Academic literature on the topic 'Criticism Political aspects Germany (West)'

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Journal articles on the topic "Criticism Political aspects Germany (West)"

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Vaišnys, Andrius. "Transformation of Communist Media Content and Public Space According to the Discourse ‘39Pact: Exiting the “Labyrinth” as an Act of Communication." Informacijos mokslai 90 (December 28, 2020): 53–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/im.2020.90.50.

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This text is about one of the longest processes of political communication, which, decades on, influences politicians of various generations of the Central, Eastern and Western Europe, contents of media and self-awareness of the audience. The process isn’t over yet, this is obvious not only from the document adopted by the EP but also from an international political rhetoric. Analysis of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact signed on 1939 in media (D’39Pact) and related national and international decisions is the axis of information conflict between the East and the West concerning thousands of fates. Those thousands of people had and still have different historical narratives – some people justified the Pact and implemented it, others were fighting for the elimination of its consequences, yet others fell victims to it, with a death toll estimated in the millions. But not everybody’s narratives are based on true arguments.Let’s look at the way the system of propaganda collapsed and the public opinion was transformed in countries of Central and Eastern Europe in 1988-1989. Moving from a lie to (hopefully) the historical truth. Review of consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact was the main axis of such transformation (protection of environmental and cultural valuables, choice of one’s viewpoint, legislative requirements and other rights were contextual aspects of this axis). During this period in the previously mentioned region the control of public space was on the decline.This view will be based on a single thematic discourse: the provision of consequences of the 1939 Treaty of Non-aggression between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and criticism in communist model media of Lithuania and neighbouring countries. It may be called D’39Pact.D‘39Pact in general has several narratives (it may also be seen from the EP Resolution), but taking into consideration the interpretation of Jurgen Habermas’s Communicative Action, the analysis of transformation of 1988-1989 two of them would suffice, one of which is that of the authorities of the USSR and the other one – that of its opponents. Let’s call opponents USSR dissidents, protestors, underground press (samizdat) and press of public movements which was published legally.Narrative of the USSR authorities: the treaty was the inevitable and no annexes (secret protocols) exist.Narrative of the opponents: based on secret protocols of the treaty, the USSR and Nazi Germany divided the countries and destroyed their political, military, cultural elite and finally – their population of various social layers.Medias, as the main participant of the public space, most clearly disclose the collision of such narratives and transformation in D‘39Pact. The purpose of the article is to discuss the circumstances of transformation of MMPT from the historical perspective and of the public space and come across the factors, which influenced the strongest role of MMPT interpretative accomplishments. Considering the way out of the “labyrinth” regarding the D’39 Pact, we see some similarities with the situation that now exists in Russia.
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Kolevinskienė, Žydronė. "Women’s Literature in Emigration in 1950–1990: the Issue of the Canon." Knygotyra 74 (July 9, 2020): 168–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/knygotyra.2020.74.50.

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The article was inspired by the World Congress of Lithuanian Writers held in Vilnius, in May 2019, during which the literary canon was discussed – not only in Lithuania, but abroad as well: what determines the entry of some books into the school canon, their assessment with literary prizes, various nominations, and why other books remain less noticed by readers and / or literary critics. The theme of this article was further highlighted by the heated debate on the elections of the Book of the Year that took place throughout the autumn (and is still ongoing). Various top five, top ten, top twelve lists, debates over the update of the contents of the curriculum of secondary schools inevitably raise the issue of the literary canon. Therefore, it is considered that perhaps the problem is not what falls or does not fall into the literary canon, but rather how much power society gives to the literary canon itself. The main tasks of the research: to introduce the main theoretical aspects of the literary canon; to discuss the issue of literary canon and women’s creative works; to identify the dominants of the literary canon in the diaspora. The article discusses the issue of the literary canon precisely in women’s literature that was created and is still being created in the diaspora. Research sources: various literary and cultural presses of the Lithuanian diaspora in the US (Aidai (The Echoes), Darbininkas (The Worker), Draugas (The Friend), Gabija, Naujienos (The News) etc.), Literatūros lankai (Literary Folios) (Buenos Aires, 1952-1959), the book by Vladas Kulbokas Lithuanian Literary Criticism in Exile (Rome, 1982). The main reason for this discussion of (non)canonization of women’s literature is that statistically female authors write more on emigration topics. There were more women writers outside Lithuania in the second wave of emigration (DPs); more women than men give a sense to their exile experience even today. The article emphasizes that women’s involvement in public life has never been either simple or natural. Even greater challenges awaited the creating women in 1944, when they moved to the West – Germany, Austria, and from 1949 – to the US, Canada, Australia. Questions are raised as to how and why public attitudes towards the writing, creative woman have changed; how the community of the Lithuanian diaspora, influenced by a new context, new economic and political conditions in the US, thought about new creative challenges, what kind of goals and objectives were set for it. If feminization processes call for rebellion against the dominant (male) canon, if today we are talking about not a single existing canon, but rather about canons, if it is emphasized that the canon is nonetheless a changing thing related with a system of certain time values, then the canon may not exist at all and it cannot exist? The article also actualizes modern migration processes and their reflections in literature (created both in Lithuania and abroad, outside Lithuania; written not only in Lithuanian but also in English) as well, opens new possibilities for reading and interpreting women’s works – and above all – the article dedicated to the World Lithuanian Year, seeks to create a dialogue field that can help deepen the understanding of today’s (e)migration.
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Löwisch, Henriette. "An Interview with Alice Schwarzer on Leni Riefenstahl." German Politics and Society 31, no. 3 (September 1, 2013): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2013.310304.

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Alice Schwarzer’s name is synonymous with the second-wave women’smovement in West Germany, and when she picks a fight, the odds are ashouting match will follow. Admired by some, reviled by others, West Germany’sbest-known feminist has often used controversy to amplify theactivist journalism she has pursued since the late 1960s. She is opinionated,combative, and unpredictable—attributes all reflected in her 1999 essay onLeni Riefenstahl, which the interview below revisits. Her sympathetic portrayalof the filmmaker met with criticism, which is certainly consistent withthe affinity toward ambivalence Schwarzer has demonstrated throughouther career as an author, activist and talk show celebrity.
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ROHRSCHNEIDER, ROBERT. "Cultural Transmission Versus Perceptions of the Economy." Comparative Political Studies 29, no. 1 (February 1996): 78–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414096029001004.

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The formal division of Germany in 1949 and the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989 demarcate a monumental quasi-experiment. Whereas the political culture aspects of this experiment have been studied extensively, the implications of these events for the economic culture in West and East Germany have received less attention. This article attempts to fill this gap in scholarship by examining the basic economic values of parliamentarians in East and West Germany. To this end, I interviewed 168 parliamentarians from the united Parliament in Berlin (79 from the East, 89 from the West). The study finds that the socialist order successfully imbued East MPs with socialist economic values—especially among the postwar cohort—independent of MPs' evaluation of contemporary economic conditions. In contrast, West MPs' economic values reflect the social market system of the West German economy. These results suggest that basic institutional arrangements, once put into place, have a substantial influence on individuals' ideological predispositions.
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Uelzmann, Jan. "Building Domestic Support for West Germany's Integration into NATO, 1953–1955." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (May 2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00941.

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Konrad Adenauer's government in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) engaged in a large-scale media campaign to create political consent for the FRG's integration into the West, a policy that rested to a large extent on rearmament and entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To counter public criticism of rearmament, the West German authorities used Mobilwerbung, a company that maintained a fleet of mobile film screening vans. Clandestinely financed by the government, Mobilwerbung brought government-commissioned films and political speakers into the FRG's remotest areas. Based on archival records on deployments in Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia, this article traces Mobilwerbung's role as a government unit that reacted dynamically to competing events. Through highly detailed reporting on audience reactions, Mobilwerbung served both as a public relations vehicle to foster consent and as an analytical tool that allowed the mapping of public sentiment regarding rearmament.
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Silver, Hilary. "The Social Integration of Germany since Unification." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (March 1, 2010): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280109.

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Germans are inordinately preoccupied with the question of national integration. From the Kulturkampf to the Weimar Republic to the separation of East and West, social fractiousness is deeply ingrained in German history, giving rise to a desire to unify the "incomplete nation." Yet, the impulse to integrate German society has long been ambivalent. Between Bismarck and the Nazi interregnum, top-down efforts to force Germans to integrate threatened to erase valued differences. The twentieth anniversary of German reunification is the occasion to assess the reality of and ambivalence towards social integration in contemporary Germany. A review of economic and social measures of East-West, immigrant, and Muslim integration provides many indications of progress. Nevertheless, social cleavages persist despite political integration. Indeed, in some aspects, including in the party system, fragmentation is greater now than it was two decades ago. Yet successful social integration is a two-way street, requiring newcomers and oldtimers to interact. Integration of the European Union to some extent has followed this German path, with subsidiarity ensuring a decentralized social model and limited cohesion. German ambivalence about social integration is a major reason for the continuing social fragmentation of the society.
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Bruce, Gary S. "The Prelude to Nationwide Surveillance in East Germany: Stasi Operations and Threat Perceptions, 1945–1953." Journal of Cold War Studies 5, no. 2 (March 2003): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039703763336453.

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Many observers have been puzzled by the extent of the uprising that swept through East Germany in June 1953, given the legendary efficiency of the East German state security (Stasi) forces and their vast network of informants. Some scholars have even attempted to explain the Stasi's inability to foresee and prevent the uprising by arguing that the Stasi conspired with the demonstrators. The opening of the archives of the former German Democratic Republic has shed valuable light on this issue. Based on extensive research in the archives of the Stasi and of the former Socialist Unity Party of East Germany, as well as materials from the West German archives, this article shows that the Stasi did not fail its party superiors in being unable to foresee the uprising of June 1953. There was, in fact, no way that the organization could have foreseen the rebellion. Prior to 1953 the Stasi was not outfitted with a massive surveillance apparatus, nor was it mandated for broad internal surveillance. Rather, it primarily targeted well-known opposition groups at home and anti-Communist organizations based in West Berlin. The criticism directed against the Stasi after the uprising was attributable mainly to Walter Ulbricht's embattled leadership position and his need for a scapegoat.
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Roberts, Geoffrey K. "Selection, Voting and Adjudication: The Politics of Legislative Membership in the Federal Republic of Germany." Government and Opposition 37, no. 2 (April 2002): 231–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.00096.

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There Has Been Much Concern In The Past Few Years About the ‘decline of parliament’ in West European democracies. In the United Kingdom, criticism of the New Labour government has included its apparent neglect of Parliament demonstrated by the style and strategies of the government, ranging from reduction in the time allotted to prime minister's question-time and the utilization of the mass media rather than Parliament as the forum for important policy statements, to the government's refusal to accept reforms to the method of appointments to House of Commons select committees, as recommended by the House of Commons Liaison Committee. Strong party discipline, coupled with sanctions which can affect the political careers of MPs for failure to obey the edicts of the party leadership, have limited the autonomy of MPs in Britain, and, to a varying degree, in other West European countries also. Certainly the German Bundestag has been criticized for being too much under the control of the leaderships of the political parties, in terms of voting on legislation, the stage-management of debates and the choice of leaders of the parliamentary parties (the removal by Chancellor Schröder of Scharping as leader of the SPD parliamentary party in 1998 at the instigation of Lafontaine, the then party chairman, is a notorious instance).
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Thiemeyer, Guido. "The “Social Market Economy” and its Impact on German European Policy in the Adenauer Era, 1949-1963." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 68–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250205.

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This article focuses on the economic aspects of German European policy in the 1950s and raises the question whether the economic system of the Federal Republic of Germany, “Soziale Marktwirtschaft” had any impact on the European policy of the West German state. It argues that Social Market Economy as defined by Ludwig Erhard influenced German European policy in certain aspects, but there was a latent contradiction between the political approach of Konrad Adenauer and this economic concept. Moreover, this article shows that West German European policy was not always as supportive for European unity as it is often considered.
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Ward, Hugh, and Geoffrey Edwards. "Chicken and technology: the politics of the European Community's budget for research and development." Review of International Studies 16, no. 2 (April 1990): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500112550.

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Member governments of the European Community have frequently urged the necessity of closer cooperation and collaboration in meeting the challenge posed by new technologies and in countering the lead achieved by the United States and Japan. After delays which seemed almost to contradict any sense of urgency, the Council of Ministers of the Community agreed to a multi-annual Framework Programme of Scientific Research in 1983. A critically important element of that Programme, the European Strategic Programme of Research and Development in Information Technology (ESPRIT), was agreed only after further extensive delays in February 1984. The renewal and extension of the Framework Programme was proposed by the European Commission in early 1986 but was finally agreed only in September 1987, the delay having been caused by the opposition of Britain, France and West Germany, the three member states largely responsible for the protracted negotiations on ESPRIT in 1984. Much attention has been paid to the history of the Framework Programme and ESPRIT, but the budgetary aspects of the decisions, aspects that were highly significant in delaying agreement, especially on the part of Britain and West Germany, have tended to be ignored.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Criticism Political aspects Germany (West)"

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Siddiqui, Tashmeen Monique. "Jews against Wagner : the 1929 Krolloper production of Wagner's Der fliegende Holländer." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.669985.

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Annas, Rolf. "Zur Darstellung Sudafrikas in der uberregionalen presse der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Eine textwissenschaftliche Untersuchung." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49304.

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Martens, Erika. "Ideology and literature : a study of society and literary criticism with special reference to the reception of Heinrich Böll during the 1970's." 1988. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phm377.pdf.

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Martens, Erika. "Ideology and literature : a study of society and literary criticism with special reference to the reception of Heinrich Boll during the 1970's / Erika Martens." 1988. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18853.

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Bibliography: leaves 29-340
340 leaves ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, 1988
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Orbach, Lila B. "The role of the meda in international affairs : an analysis of the media's role in relations between West Germany and Israel." 1988. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2478.

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Mathews, Heather Elizabeth. "Making histories: the exhibition of postwar art and the interpretation of the past in divided Germany, 1950-1959." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3457.

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Martini, Allesandro. "Norms for the evaluation of literature focusing primarily on the Frankfurt School." Diss., 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/18637.

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Critical Theory, as posited by members of The Frankfurt School, was evaluated with the objective of attaching an implied ethical dimension. This was discovered in their privileging of a particular type of aesthetic, as evinced in their analysis of certain works of autonomous High Modernism. This implied ethic, which is one based around the concept of enlightenment as potential for emancipation, was then applied as a norm for the evaluation of art. This ethic, however, does not seek to impose a particular reading on (specifically) literary production: Rather, it seeks to impart the importance of a commitment by the literary critic in the use of an ethically based norm, an ethic, what is more, that is based and supported by a discussion of the concepts 'freedom' and Enlightenment. Finally, with this ethic firmly established, the discussion then attempted to distinguish between modernism and post-modernism, using this implied ethic as a guide to separation.
Afrikaans & Theory of Literature
M.A. (Theory of Literature)
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Books on the topic "Criticism Political aspects Germany (West)"

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Parkes, K. Stuart. Writers and politics in West Germany. New York, N.Y: St. Martin's Press, 1986.

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Writers and politics in West Germany. London: Croom Helm, 1986.

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Etzioni-Halevy, Eva. National broadcasting under siege: A comparative study of Australia, Britain, Israel, and West Germany. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987.

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Etzioni-Halevy, Eva. National broadcasting under siege: A comparative study of Australia, Britain, Israel and West Germany. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1987.

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Language and German disunity: A sociolinguistic history of East and West in Germany, 1945-2000. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

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The rhetoric of (re)unification: Constructing identity through East and West German newspapers. New York: P. Lang, 1996.

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Die inszenierte Polarisierung: Die Wahlkampfsprache der Parteien in den Bundestagswahlkämpfen 1957 und 1987. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1990.

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Thomsa, Jörg-Philipp, Stefanie Wiech, and Helmut Frielinghaus. Ein Bürger für Brandt: Der politische Grass. Lübeck: Die Lübecker Museen, 2008.

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Germany), Günter Grass-Haus (Lübeck, ed. Ein Bürger für Brandt: Der politische Grass. Lübeck: Die Lübecker Museen, 2008.

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Ulrike Meinhof and West German terrorism: Language, violence, and identity. Rochester, N.Y: Camden House, 2009.

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Book chapters on the topic "Criticism Political aspects Germany (West)"

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Copson, Andrew. "7. Hard questions and new conflicts." In Secularism: A Very Short Introduction, 93–123. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198747222.003.0007.

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Secularism has always been controversial. But today both the official secularism of constitutional republics and the secular ethic of liberal democracies are also being rocked by rapid social changes, resurgent religious identities and nationalisms, increasing migration, and many other factors. Secularism is an idea under siege by its opponents at the same time as conflicts within secularism pit its different aspects against each other in new tensions. ‘Hard questions and new conflicts’ considers secularism in practice, education as a feature of secularism, blasphemy and criticism of religions, religious expression in a secular state, religious diversity in the West, and resurgent political religion.
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