very different in number of issues: 1. Regarding written language and the language of worship (Latvian or Latgalian). Catholic Church representatives in exile considered the language of worship services should be Latvian, because Catholics were among Latvians. But another part of the representatives of Latgalians insisted on the Latgalian language; 2. Regarding historical concept (authoritarian regime of Karlis Ulmanis and Latgale). One part criticized Karlis Ulmanis about restriction of the Latgalian language and literature in the second part of 30s of the 20th century, while the others supported his economic and other activities in favour of Latgale. The most active and important organization that defended everything Latgalian was Vladislavs Lōcis Publishing House and Latgale Research Institute (LRI). Vladislavs Lōcis Publishing House moved from Daugavpils to the West and started its activities in Germany. The publisher considered Latgalian writer or researcher a person who wrote in Latgalian. In this connection some problems arose with Latgalian authors who tried to keep both languages – Latgalian and Latvian. Despite of various ideological and material obstacles, V. Lōcis Publishing House has made a substantial contribution. The Publishing House issued in total about 150 Latgalian authors’ books, as well as almanac “Tāvu Zemes Kalendars” (Father`s Land Calendar), the newspaper “Latgolas Bolss” (Voice of Latgale), ”Latgola” (Latgale), the magazine ”Dzeive” (Life), a literary collection of articles “Olūts”, a scientific collection of articles “Acta Latgalica”. Research institute was established to coordinate research work in exile by the Latgale intelligentsia. Emphasising the authentic Latgalian research orientations, it is also known as Latgalian Research Institute. LRI foundation was a form of protest against disregard of the Latgalian descendants, history, culture, literary research: 1) In Western European research communities; 2) Works of Latvian group of authors in exile; 3) The absence of objective study of history of Latvia in Soviet Latvia. Though LRI staff were cut off from their homeland, without modern means of communication, nevertheless they were able to organize the Latgalian researchers in different countries and continents, could lead to permanent research in history, culture and literature of Latgale. The main issue as well as the problem was why during the second generation in exile has the continuity of selflessness ambitions vanished. During the first generation of exile the Latgalian identity has been largely reduced to the usage of Latgalian language. Unlike Latvians from other regions who saw spacious prospects for their activities, the new generation of Latgalians in exile did not see wide enough perspective for the Latgalian language and written form of expression of the language. However, the succession in greater or less extent was saved after the resumption of independence of Latvia – in Latgale: in 1991 the Institute activities were declared and supported by the official members of exile in Daugavpils. Currently, the LRI is the branch of Daugavpils University; Latgale research nowadays is not limited to LRI. Since 90s Rēzekne University College (Rēzeknes Augstskola) has grown into an important research centre, where the Institute of Regional Studies has started its activities. Latgale Cultural centre Publishing House continues traditions started by V. Lōcis.
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Kudryachenko, A. "The Historical Stages of the Resettlement of Germans in Ukraine." Problems of World History, no. 10 (February 27, 2020): 92–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2020-10-6.
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The article analyzes the three stages of the migration of the German ethnic group into the territory of modern Ukraine, different in nature, character and orientation, and their features are clarified. The author reveals the geography of the first migratory flows of the Goths in the second half of the II century, which went from the Wisla delta to Scythia, and were divided into the western (settled on the right bank of the Dnieper) and eastern. The latter, having settled down near the Sea of Azov, founded the state of Germanarich, and in the IV century, under the pressure of the Huns, the center of life of Goths moved to the Kerch Peninsula, the mountainous region of Crimea, where their state association Gothia existed until the XVIII century.
It turns out that in the early Middle Ages there was a second wave of German settlements on modern Ukrainian lands from the West European direction. The expansion of the settlements of Germans and immigrants from other European countries on the lands of Kievan Rus was facilitated by political relations, which were also realized with the help of dynastic marriage unions. The princes of Kiev, pursuing a foreign policy worthy of a great power, have equal relations with the main European states of the medieval world - the Holy Roman Empire (Germany) and Byzantium, they invite priests, German craftsmen and merchants. Starting from the XI century, small German trade colonies appeared in Kiev, Vladimir-Volynsky, Lutsk and other cities. During the Lithuanian-Polish period, the influx of German settlers to Ukrainian lands is increasing. This was facilitated by various benefits and provision of points to the German immigrants by Lithuanian princes and Polish kings. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Magdeburg law was acquired by large trading cities.
The third period, the most significant resettlement and colonization, that is, large-scale development of the South of Ukraine - the Sea of Azov, the Black Sea region and the lands of Crimea - begins in the second half - the end of the 18th century. The author emphasizes that this most powerful period and the great positive history of the development of our region is largely connected with immigrants of German origin (and representatives of other ethnic groups). This period becomes a powerful colonization and economic development of the entire South of Ukraine, the rich land of the Azov, Black Sea, Crimea. It is noted that then, on the initiative and real support of the government of tsarist Russia, the development of wide steppe spaces took place, which, together with Ukrainian lands, had recently been transferred to the Russian Empire. Since then, the history of immigrants has become part of the history of the Ukrainian people.
The dynamics of the development of German colonies in different provinces of the South of Russia is analyzed separately, the social aspects of the life of settlements, the grave consequences for the colonists associated with the First World War, and revolutionary events in the Russian Empire are indicated. The gains and losses in the national development, in the arrangement, in the administrative division of the German and other settlers, which were the consequences of radical fluctuations in the national policy of the Soviet government in the pre-war period, are revealed.
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Kubo, Tomoko. "Housing challenges in shrinking and aging Japanese cities." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-195-2019.
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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> The topic of shrinking cities has been one of the most important urban issues in the past three decades. Couch and Cocks (2013) reviewed studies on the outcomes of recent shrinking cities: (1) rapid out-migration from post-socialist countries such as the movement from East Germany to West Germany in the 1990s; (2) economic -decline as an additional trigger for out-migration such as in old industrial areas in Northern England and the Rust Belt of the United States; and (3) rapid demographic changes such as low fertility and longevity-led ageing of the society leading to shrinking regions in the European countries and Japan. Although many studies have been conducted in East Germany, the old industrial cities, and the aging European countries (Nordvik and Gulbrabdsen 2009, Hoekstra et al. 2018, Hollander 2018), little is known about shrinkage in Japanese cities. Over recent decades, the debates on shrinking cities have been widely studied; these studies can be classified into three categories: (1) studies to understand the background reasons that caused shrinkage, (2) those to analyze the effects or outcomes of shrinkage (e.g., increase in housing vacancies or vacant lots, growth of crime rate or political challenges), and (3) those to propose policy implications or practical solution strategies to overcome shrinkage (Hollander and Nemeth 2011).</p><p>First, Hollander (2018) and other studies identified the relationship between the neighborhood life cycle (Hoover and Vernon 1959, or studies by the Chicago schools) and urban shrinkage, with regards to old industrial cities such as those in the Rust Belt of the United States and erstwhile mining towns in North England. Hoover and Vernon (1959) proposed that a neighborhood follows a five-stage cycle, comprising the stages of development, transition, downgrading, shrinkage, and renewal; this five-stage model is linked to the discriminative housing policies from the 1930s until the 1970s in the United States (Metzger 2000). In addition to these neighborhood cycles, other factors such as economic decline, outmigration and population loss, demographic changes (Nordvik and Gulbrabdsen 2009, Couch and Cocks 2013), social transition, globalization and neo-liberalization have transformed housing, welfare, and family relations in many countries (Yui et al. 2017, Ronald and Lennarts 2018). In East Germany, housing oversupply during the post-socialist shrinking periods acted as a catalyst to form a new residential segregation pattern in Leipzig (Grobmann et al. 2015). Some neighborhood conditions can lead to an increase in the number of housing abandonments or long-term housing vacancies in specific neighborhoods, as demonstrated by various studies mentioning oversupply of housing during the housing bubble periods and longitude low demand neighborhoods in the United States (Molloy 2016), the high ratio of poverty (Immergluck 2016), and the conditions of the surrounding neighborhoods (Morckel 2014). Second, the population loss caused by massive out-migration and a rise in housing abandonment or housing vacancies were the most common outcomes of urban shrinkage. Out-migration was triggered by the movement to seek better job opportunities or quality of life, urban life cycles with growth and decline (Couch and Cocks 2013), and the longitudinal decline process of population (Alves et al. 2016). Nordvik and Gulbrandsen (2009) analyzed aging-led shrinkage with a case study in Norway and found a spatial characteristic of shrinkage that occurs more often in suburbs than in city-centers, and the positive relation between the rise in the vacant property ratio and an increase in the elderly population in a region. The out-migration of the younger generation, arising from the desire to move away from parental homes in suburbs, and the deaths among the parental generation that have occurred in the last 30 to 50 years have led to a gradual increase in vacant housing in the suburb in Norway (Nordvik and Gulbrabdsen 2009). Apparently, the Japanese suburban neighborhoods have experienced the rise in housing vacancies and ageing population through the similar mechanism with that in Norway, but the reality and spatial patterns of shrinking-related problems vary reflecting the urban and housing policies, housing market characteristics, and embedded relationship between housing and family in society. According to Couch and Cocks (2013), the rise in housing vacancies in a region arises due to several factors, as follows. The first factor is that of short-term vacancies for which there is no demand in the local housing market; this issue can be resolved through public intervention in terms of reinvestment in inner-city social housing, such as in the United Kingdom in the 1980s. The second factor is that of oversupply of housing as compared to the housing demand in a region; this is caused by lower satisfaction among residents in their residential environment or inequality in public investment and access to private financial resources by local residents. Moreover, shrinking cities with a high ratio of long-term housing vacancies tend to experience an increase in crime such as burglary. This is because the rise in housing vacancies causes a decline in neighbourhood vitality required to protect social disorder; vacant housing is used to store stolen goods or sell drugs, and there is a “broken window effect” with regard to abandoned housing vacancies (Jones and Pridemore 2016).</p><p>There have recently been more meaningful discussions on how to handle the problems of shrinking cities. As Hoekstra et al. (2018) mentioned, there have been two main approaches in these discussions: one approach has focused on increasing the population in shrinking cities again, whereas, the other accepts longitudinal shrinkage patterns and aims to increase the quality of life of present and future residents (Hollander and Nemeth 2011). The former approach advocates entrepreneurial policies to attract new residents, resulting in an increase in inequality within a region, unsold housing, and a lack of affordable housing (Hoekstra et al. 2018). The latter approach employs methodologies such as selective demolition of abandoned housing to control the housing stock of a region, promoting down-sizing or right-sizing to meet the changes in the housing demands of residents, or densification of urban buildings to recreate walkable neighborhoods (Hoekstra et al. 2018). Hollander and Nemeth (2011) proposed smart decline strategies based on the concept of social justice, with an emphasis on the following aspects: accepting voices from diverse actors, utilizing different types of technology to share information about citizens to problematize uneven power structure, transparent decision-making processes with clear evaluation, and paying attention to the scale of decision making (e.g., the total planning burden is shared among regional levels, and the required interventions are conducted at local levels). Compared to the rich accumulation of literature on shrinking cities in Western countries, the Japanese situation has not been discussed sufficiently and there is an absence of strategies to resolve the issues in Japan. Research on shrinkage and housing has clarified that factors related to housing, welfare, and family relations are embedded in the social fabric, and the relationships vary by region or by country (Ronald and Lennerts 2018). Therefore, it is necessary to obtain deeper understanding of the housing challenges in shrinking and aging Japanese cities. The present study aims to review the above-mentioned three categories of shrinking city debates in Japan, to propose practical countermeasures for shrinking and aging Japanese cities. First, we review the reasons that caused the shrinkage in Japanese cities. Second, we analyze the increase in housing vacancies as an outcome of this shrinkage. Third, we examine the political countermeasures that have been adopted in Japan and evaluate their efficacy in the Japanese situation. Finally, through these analyses, we propose policy implications to deal with the problems of aging and shrinking cities in Japan. The major findings of the study are as follows: First of all, existing systems that had been established during the economic and urban growth periods of Japan are not suitable to address the new demands of the shrinking and aging era. Therefore, a great divide in terms of residential environments has occurred within a metropolitan area or between cities. Lesser access to financial resources to reinvest in old suburban neighborhoods or local cities accelerates the divide or inequality in terms of residential environments. Second, an increase in housing vacancies can decrease the quality of life of older adults in these shrinking neighborhoods. Third, these problems could be resolved by adopting a strategy of smart decline, with selective investment to control housing stock, and by accepting aging in place in shrinking neighborhoods. We discuss the challenges in implementing these possible solutions in Japanese cities.</p>
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Venzl, Tilman, and Yvonne Zimmermann. "Die Biedermeierzeit als verfallenes Forschungsmonument?" Scientia Poetica 21, no. 1 (October 26, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/scipo-2017-0066.
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AbstractThis article examines how older research on Biedermeier is evaluated in current discourse, taking as its focus the example of recent studies on Annette von Droste-Hulshoff. One can observe a refusal of earlier knowledge claims, those that are most notably linked to the literary scholar Friedrich Sengle, which can be ascribed to various overlapping motives. Besides the criticism of specific research results, a rejection of Sengle himself can be seen, which is most likely a consequence of his personal, academic, and political actions during the Nazi era and in West Germany. However, Sengle’s works nevertheless continue to offer promising insights for current research, as is exemplified in an examination of Droste-Hulshoff’s author’s poetics. Ultimately, the article argues for a differentiated evaluation, i. e. one that is based on the history of German literary studies, older research on Biedermeier in general, and Sengles Biedermeier Period (Biedermeierzeit) in particular.
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"From the Editors." German Politics and Society 17, no. 1 (March 1, 1999): vi—vii. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503099782486923.
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In this open issue of German Politics and Society we are pleased to presenta number of contributions that address major aspects of currentdebates in Germany. In our lead article, Helga Haftendorn shedslight on the critical foreign policy triangle of Bonn, Paris, and Washington.Always essential to the well being of each of these threecountries during the postwar period (indeed, an absolute cornerstoneto the flourishing of liberal democracies of the West), this triangularrelationship is about to experience major shifts in the years tocome. With the French openly challenging the Americans on allfronts of public life—political, strategic, economic, cultural, evenmoral—diplomacy will certainly become a good deal more complicatedfor the new German government, as it tries to walk thisincreasingly strained tightrope between Washington and Paris.
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Kirchhof, Astrid Mignon. "Contemporary Ideas in a Traditional Mind-Set: The Nature Conservation Movement in Post War West-Germany (1945-1960)." Ecozon@: European Journal of Literature, Culture and Environment 2, no. 1 (May 21, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/ecozona.2011.2.1.389.
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In winter 1947 the Association for the Protection of the German Forest was founded to prevent the eradication of the forest across Germany after suffering wartime destruction, overuse and firewood logging. Especially the occupying forces faced harsh criticism from the German people for their widespread deforestation even though it seems that the Allied Powers used the wood resources quite responsibly. This article argues that the uproar by nature conservationists, politicians and “normal people” reflected a German sense of powerlessness, and revealed images and convictions of the forest as a national symbol that was supposedly endangered in post-war Germany. These post-war discussions referred back to the discourse of the 19th century, when German intellectuals declared the forest to be the myth of the German people and developed a notion of “Heimat” that saw a close connection between nation and nature. The post-war discussions involved many of those images and convictions. Nevertheless, the discussions were not only retrospective: they also reacted to the contemporary political situation and adapted their answers and solutions accordingly. En el invierno de 1947, se fundó la Asociación para la Protección de los Bosques Alemanes para prevenir la destrucción de los bosques en Alemania después de la guerra, la sobre-explotación y la extracción de leña. Especialmente las fuerzas de ocupación fueron duramente criticadas por el pueblo alemán por la deforestación que causaban, a pesar de que, al parecer, las autoridades alidas explotaban los recursos de madera responsablemente. El presente artículo postula que las quejas de los ambientalistas, políticos y “gente de a pie“ indicaban que el pueblo alemán se sentía impotente y sacaba a relucir imágenes e ideas de los bosques en tanto símbolos nacionales supuestamente en peligro en la Alemania de la posguerra. Estas discusiones de la posguerra reflejaban los discursos del siglo XIX con que los intelectuales alemanes elevaron los bosques a la categoría de mito representativo del pueblo alemán y desarrollaron en la idea de “Heimat” [“Patria”] una íntima conexión entre nación y naturaleza. Las discusiones de la posguerra trataron de muchas de esas imágenes e ideas decimonónicas pero no se limitaron a tener de ellas una mera visión retrospectiva, pues hicieron que respondieran a la situación política del momento y aportaran soluciones de acuerdo a la nueva coyuntura.