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1

Kotovchevska, Blagica, and Blagoj Conev. "FROM TRADITIONAL TOWARDS CRITICAL GEOPOLITICS." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 6 (December 10, 2018): 1827–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28061827b.

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Critical geopolitics examines geopolitical practices in order to understand geographical and political thinking and how the global policy practices are affected. It examines the geopolitical tradition, referring to the historical and geographical context of ideas about geography and politics. In a wider sense, it aims to critically examine everything related to geography and politics. It gives us an idea how the practice of world politics is implemented through different geopolitical arrangements and how our worldview is based on these premises. The analyzes presented through the research of critical geopolitics aimed to create a complex and accurate geopolitical picture, that is, a geopolitical mirror in the function of an essential deconstruction of the geopolitical discourses that create stereotypes for the actors involved in a certain conflict, for the states and the regions where the conflict takes place, that is, a creation of afalse geopolitical picture or a geopolitical mosaic.
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Fard, Rebin. "Towards a New Concept of Constructivist Geopolitics: Bridging Classical and Critical Geopolitics." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 26–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a150102.

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This essay deals with the question to what extent perspectives of classical and critical geopolitical thought are suitable for analysing geopolitical structures of world politics. The following article discusses the potential that opens up a constructivist perspective for the conceptualisation of space and spatiality in geopolitics. This article is about links between geopolitics and international relations for a theoretical rebuilding of geopolitics. It focuses on the constructivist geopolitics and thus questions of power, space, politics and new political spaces; however, not only in a global and national context but also on a local and regional scale. According to the basic premises of constructivist geopolitics, geopolitical constructions and conceptions of space can be asserted as subjective and objective categories. From this perspective, it also shows that the geopolitical world order can be understood not only objectively but also subjectively in reciprocal interaction. These discussions are seen as an interrelated contribution to combine two different paradigms and to promote the synergy of scientific expertise to understand world politics and for the management of temporary global problems. Constructivist geopolitics attempts to conceptually rethink classical geopolitics and critical geopolitics together in a new way to enrich the subject of geopolitics as a possible approach.
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Okunev, I. Yu. "Critical Geopolitics and Post-Critical Shift in Geopolitical Research Paradigm." Comparative Politics (Russia) 5, no. 4 (September 18, 2015): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18611/2221-3279-2014-5-4-6-14.

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4

Dodds, Klaus-John, and James Derrick Sidaway. "Locating Critical Geopolitics." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12, no. 5 (October 1994): 515–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d120515.

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The authors review and locate the emerging literature of critical geopolitics, They illustrate some of the main lines of development within a rapidly expanding literature. This literature analyses geopolitics as discourse and also deconstructs policy texts to examine the use of geographical reasoning in statecraft. Critical geopolitics also links up with critical work in geopolitical economy and development studies. Areas are identified in which critical geopolitics could engage productively with research and scholarship in related fields.
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Onopko, O. V. "FOREIGN POLICY EXPERTISE: THE RESEARCH POTENTIAL OF CRITICAL GEOPOLITICS." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 3 (2022): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-3-77-85.

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The author determines the possibilities of using the theoretical and methodological apparatus of critical geopolitics to study foreign policy expertise. Accordingly, the key views of scientists specializing in the field of critical geopolitics on the problems of foreign policy expertise were summarized and systematized; the concept of critical geopolitics by G. O'Tuathail was expanded and supplemented; the significance of foreign policy expertise at various levels of geopolitical discourse was analyzed; the author's definition was proposed and the features of expert geopolitical discourse were established, its types determined. Consequently, it was substantiated that foreign policy expertise may be a network-organized set of actors in geopolitical discourse. By virtue of their expert status, they have the ability to decisively influence the geopolitical ideas of the population and political actors, alongside the process of the political decision-making process in the field of foreign policy, defense and security. The study determined that the subjects of foreign policy expertise act at all major levels of geopolitical discourse, forming its separate direction – expert geopolitical discourse. Within its framework, they form both ideological and theoretical, conceptual, as well as applied and popular geopolitical ideas that make up the geopolitical pictures of the world of ordinary citizens and the political elite.
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Dnistryanskyy, Myroslav. "Conceptual and methodological problems of geopolitics as scientific discipline." Visnyk of the Lviv University. Series Geography, no. 47 (November 27, 2014): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vgg.2014.47.875.

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Critical analysis of concepts and terminology of geopolitics was made. Paradigm of scientific analysis of global geopolitical processes was proved. The basic modern global political trends were represented. A regularity formation and change of civilizations-cultures were grounded. Significant relationships and dependencies in the geopolitical system in the world were defined. The regular character of the convergence of the territorial organization of political and ethnic areas of the modern world was exposed. Incorrect methodological approaches to the analysis of the geopolitical situation in Ukraine were allocated. Key words: geopolitics, objective geopolitical analysis, methodology of geopolitics, conceptual foundations of geopolitics, geopolitical trends.
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7

Teyyub, Parviz, and Ogli Valiyev. "Critical Geopolitics as the New Paradigm of Geopolitical Research." CulturologicalBulletin: ScienceandTheoreticalYearbookofNyzhniaNaddniprianshchyna (the Lower Dnieper Ukraine) 2, no. 40 (2019): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26661/2413-2284-2019-2-40-03.

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8

Bachmann, Veit, and Sami Moisio. "Towards a constructive critical geopolitics – Inspirations from the Frankfurt School of critical theory." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 2 (August 18, 2019): 251–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654419869016.

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This paper seeks to enrich the scholarly potential and further develop the societal role of critical geopolitical scholarship. In particular, we elaborate on some of the challenges of what we call a ‘constructive critical geopolitics’. This is done through a selective inquiry into some of the key insights of the first generation of Frankfurt School critical theory, in particular as regards its reflections on political action and public engagement. We argue that incorporating some of the central tenets of critical theory into critical geopolitics has important implications for the subdiscipline – theoretically, empirically and as regards its applied/constructive role in society. Our argument seeks to contribute to the inclusion of constructive critical geopolitical analysis alongside the focus on thorough deconstruction of hegemonic knowledge productions, power relations and systems of exclusion. More concretely, drawing on critical theory as well as on geographic feminist and peace research, we call for more explicit normative positioning in critical geopolitical scholarship and suggest that we embrace the complexity of the geopolitical phenomena we study and, in so doing, to consider both their progressive and regressive aspects. We use our interest in processes of European (dis)integration, and the Brexit vote in particular, to highlight the need to further develop such multiperspectival analysis on highly complex and multifaceted geopolitical processes, such as European (dis)integration.
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Rogulis, Dovydas. "Nato Military Interventions In Kosovo, Libya, Afghanistan, And Their Impact On Relations With Russia After The Cold War." Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 36, no. 1 (December 20, 2017): 57–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2017-0001.

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Abstract Abstract This thesis seeks to find out how NATO military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have affected relations with Russia. In order to achieve the aim and hypothesis of the study, the critical geopolitical approach is chosen as a theoretical framework. A schematic critical geopolitics conceptualization of Gearóid Ó. Tuathail is used as the method of research. This thesis mostly pays attention to three essential parts of the critical geopolitics: “formal geopolitics” (analyses of think tanks, specialists, etc.), “practical geopolitics” (the decisions of policy makers, official statements, documents, strategies and speeches) and “popular geopolitics” (the discourse of the media and surveys). The combination of these three elements allows determining the certain NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses towards crises in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan. With regard to evidences of crises, NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses are assessed from very positive, positive, neutral, to negative and very negative. It provides an opportunity to see how both sides have acknowledged these crises and how in long terms NATO’s military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have influenced relations with Russia in international order. Moreover, descriptive method, discourse analysis and a comparative approach are used to scrutinize Russian and NATO’s geopolitical discourses towards crises. The analyses of NATO’s and Russian geopolitical discourses show that the hypothesis different NATO and Russian geopolitical discourses towards crises in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have affected reciprocal relations is correct. The crisis of Kosovo in 2008 marks the end of the Russian flexible policy towards NATO and marks a new beginning of a permanently hostile geopolitical discourse against NATO in Europe. NATO military interventions in Kosovo, Libya and Afghanistan have negatively affected relations with Russia mostly in Europe. Mutual cooperation and diplomatic disputes towards crises in Libya and Afghanistan are minor in comparison with the NATO-Russian relations in the European continent. Consequently, Russia concentrates most of its attention to the geopolitical tradition towards Europe.
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Kopanja, Mihajlo. "Geopolitical thought of Saul Bernard Cohen: Between obsoletion and underutilization." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 1 (2020): 61–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2001061k.

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At the time when geopolitics, after its half a century long downfal, is reemerging and returning to the focus of academic considerations, varaities of contemporary geopolitical thought is observed almost exclusively through the prism of two entrenched positions: classical and critical geopolitics. With such oversimplification, geopolitics may loose much, demanding observation, understandment and requestioning of thoughts by those authors that cannot be simply labeled as either classical or critical. In a desire to contribute to the overcoming of such oversimplifications, this paper observes the geopolitical though of Saul Bernard Cohen in the light of determining its contemporary relevance. Starting from the question whether his thoughts are obsolete or underutilized, the paper provides an overview of authors that influenced Cohen, observation of the evolution of his geopolitical thoughts through seven decade long career, and the conceptual matrix he developed. Labeling Cohen?s thought as a specific geopolitical approach, rather than a general theory, the paper identifies the limitations of his approach with which the discrepancy between the possibilities it provides and the lack of its usage in contemporary geopolitical literature are explained. Yet, this paper points to the existence of considerations within Cohen?s opus which can serve as the foundation for overcoming the limitations of his geopolitical approach, concluding that, because of such possibilities, Cohen?s geopolitical thought is to a greater extent underutilized then it is obsolete.
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11

Fartyshev, A. N. "QUANTITATIVE METHODS IN RUSSIAN GEOPOLITICAL RESEARCHES." Political Science (RU), no. 4 (2022): 18–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.04.01.

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The issue of the article is to acquaint researchers with new methods of studying geopolitics on a strict quantitative scientifically grounded basis. The relevance of this topic is confirmed by the general growth of interest in geopolitical topics in scientific publications, but for the most part these publications are characterized by speculative argumentation and a superficial vision of geographic space. The review article intends to systematize modern theoretical knowledge about geopolitics, to present domestic methodological developments in this area. In the 1990 s, there was a search for conceptual schemes for a quantitative or qualitative analysis of geopolitical relations and acquaintance with foreign trends in geopolitics and methods of argumentation. Since the 2000 s in the latest methodology of geopolitics, 4 generalized directions are distinguished: geopolitics in geographical interpretation, which considers geopolitical processes through the prism of objective spatial data, and uses the geographic scientific base and theories of domestic economic and theoretical geography in the argument, the second is the geo-economic branch, which is based on the achievements of economic science in the mathematization of scientific knowledge, the third is critical geopolitics, which implies a quantitative and qualitative analysis of political discourse, geopolitical images and ideas about the place of a country (region) in the world, the fourth is geopolitical mathematical modeling. In general, the identified areas are not opposed to each other, but have pronounced accents and their own pool of studies, recognized as «classical», included in the foundation of scientific constructions, and there is also an interpenetration and unification of methods for quantitative analysis of geopolitical studies. The article is addressed in order to consolidate knowledge about geopolitics, to interpenetrate the developed methods in this area and stimulate interdisciplinary approaches.
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12

Krastev, Viliyan. "Imaginative vision of space in geopolitics: approach to study." Journal of the Belarusian State University. Geography and Geology, no. 1 (June 8, 2021): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2521-6740-2021-1-23-34.

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The vision of space in critical geopolitics, expressed through the image, is defined. The geopolitical concept of space is interpreted as the result of the geopolitical interaction of the latter with the outside world. Its historical development, the nature of organisation and behavior in relation to other geopolitical entities play a decisive role in this regard. The accumulation of these processes over time forms the semantics of stereotypical political ideas about space, such as: mission, security, buffering, a tendency to integrate and interpenetrate attractiveness, conflict, centrality, peripherality, etc., expressing themselves in a geopolitical image. The images of space, which are becoming increasingly important in geopolitical interaction, direct modern geopolitics to a deeper understanding of the status, role and orientation of various entities expressing geopolitics. A system-representative model of the study of the geopolitical image of space as a basis of methodological orientation, presented as the main idea of the study, has been developed. The model synthesises the interaction between the main factors and elements that form the geopolitical vision of space, which are projected onto its image in a dependent relationship. With this model, we defend the idea of launching an algorithm that adequately structures the process of forming a geopolitical image of space. The attributes that determine the formation of the geopolitical image of space have been displayed: factors of perception of space of internal and external character; sources of space perception (social experience and education, art, media products, maps, media); geopolitical identification; geopolitical identity; geopolitical discourse; semantic stratification and the scale of the geopolitical image.
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13

Toal, Gerard. "Reflection on Criticisms of Critical Geopolitics." Geopolítica(s). Revista de estudios sobre espacio y poder 12, no. 2 (November 10, 2021): 191–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/geop.78616.

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The book Critical Geopolitics: The Politics of Writing Global Space was first published twenty-five years ago. In this article, I briefly discuss the geopolitical and intellectual sources of inspiration for the development Critical Geopolitics as a distinctive approach within Anglo-American political geography. In doing so, I distinguish it from other concurrent critical approached to International Relations and the world-system within English-speaking Geography at this time. Thereafter I consider four lines of critique of Critical Geopolitics. The first is the argument that the approach is too political. A subsidiary argument considers its relationship to violence. The second is the argument that it is neglects embodiment and everyday life and that, consequently, a Feminist Geopolitics is needed as a necessary corrective. The third is that claim that the approach is too textual and operates with a flawed conception of discourse, one that neglects practice. The fourth critique is that Critical Geopolitics has an undeveloped conception of materiality and neglects more-than-human agency. In discuss these criticisms, I make an argument for a continuity of concern with latent catastrophism in Critical Geopolitics from the danger of nuclear war in the mid-nineteen eighties to the climate emergency of today.
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SQUIRE, VICKI. "Reshaping critical geopolitics? The materialist challenge." Review of International Studies 41, no. 1 (May 28, 2014): 139–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210514000102.

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AbstractHow can the ‘materialist turn’ contribute to the reshaping of critical geopolitics? This article draws attention to the limits of an approach that emphasises the representational, cultural, and interpretive dimensions of geopolitics, while acknowledging the difficulties of an ontological shift to materiality for many scholars of critical geopolitics. It draws on the work of Karen Barad and Annemarie Mol in order to advance three arguments for the reshaping of critical geopolitics as a field of research. First, it argues for an approach to the analysis of power that examinesmaterialdiscursive intra-actionsand that cuts across various ontological, analytical, and disciplinary divides. Second, it argues for an analysis of boundary-production that focuses on the mutualenactmentor co-constitution of subjects, objects, and environments rather than on performance. Third, it argues for an analytical approach that engages the terrain of geopolitics in terms of amultiplicity of ‘cuts’that trouble simplifying geopolitical imaginations along with the clear-cut boundaries that these often imply. In so doing, the article makes the case for a more-than-human approach that does not overstate the efficacy of matter, but rather that engages processes of materialisation and dematerialisation without assuming materiality to be a determinant force.
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Korac, Srdjan. "Feminist geopolitics: A contested and rebellious offspring of geopolitical knowledge." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 1 (2020): 179–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2001179k.

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The paper discusses the general features of the theoretical, epistemological, and methodological framework of a feminist approach in the early 21st-century Geopolitics with the aim to discover how its proponents challenge the established ?truths? of (neo)classical geopolitics and make innovative interventions to ?repair? and improve the knowledge produced in critical geopolitics. Being the most recent offspring of geopolitical knowledge that emerged only three decades ago, feminist geopolitics provoked an immediate backlash from the colleagues from the mainstream political geography in terms of recognising its disciplinary position. The author gives an overview of the body of a significant feminist geopolitical work drawn up based on a selected batch of most important international journals and edited volumes published since 2001. The author argues that the contribution of theoretical, epistemological and methodological insights of feminist geopolitics should be located in counterbalancing of the rigidity of the discipline mainstream, and in insisting on the analysis of the intersections of the public (state, global) and the private/intimate (body, home), interrelatedness of embodied life practices and abstract/bureaucratic geopolitical projects, as well as on the introduction of post-positivist methodological approaches and techniques. The paper systemises the most important feminist research questions, and particularly legitimate topics of the day, which were ignored or missed by the mainstream geopolitical research. The author concludes that the feminist approach still remains a dissident body of knowledge within the geopolitical thought, but with an emancipatory potential in creating theoretical and political space in which to articulate a more responsive notion of geopolitics - taken both as knowledge and practice - that might address victimisation of marginalised population entangled in imperial projects.
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Riordan, Shaun. "The Geopolitics of Cyberspace: a Diplomatic Perspective." Brill Research Perspectives in Diplomacy and Foreign Policy 3, no. 3 (June 27, 2018): 1–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24056006-12340011.

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AbstractThe Internet has been seen as the harbinger of a world without borders or sovereignty. But states have recently reemerged in Cyberspace, asserting sovereignty or using it to pursue conflict with rivals. This article explores the geopolitics of Cyberspace. It argues that critical geopolitical concepts like geopolitical fields, culture and conditions can offer insights into the behaviour of actors in Cyberspace. The argument is explored through case studies of the US, Russia and China. The article goes beyond traditional nation states to apply similar analysis to the European Union and Internet companies. It concludes that both classical and critical geopolitics can make valuable contributions to the analysis of Cyberspace, and the behaviour of both state and non-state actors. Diplomacy has a crucial role in managing geopolitical conflicts in Cyberspace. But diplomats need to rethink their engagement and reform the structures and cultures in which they operate.
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MOORE, THOMAS. "Saving friends or saving strangers? Critical humanitarianism and the geopolitics of international law." Review of International Studies 39, no. 4 (December 11, 2012): 925–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000368.

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AbstractWhat can critical geopolitics contribute to an understanding of the political dynamics of humanitarianism within International Relations? This article demands a reconsideration of the concept of humanitarianism by examining the spatial ordering of international society and the geopolitics of international law that condition our understanding of humanitarian agency and conduct within IR. The focus on critical geopolitics seeks to identify the normative structure of humanitarianism and how humanitarian claims – which are seemingly universal – are constituted through specific geopolitical discourses that structure agency and conduct within international life. Considering how humanitarianism is discursively structured as a geopolitical concept involves taking humanitarianism beyond its methodological privileging of impartiality, neutrality, and universality in making sense of humanitarianism. Critical humanitarianism does not accept the grounding of humanitarianism within an intuitive moral framework but instead locates humanitarian agency and conduct within a spatialised understanding of the international system. Such a spatialised ordering of humanitarianism takes the analytical focus away from ‘saving strangers’ (Wheeler) and ‘global conscience’ (Linklater) towards a consideration of the ways in which international law is the product of historical particulars that reflect a complex political sociology of the state (Schmitt).
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Bennett, Mia M. "Hong Kong as special cultural zone: Confucian geopolitics in practice." Dialogues in Human Geography 11, no. 2 (July 2021): 236–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20438206211017740.

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Responding to An, Sharp, and Shaw’s article, ‘Towards Confucian Geopolitics’, I consider how strategies and interpretations of Chinese geopolitics are playing out in Hong Kong with attention to their cultural dimensions. First, I reflect upon the reactions of individuals and the media in the West—specifically Britain—to the protests and street violence that rocked its former colony in the summer of 2019. Second, to reckon with An, Sharp, and Shaw’s contention that the hybridized nature of Chinese geopolitics emerges from its ‘strategic adaptability’, thereby enabling the integration of foreign ideas into Chinese cultural traditions, I offer a brief critique of cultural and infrastructural developments in Hong Kong relating to the West Kowloon Cultural District. Initially intended to showcase local culture and link it into the art world’s global circuits, the megaproject is increasingly being made in China’s image. Third, as a counterpoint to the supposed flexibility of the Chinese geopolitical imagination, I address the ossification of Western geopolitical thought and practice. In order for geographers to build more pluralistic critical geopolitics, engaging with a diversity of geopolitical approaches and their cultural underpinnings is key. For Western nation-states, failing to practice a more hybridized geopolitics may represent a more existential risk.
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Dalby, Simon. "Gender and Critical Geopolitics; Reading Security Discourse in the New World Disorder." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 12, no. 5 (October 1994): 595–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d120595.

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In the early 1990s a new generation of scholars has tackled matters of feminist perspectives on war, peace, and specifically the academic discipline of international relations. A similar confrontation between traditional scholarly themes and gender-sensitive analyses within critical geopolitics is now obviously necessary. Although authors such as Cynthia Enloc have written about global politics and the role of women in international relations in ways that are sensitive to the geographic dimension, many theoretical and practical implications of a gender-sensitive approach to geopolitics remain to be worked out. In this paper I argue that, among other issues, investigating the gendered assumptions in the study of international relations and foreign policy-making, in addition to more explicitly geopolitical reasoning, shows how political spatialisations render women vulnerable. In addition, examining the implications of militarised definitions of (territorial) citizenship, the use of masculinist notions of power, space, and security, and the representation of women in global conflicts, sheds light on the ‘taken-for-granted’ spatial aspects of the routine operation of power. By enlarging the scope of critical geopolitical analysis, greater attention to gender issues enhances the explanatory power of ‘big picture’ political geography, not least by focusing on the practical everyday implications of geopolitics for those who are so often written out of its scripts.
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Reuber, P., and G. Wolkersdorfer. "The Transformation of Europe and the German Contribution - Critical Geopolitics and Geopolitical Representations." Geopolitics 7, no. 3 (December 2002): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714000975.

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Ashley, Richard K. "The Geopolitics of Geopolitical Space: Toward a Critical Social Theory of International Politics." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 12, no. 4 (October 1987): 403–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030437548701200401.

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Jessop, Bob, and Ngai-Ling Sum. "Geopolitics: Putting geopolitics in its place in cultural political economy." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, no. 2 (September 18, 2017): 474–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x17731106.

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This comment explores the relation between geoeconomics and geopolitics from a critical realist, strategic-relational, and cultural political economy perspective. We disambiguate the ‘geo-’ family of concepts; introduce a more complex view of sociospatiality that enables a taxonomy of approaches to geopolitical analytical objects and inquiries; and illustrate this from China’s Belt and Road Initiative seen as a complex geopolitical imaginary and linked modes of multi-spatial metagovernance.
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Creutziger, Christoph, and Paul Reuber. "Diskurse von Geopolitik und ‚Neuem Kaltem Krieg‘ – Zur Veränderung medialer Repräsentationen von Russland und ‚dem Osten‘." Geographica Helvetica 76, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/gh-76-1-2021.

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Abstract. Thirty years after the Cold War, many aspects of the West's self-identification are still shaped by othering ‚the East‘. This geographical identity-building in Western media discourses is indicated by terms like geopolitics and the (New/Second) Cold War. The paper scrutinizes ‚grand‘ narratives behind the appearances of such concepts and observes their continuities, dislocations, and disruptions. Taking a critical geopolitical perspective informed by discourse theory and based on Foucault's conceptualization of the archive, the paper introduces aspects of the transformation of geopolitical imaginations of the East and the West: (1) it reconstructs phases of the rebirth of geopolitics after WW2 until today. (2) It focuses on the changes in the East-West relations after 1990 and shows how the imagination of the ‚cold war‘ disappears from media discourse. (3) Finally, it analyses the revival through rising geopolitical risk-narratives since the crises and wars in Georgia and Ukraine.
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Dodds, Klaus, and Gearoid O. Tuathail. "Critical Geopolitics." Economic Geography 74, no. 1 (January 1998): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/144346.

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Hyndman, Jennifer. "Critical Geopolitics." Progress in Human Geography 39, no. 5 (September 27, 2015): 666–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132514563001.

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Güney, Aylin, and Nazif Mandacı. "The meta-geography of the Middle East and North Africa in Turkey’s new geopolitical imagination." Security Dialogue 44, no. 5-6 (October 2013): 431–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010613499783.

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This article critically analyses Turkish security discourses connected to the meta-geography of the Broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) before and after the developments of the Arab Spring. A critical geopolitics approach and critical security theories in international relations provide the theoretical framework, as security discourses are considered to be a product of geopolitical imaginations and codes that, in turn, shape the making of foreign and security policies. First, the article examines the invention of BMENA as a meta-geography within Turkey’s new geopolitical imagination, as well as the new geopolitical codes underlying the new security discourses. Then, the article assesses the impact of the Arab Spring, which led to major changes in Turkey’s newly established geopolitical codes, formulated in the pre-Arab Spring period, and analyses the ruptures and continuities in Turkey’s security discourses in the light of those developments. Finally, the article concludes that the Arab Spring, especially the Syrian crisis, shifted the focus of Turkey’s foreign policy in BMENA from cooperation to conflict. This has led to a resecuritization of Turkey’s geopolitical codes, discourses and security practices in the region, revealing the limitation of Turkey’s current geopolitical imagination.
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Laš, Lukáš, and Vladimír Baar. "Japanese geopolitics of the Imperial Period." Geografie 119, no. 4 (2014): 364–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2014119040364.

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This article analyses Japanese geopolitics of the imperial period by employing critical-geopolitical approaches to examine its formal and practical discursive levels. Its main objective is to explore classic Japanese geopolitical imagination juxtaposed to political (geo)propaganda, from the perspectives of space and their ideological origin. It starts by presenting selected autochthonous contexts and investigates how some Asian and non-Asian geopolitical ideas emerged in Japan. Afterwards, it turns to selected actors involved in the formal discourse, ranging from the academia to religious authorities, and confronts them with the practical discourse of political practice. A partial aim here is to localize some ideological elements supporting the classic geopolitical imagination and its role in legitimizing imperial ideologies. The analysis offers insights into the politization of spatial imagination in Japan of the imperial period. It is accompanied by a cartographic representation and an overview matrix of discursive actors.
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Hong Kun Sik. "Critical Geopolitics and Politics of the Sphere: Expansion of Geopolitical Space and First·Second inter-Korean Summit." Culture and Politics 6, no. 1 (March 2019): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.22539/culpol.2019.6.1.33.

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Tuathail, Gearóid Ó. "Understanding critical geopolitics: Geopolitics and risk society." Journal of Strategic Studies 22, no. 2-3 (June 1999): 107–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402399908437756.

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30

Rajkovic, Nikolas M. "The European Union and critical legal cartography: Old geopolitics, worn geopoetry and the return of geopower." European Law Open 1, no. 1 (March 2022): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/elo.2022.6.

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AbstractThe European Union (EU) arose, in purpose, to undo the legacy of European geopolitics. Over decades, the EU has attempted to disrupt, or ambitiously transform, how its constituent communities “imagine” the space and boundaries of the Union’s geography. Yet, some 30 years since the Maastricht Treaty, old geopolitics manifests a distinct inertia over the mental maps of EU policy-makers and EU legal scholarship generally. For instance, should one query the EU’s cartography, it is likely an old geopolitical grammar conditions how policy-makers and scholars “map” and see the Union’s boundaries: 27 members, spanning 4,233,255 km2, and comprising a population of 447 million. Obscured is how the EU has generated a transnational and performative geography, with novel boundaries of rule that operate differently in quality and scale. In a nutshell, cartographic perceptions in EU policy-making and scholarship have rarely ventured beyond the terms of statist geography, or the worn geopoetry of “shared” or “pooled” sovereignty between Member States. This state of cartographic perception is curious, since the EU has been a geo-institutional project created to disrupt the traditional mentality of geopolitics and, further still, expand horizons of imagined social spaces, boundaries, and belonging(s).
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31

Lee, Seung-Ook, Joel Wainwright, and Jim Glassman. "Geopolitical economy and the production of territory: The case of US–China geopolitical-economic competition in Asia." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 50, no. 2 (April 4, 2017): 416–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308518x17701727.

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Recent work in political geography and Marxist, critical political economy has refocused attention on the interrelations between political economy and geopolitics. This paper examines the contributions of Antonio Gramsci to the theory of geopolitical economy and the production of territory. Doing so enables two key insights. First, explaining the production of territory requires unraveling multiple—sometimes competing—levels of geopolitical and geoeconomic power relations. It follows that geopolitical economy requires historicizing the practices of territorialization. The second point is that the practice of territorialization is today everywhere bound up with the project of producing and reproducing capitalist (i.e. class) social relations, including the capitalist form of the state as a social relation. To support this claim, we examine recent US–China hegemonic competition in regional, geoeconomic strategies—US’s “Trans-Pacific Partnership” and China’s “One Belt, One Road” Initiative.
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32

Graham, Philip, and Allan Luke. "The language of neofeudal corporatism and the war on Iraq." Journal of Language and Politics 4, no. 1 (June 8, 2005): 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.4.1.02gra.

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Beginning from recent critical work on globalisation, many critical scholars have extended the analytic vocabulary of ‘advanced’, ‘fast’ and ‘postmodern’ capitalism to explain the geopolitics of the Iraq War. This article offers a counterclaim: that current geopolitical economy can be more usefully characterised as a form of neofeudal corporatism. Using examples drawn from a 300,000 word corpus of public utterances by three political leaders — George W. Bush, Tony Blair, and John Howard — we identify and explicate defining characteristics of this system and how they are manifest in political language about the invasion of Iraq.
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Haverluk, Terrence W., Kevin M. Beauchemin, and Brandon A. Mueller. "The Three Critical Flaws of Critical Geopolitics: Towards a Neo-Classical Geopolitics." Geopolitics 19, no. 1 (January 2, 2014): 19–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2013.803192.

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34

Mikhaylenko. "The European Union in Search of a New Global Strategy: Critical Analytics." Contemporary Europe 105, no. 5 (October 31, 2021): 172–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope52021172181.

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With the use of the analytical works of the prominent Belgian researcher Sven Biscop, the article examines the main topics of discussion regarding changes in the global strategy of the European Union. EU foreign policy has been associated with the concept of “normative power”, which is seen as a kind of European “soft power”. Due to the influence of the global governance crisis, the COVID pandemic, the shift of USA geopolitical interests from Europe to Asia, China's great-power policy, Russia's geopolitical ambitions and other challenges, EU researchers and politicians are raising questions aimed at changing the strategic culture in order to ensure the primacy of EU vital interests. S. Biscop believes that while developing a new global strategy, it is necessary to turn to the traditions of geopolitics to be ready to protect interests and democratic values with the use of “hard power” both internally and externally. Strategic autonomy is a promising task for the further building of the EU. Under the instruction of the European Commission, the work has begun on the creation of a new political and strategic document “Strategic Compass”, its goals include defining the EU targets in the field of security, defense, and identification of threats. The discussion of a new global strategy outlines a trajectory for the transformation of the European Union into a global “Third Pole”. Sven Biscop's recommendations show that shaping a new global strategy will require a revision of the concept of "normative power" and turning closer to geopolitical realism.
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Zorko, Marta, and Dario Srsen. "From a critique to self-evolving (inter)discipline: Critical geopolitics vs. popular geopolitics." Medjunarodni problemi 72, no. 1 (2020): 158–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/medjp2001158z.

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The paper shows the development of critical geopolitics from its conceptualisation by O Tuathail, Dalby and Routledge at the end of the last century up to its critics and development of phenomena that influenced the self-evolution of discipline. The first goal of this research is the analysis of the main thesis from the abovementioned authors in order to test them on contemporary examples. The second goal is consisted of the contemporary phenomena analysis, from the media critique to a wider societal critique, as well as their influence on the self-evolution of the discipline, especially in the area of popular geopolitics. This review streams towards the state of the art analysis, defining and positioning this (inter)discipline in frames of old/new geopolitics, international relations, and human geography. The main thesis is that contemporary phenomena (as a cause) narrowed down the focus of research areas in some scientific fields, while in others it made unavoidable to skip interdisciplinary perspective both in theoretical as well as in methodological sense. The critics of classical geopolitics developed three directions for research: as a part of critical geopolitics as self-contained discipline and numerous subdisciplines or even disciplines (e.g., popular geopolitics); as critiques of newly developed neoclassical theories and schools in international relations; and as interdisciplinary attempts that highlights research on contemporary phenomena and criticise all so far developed methods and tools as nonadequate for research in such a complex world of the present challenges.
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36

Lee, Dae-Hee. "A Comparative Study on Critical Geopolitics and Geographical Geopolitics." Korean Journal of Political Science 29, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 89–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.34221/kjps.2021.29.1.4.

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Myers, Garth. "Geopolitics at the margins? Reconsidering genealogies of critical geopolitics." Political Geography 37 (November 2013): 33–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2013.04.002.

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Sharp, Joanne P. "Geopolitics at the margins? Reconsidering genealogies of critical geopolitics." Political Geography 37 (November 2013): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2013.04.006.

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39

Gábor, Ľubomír. "Koronavírus na Slovensku na rozhraní východu a západu." Nová filologická revue 14, no. 2 (February 1, 2023): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24040/nfr.2022.14.2.46-64.

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The aim of the presented article is to collect selected thematic-motivic lines of narrative texts on geopolitical specifics of coronavirus Covid-19 discurs in Slovakia, their classification and critical reasoning - pointing out the prejudices, stereotypes, mental patterns and cultural backround present in the Slovak society. The presented intention is based on collection of narrative texts from public discussion forums available on Slovak newspaper webpages. The study intends to be a critical survey of narrative motives present in discussion forums which included geopolitical questions – coronavirus as an element in the Eastern or Western axiomatic orientation of the Slovak society. The study aims to collect and classify motives in the mentioned topic to show mental stereotypes in the Slovak society and make way for further analysis or research on the cultural and axiomatic background of the Slovak society at the geopolitcal border between East and West.
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40

Amineh, Mehdi P., and Melanie van Driel. "China’s Statist Energy Relations with Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan." African and Asian Studies 17, no. 1-2 (February 27, 2018): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341401.

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AbstractDuring the last decade, China’s diplomatic, economic, security and multilateral relations with Resource-Rich Countries (rrcs) in general, and with Central Asia and the Caspian Region (cacr) in particular, created a regional web of complementarity connecting states and societies. This trend reflects a dimension of the “statist globalization” of the Chinese economy. Chinese National Oil Companies (cnocs) are powerful actors within this emerging network. This comes as no surprise, as China’s domestic power-wealth structure relies on uninterrupted foreign (energy) supplies. The main aim of this paper will be to present a geopolitical economic reflection on China’s post-Cold War energy relations with therrcs of Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. Our theoretical framework, which stems from critical geopolitics, tries to conceptualize the geopolitical economic policy tools used by China’s ruling class inrrcs in general and the two cases in particular.
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41

Megoran, Nick. "The Critical Geopolitics of Danger in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 23, no. 4 (August 2005): 555–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d56j.

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Drawing on critical security studies and critical geopolitics, I examine how geopolitical discourses of danger circulate in Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. Whereas some work in this field risks reinscribing the discursive articulation of danger as an inevitable condition of political formation, in this paper I emphasise the need to disaggregate the concept of danger carefully to highlight its operation in specific contexts. I explore these processes across a range of discursive sites from official media to popular music, contrasting findings with material from focus groups composed of socially marginalised populations. I demonstrate the role of discursive constructions of danger or safety in the production and maintenance of the political identity of the new states, and how this is inseparable from material conditions of elite power struggle. I conclude by echoing Hewitt's call for a critical geography that confronts and challenges the domestic exercise of state terror.
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42

Macała, Jarosław. "„Nienawiści karmi nas pucharem” . Rozpad Jugosławii w latach 90. XX w. w imaginacjach geopolitycznych polskiej muzyki popularnej." Athenaeum Polskie Studia Politologiczne 73, no. 1 (2022): 130–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/athena.2022.73.08.

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The article focuses on the interference of Polish popular music and geopolitics after 1989. Songs selected from various trends of the Polish popular music made the source material of the text. The basic study method involved critical discourse analysis of the lyrics. The hierarchical East-West axis, which was also applied to the Balkans and Yugoslavia, was fundamental to Polish geopolitical perceptions. The musical image of Yugoslavia from the 1990s seemed repulsive with its strangeness and “Easternness”, which were proven by bloody wars and crimes in Bosnia and Kosovo. In the name of superiority of the Western world and geopolitical interests, musicians appealed to Western countries for military interventions in the former Yugoslavia. At the same time, they strengthened the direction towards the occidentalization of Poland as a condition for its security and development at the price of submission to the dominance of the West in the world and in Europe.
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43

Pickles, John. "Political Geography and Critical Geopolitics." Journal of the Bulgarian Geographical Society 44 (November 26, 2021): 81–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.3897/jbgs.e78374.

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44

Sidaway, James D., and Veit Bachmann. "Critical Review: Post-Brexit geopolitics." Geoforum 127 (December 2021): 67–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.geoforum.2021.07.005.

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45

Moore, Anna W., and Nicholas A. Perdue. "Imagining a Critical Geopolitical Cartography." Geography Compass 8, no. 12 (December 2014): 892–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gec3.12187.

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46

Kelly, Phil. "A Critique of Critical Geopolitics." Geopolitics 11, no. 1 (March 2006): 24–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650040500524053.

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47

Power, Marcus, and David Campbell. "The State of critical geopolitics." Political Geography 29, no. 5 (June 2010): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2010.06.003.

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48

Criekemans, David. "Global Geopolitics: A Critical Introduction." Journal of International Relations and Development 10, no. 1 (March 2007): 79–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.jird.1800100.

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49

Trubitsina, O. P., and V. N. Bashkin. "Geoenvirоnmental risks on the background geopolitical challenges for the oil and gas industry in the Arctic." Issues of Risk Analysis 16, no. 4 (September 1, 2019): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.32686/1812-5220-2019-16-4-12-23.

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The article is devoted to the issues of geoecology and geopolitics in the Arctic. The authors reveal the need to consider geopolitical challenges in the analysis of geoecological risks (GER) of oil and gas development of the Arctic region. This is due to the intersection here of the strategic interests of several States and their focus to prove the inability of Russia to ensure environmental safety in the development of Arctic fi elds. Th e subject of GER is used as a geopolitical tool against Russia due to the probability of it becoming a key player in the region. The authors propose a model for the analysis of GER, which is based on critical loads (CL) of acidity of pollutants and includes 2 stages: 1) the stage of quantitative assessment of GER, which allows to calculate not only the magnitude of the projected changes in the state of the Arctic ecosystems, but also the probability of their occurrence; 2) the stage of management of GER taking into account geopolitical factors, assuming a qualitative expert assessment, which is a procedure for making a management decision to achieve acceptable levels of the total GER.
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Lee, Yoonkyung. "Introduction to “Right-Wing Activism in Asia: Cold War Legacies, Geopolitics, and Democratic Erosion”." Politics & Society 49, no. 3 (August 2, 2021): 303–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00323292211033081.

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This essay introduces four articles that form a special issue of Politics & Society titled “Right-Wing Activism in Asia: Cold War Legacies, Geopolitics, and Democratic Erosion.” The articles focus on Japan, South Korea, and Thailand. These three Asian countries present important cases to generate critical comparative insights about the patterns of Far Right mobilization, for their geopolitical histories provide common ground while institutional variations set distinctive conditions. Most importantly, all of them were shaped by the particularly sharp conflicts of the Cold War in the region, and the articles in this issue demonstrate how this legacy has generated illiberal conditions in these countries today.
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