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1
Rech, Matthew Falko. "A critical geopolitics of RAF recruitment." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/1743.
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This PhD thesis investigates the geopolitics of Royal Air Force (RAF) recruitment practices. Set at the interface between military and civilian life, RAF recruitment represents an important site from which particular imaginations of the military are consumed, enacted and performed. Drawing primarily on critical geopolitical theory and military geography, along with more-than-representational approaches to popular culture, the thesis uncovers how RAF recruitment necessitates an understanding of, and participation within, certain military-political narratives and imaginaries. It shows that these imaginaries – variously associated with the role, utility and legitimacy of state-sanctioned military violence – are powerful in their ability to affect popular understandings of the military, and to affect certain bodily and material engagements within the immediate spaces of recruitment. Furthermore, with a specific focus on the RAF, it demonstrates how certain ideas around the role and utility of military airpower are represented, enacted and performed. The thesis approaches the geopolitics of RAF recruitment in three ways. Firstly, focussing on the representative tenets of recruitment, the thesis examines both the historical and contemporary design of recruiting texts, images and documents. Using a socio-historical analysis of recruiting images, and drawing upon interviews with the military and corporate producers of recruitment, it demonstrates how recruitment emerges from particular structures, knowledges and experiences. Secondly, focussing on the visualities of military public-relations, the thesis demonstrates how large-scale public and private events, such as military airshows, provide spaces in which military-political narratives and imaginaries are enacted in and through regimes of seeing and sighting. Based on ethnographic research at military airshows, the thesis works to uncover the ways in which techniques of vision at spectacular events tie the potential recruit into particular imaginations of military legitimacy, efficacy, heritage and power. Thirdly, the thesis examines how the more mundane, quotidian sites of RAF recruitment are powerful in their ability to affect bodily predispositions and material engagements. Focussing on RAF recruiting games, military fitness regimes and the material, ephemeral nature of the airshow in particular, the thesis provides an insight into why the material and bodily cultures of militarism matter, and how they work persuasively to entrain particular imaginations of military life and culture. x The thesis raises important questions about the presence of military narratives and imaginaries in the public, civilian sphere, and in popular culture in particular. Set at the interface between military and civilian life, RAF recruitment demonstrates how popular geopolitical discourses of the military sometimes work not only to script imaginations of military violence, but to affect, mark and alter civilian lives and futures.
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Dodds, Klaus-John. "Critical geopolitics and the writing of foreign policy." Thesis, University of Bristol, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/54c2c69d-717d-4def-ba92-eff80f4d13c6.
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Celik, Soner. "Imagining Turkey In A Re(de)territorialized World: Turkey, The Orient And The Occident." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/2/12612150/index.pdf.
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This thesis analyzes the construction of geopolitical imaginations of Turkey in the post-September 11 era on the basis of critical geopolitics and in the frame of a center (the United States and the European Union)-margin (Turkey) relationship. The dissolving of the relatively stable concepts of the Cold War era by globalization and the demise of the Soviet Union -such as state integrity, sovereignty, inside/outside dichotomy and state identity- has created deterritorialization in the global space of territorial states. However, territorial states have continued to exist via reterritorialization on the basis of new enemies/others/boundaries borrowed from old concepts, narratives and dramas. Following the September 11 attacks, the attempts to construct self/other dichotomy based on the geopolitical imaginations of the globe and Turkey in the US and the EU political circles have changed geopolitical imaginations of Turkey. Their discourses over Turkey have encountered counter-discourse of Turkish policymakers presenting Turkey as a &ldquobridge&rdquo
between civilizations to increase the &ldquo
strategic&rdquo
value of Turkey. In this study, taking into consideration the geography as a product of a specific power/knowledge alignment rather than something naturally given to determine foreign policy, the geopolitical (geocultural) imaginations of Turkey are being examined and the power-knowledge relationship is exposed.
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Mayell, Peter J. "Conflict as contradiction : a critical geopolitics of international conflict." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Geography, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/9271.
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The conflict research subdiscipline within international relations commonly distinguishes international conflict between nation-states from civil war within nation-states. By regarding conflict research as a state-centric geopolitical discourse the thesis challenges this categorisation because (1) of the many links and therefore blurry practical distinction between the two, and (2) stateless nations can be involved in conflict with other nations, thus constituting an 'international' conflict. To overcome this problem an alternative, nation-centric critical geopolitics of international conflict is proposed. In this way the thesis aims to extend both conflict research and critical geopolitics. To do this the critique utilises recent literature on the contemporary conceptualisation of nation and nationalism to argue against the conventional conflation of nation and state and to reconstruct the adjective "international". Recognising that nations can exist without also being states enables the conceptualisation of international, and when such nations come into conflict, either with other stateless nations or nations that are states, this becomes 'international conflict'. This typology allows for conventional 'international' conflict, or rather inter-state conflict, by distinguishing between ethnic and official nations.
The theoretical argument is reinforced by consideration of an empirical case study, that of the Kurds of the Middle East. The Kurds are presented as a distinct and unique stateless nation, the largest in the world, in conflict with the Persian (Iran), Arab (Iraq), and Turkish (Turkey) nations that surround them. The case study is undertaken through analysis of the Kurds and their national homeland of Kurdistan at the local, Middle Eastern, and global scales, each demonstrating in different ways the divergence of nation and state and, in the case of the latter two discussions, an example of an international conflict.
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Sztankovics, Linda. "Shifting powers, prospects and perspectives? : A critical reading of the European Union’s geopolitical reasoning on critical raw materials." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9700.
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Global energy transitions and rises in demand for critical raw materials (CRMs) are predicted to reshape global politics in yet uncertain but profound ways. With CRMs being vital for Europe’s decarbonization process, the present study sets out to examine the EU’s geopolitical discourse by taking an inquisitive yet critical stance focusing particularly on the new “geopolitical” Commission’s geopolitical reasoning on CRMs. Building upon critical geopolitics, a discourse analysis was conducted on 9 European Commission communications (2019–2020). Three key observations were made: first, a ‘geopolitical’ and ‘assertive’ EU is crucial in an increasingly ‘fragile’, ‘polarized’ and ‘competitive’ world. Second, securing CRMs is a ‘security question’, requiring ‘strategic approaches and partnerships’, notably with ‘resource–rich regions’ and particularly with Africa. Third, the EU’s narrative is ambiguous. While classical geopolitical assumptions are distinguishable, it remains questionable whether the EU will depart from its familiar path of liberal cooperation, multilateralism and trade when scouting for CRMs, although its role as a “benign ally” can be questioned. Further studies on the EU’s geopolitical reasoning, along with its actual practice in the area of CRMs, are warranted. Likewise, a critical reading of reports and foresight preceding EU policymaking is encouraged, to better comprehend how the EU’s dominating geopolitical discourse on CRMs and subsequent practice is produced in the first place.
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Atmaca, Ayse Omur. "Old Game In A New World: Turkey And The United States From Critical Perspective." Phd thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613157/index.pdf.
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The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze Turkish-American relationship from critical perspective. In this study critical geopolitics is used to examine the US policymakers&lsquodiscourses over representations of Turkey. Drawing on the theoretical literature, this dissertation took geopolitics as a deeply ideological concept and analyzed the ways in which US geopolitical discourse has shaped the Turkish-American relationship over time. The study outlined the historical evolution of the concept of the geopolitics since the end of the 19th century in order to reveal the limits of the classical geopolitical understanding, and to provide a theoretical framework against which the modern geopolitical imagination of the US has been formulated. Second, it revealed the ideological roots and the main characteristics of American geopolitical discourse. And third, the study applied critical geopolitics to the case of Turkish-American relations with respect to how the imagined geography of Turkey and the alliance have been shaped by the foreign and security policies of the US. Cold War, post-Cold War and post-September 11 periods are analyzed in separate chapters of this study. It is also argued in this dissertation that Turkey generally fits the geopolitical design of the United States and that these two countries have cooperated on numerous efforts in different parts of the world both during and after the Cold War. However, in this period the two allies also experienced several problems that display the limits of US geopolitical discourse.
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Gokmen, Semra Rana. "Geopolitics And The Study Of International Relations." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612289/index.pdf.
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This study seeks to examine the main theories and theorists of geopolitical imagining and argue for an intrinsic relation between traditional geopolitics and the development of international relations both in theory and practice. By doing so the study aims to pursue an assessment of the insights of critical geopolitics, as reflected in the works of John Agnew, Geraróid Ó
Tuathail (Gerard Toal), Simon Dalby, Klaus Dodds and others, for the theory of IR, more specifically its dominant paradigm realism. The aim of this study, in other words, is to identify and describe the geopolitical assumptions that have led IR theory to turn out to be &bdquo
realist
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Todd, Meagan Lucinda. "CRITICAL GEOPOLITICS OF ISLAM IN ASTRAKHAN, RUSSIA: MOSQUE CONSTRUCTION AND COMMUNITY BUILDING." UKnowledge, 2010. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_theses/18.
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This thesis examines how and under what influences communities of Islamic faith have developed in post-Soviet Russia. My arguments are based on research conducted in Astrakhan, Russia in the summer of 2009. Astrakhan is the capital of Astrakhan Oblast in southwest Russia and has a reputation for being a multi-confessional and multi-ethnic city. Astrakhan is home to Russians, Tatars, Kazakhs, Kalmyks, and many other nationalities. I draw from interviews and newspaper analysis to examine what the local landscape of Islam looks like in Astrakhan, how has it changed since the collapse of the USSR, and what future trends are emerging. Mosque renovations and demolitions are the center of my analysis.
Drawing on scholarship in critical geopolitics and critical geographies of religion, this paper seeks to understand how the Kremlin and other levels of government influence the development of Islam locally within Astrakhan. Interviews are used to study local understandings of the changing forms of Islam in Astrakhan, and to see if locals believe that the state has been supportive to the Islamic community. My research contributes to wider scholarship on the importance of the relationship between the state and local Islamic communities for Islamic nation-building in the Russian Federation.
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Iqbal, Imran. "Ruling elite, ideology and power-politics : a critical analysis of Pakistan's geopolitics." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.713497.
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This thesis provides a critical analysis of Pakistan's geopolitics. It examines why Pakistan remains preoccupied with a state-centric view of conventional security, based on military defense of territorial security/integrity against external threats. It questions why the ruling elite of Pakistan perceive and interpret this geopolitical order as a given, unproblematic and therefore natural condition. Drawing on critical insights — in particular, critical perspectives on geopolitics and ideology — the research explores how the ruling elite, during successive regimes in Pakistan, have employed a confluence of ideological and strategic 'imperatives' to rationalize and naturalize the state-centric view of conventional geopolitics. In this regard, the thesis makes a significant contribution to the existing body of literature on power-elites, the 'construction' of security threats, and the ideological character of Pakistan's geopolitics. In examining the ideological and strategic orientation of the ruling-elite of Pakistan, this thesis explores four major and self-contradictory ideological projects in Pakistan: Islamic- Democracy of the 1950s, Islamic-Socialism of the 1970s, Islamisation of the 1980s, and Enlightened-Moderation of the 2000s. In so doing, it considers if the ruling elite constructed ideological rhetoric into the strategic environment of Pakistan in order to conflate it with the changing contours of international and regional geopolitics. The thesis argues that this enabled elite to rationalise and justify the state-centric view of conventional geopolitics in the service of a number of interests. In particular, elite used this geopolitical order to draw legitimacy, economic, diplomatic and military support and to claim an exclusive and dominant role in the realms of domestic and strategic decision making. The research mainly relies on qualitative methods that include interviews and text-analysis of both primary and secondary sources.
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Wills, Jonathan. "Re-writing Latin American debt : critical geopolitics and the international financial system." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.624687.
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Klinke, I. T. "Rethinking critical geopolitics in the context of EUrope/East : temporality and chronopolitics." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2011. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1335837/.
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Critical geopolitics, a platform on the interface between International Relations and Political Geography, has privileged the spatial over the temporal dimension in its understanding of geopolitics. This has entailed the neglect of the politics of time (chronopolitics) and thereby inhibited a full understanding of the functioning of geopolitical texts. On the few occasions when critical geopolitics has addressed the issue of time, it has either problematically equated it with ‘speed’ or approached it through a useful but incomplete focus on the ‘modern’ temporality at work in geopolitics. This thesis argues for the fourfold departure from this literature. After suggesting a conception of time as constituted not outside but through narrative, it traverses the dichotomous understanding of space and time found in critical geopolitics. Furthermore, it urges the theoretical platform to take account of the hetero-temporality and micro-temporality of modern geopolitical discourse. With the help of this improved theoretical toolbox, it is possible better to distinguish between different geopolitical narratives and unpack the relationship between spatiality, temporality and security. A number of case studies, all investigating the relationship between the European Union and the post-Soviet space, will illustrate these changes. The study will zoom in specifically on the discourse in and around Brussels on Russia, German narratives of Russian gas and Belarusian geopolitical constructions of Europe. What emerges is an image of the boundary between Europe and its East that is inscribed by a number of conflicting spatiotemporalities and patterns of security interaction.
12
Kim, Sung-Mi. "Critical geopolitics and contemporary development : South Korea's place in the changing landscape of foreign aid." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.709095.
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Grove, Alan J. "Drawing a Line in the Snow: the Geopolitical Place-making of Canadian Security Policy." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1243349150.
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Ciaravolo, Beth A. "The Bear, the Bomb, and Uncle Sam: The Evolving American Perception of "Russians" Viewed Through Political Cartoons." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1337885598.
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Niemi, Oskar. "De tre Arktis : en studie av Sveriges geopolitiska syn på Arktis ur kritiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5398.
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This essay explores the Swedish state’s geopolitical view and creation, of the spatial spaces in and of the Arctic. With a critical geopolitical framework, a discourse analysis is conducted on the Swedish strategy for the arctic region, with the ambition to unfold the underlining spatial spaces, actors and dramas that this discourse creates. The result of this analysis shows that Sweden creates three different Arctic spaces within its geopolitical discourse; a Swedish Arctic, a Nearby Arctic and a Regional Arctic. This has major political consequences, which will be illuminated in the essay. Perhaps the most noteworthy being the ulterior theoretical view of the Swedish state regarding the environment and the relationship between the global space and the Regional Arctic, in relation to the threat of global and regional environmental deterioration.
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Graalfs, Ulrike [Verfasser]. "A Critical Geopolitical Assessment of the Georgian-Abkhaz Peace Process : Successes, Setbacks, and Collapse (1990-2008) / Ulrike Graalfs." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1073150798/34.
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Koluksuz, Melissa. "A critical geopolitics of American 'imperialism' and grand strategy (post-9/11) : the role of language and ideology." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3251/.
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This thesis examines the methods through which the administration of George W. Bush utilized the events surrounding the attacks of September 11, 2001 (9/11) to legitimize a type of imperial American foreign policy. The central argument of this research is that 9/11 was used by the Bush administration to present a perceived shift in the danger and threat that America faced, thus legitimating a more aggressive foreign policy, which this thesis categorizes as ‘informal imperialism’. It argues that an American grand strategy of global dominance is not new, but rather constitutes a continuation of policies whose ideological roots date back to the 1990s. This thesis explores this argument through the lens of critical geopolitics (CGP), which provides a critical and interdisciplinary framework for unpacking geographical assumptions in geopolitics and questions how they function within ideology. CGP serves as a framework for understanding the use of language in constructing and normalizing imperial policies in the United States after 9/11. Methodologically, this thesis used critical discourse analysis (CDA), which provides tools for analyzing discourse, and examining how language is the key to understanding how power functions. This thesis deploys a critical analysis and definition of American imperialism and the contributions of CGP to the debate of a ‘post 9/11 world’. A CDA of the writings of key people in the Bush administration traces their foreign policy and its ideological roots. Further, a CDA of post 9/11 discourses focuses on the changing geography of danger, fear, threat and the act of Othering as it relates to a post 9/11 world. Finally, a CDA of the discourses surrounding the Global War on Terror is conducted, arguing that the frames set up in relation to a new and dangerous world paved the way for policies that justified a war with Iraq.
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Lloyd, Andrea L. "Foreign villains and home-grown heroes, a critical geopolitical re-reading of a neo-liberal text from The Atlantic Monthly." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ58538.pdf.
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Pritchard, Denise Diane. "Representing Jerusalem, a critical geopolitical analysis of the role of Orient House in the constitution of Palestinian national identity, 1993-1999." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape4/PQDD_0008/MQ52806.pdf.
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Mayell, Peter J. "Reading between the li(n)es of conflict(ing) discourses: A critical geopolitics of 11 September 2001 and the 'War on Terror'." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Geography, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4519.
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The purpose of this research is to critically explore the role of geopolitics in the pre-conflict process of violence legitimation. The thesis argues that before war can occur in world politics violence legitimating 'conflict discourses' must be constructed that become hegemonic over violence de-legitimating 'conflicting discourses' that seek to prevent war. Consequently, the violence legitimation process is a contested one between opposing 'conflict(ing) discourses'. The argument is made from a critical geopolitics perspective using a case study of 11 September 2001 and the 'war on terror'. It is argued that the United States foreign policy elite constructed a hegemonic surprise attack conflict discourse that explained 11 September 2001 in a particular way that legitimated the violent response of the 'war on terror'. On the other hand, an alternative blowback conflicting discourse proposed an alternative, but subservient, explanation of 11 September 2001 that unsuccessfully attempted to prevent the war on Afghanistan.
The hegemony of the surprise attack conflict discourse was then used in an attempt to establish the 'war on terror' as a 'new' new world order for the twenty-first century. This attempt, however, was increasingly resisted by many governments and publics around the world throughout 2002. The thesis discusses the New Zealand example of this common transition from support of the war on Afghanistan to opposition to the war on Iraq through a discussion of the local impact of 11 September 2001 and the 'war on terror' on domestic politics and foreign policy. The pre-conflict violence legitimation process was especially evident in the build-up towards war on Iraq during 2002 and the early months of 2003. The thesis explores this second example of the contest between opposing conflict(ing) discourses of the 'war on terror'. The critical geopolitics approach to the violence legitimation process is unique within this emerging sub-discipline and opens the possibility of a contribution to conflict research.
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Wirell, Sofia. "Is Libya doing the EU’s job? : Externalisation of border control and migration management." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-340218.
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The irregular migration over the Mediterranean Sea has become a priority on the political agenda in recent years. This paper examines whether the attempts of managing the irregular migration have constituted a process of externalisation of border control and/or migration management in the context of Italy and Libya. Specifically, a Memorandum of Understanding signed by the countries in February 2017 has been studied to determine if it can be understood as an example of externalisation. The Memorandum has been assessed using three criteria for externalisation, as identified by Paoletti (2011), as well as a model for categorising measures into ‘fencing’ or ‘gatekeeping’ strategies, presented by Triandafyllidou and Dimitriadi (2013). Additionally, a critical geopolitical perspective has been applied, aiming at identifying the Memorandum’s geopolitical implications. An examination of studies on previous agreements demonstrates that a process of externalisation has been occurring, and the analysis of the Memorandum indicates that the agreement can be understood as a part of this process. Furthermore, a number of geopolitical implications have been identified in the Memorandum, regarding power, sovereignty, borders and securitisation. Since there is no universal definition of what measures are considered to constitute externalisation, any assessments made are arguably subjective.
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Otterheim, Anna. "Politics for energy security or a geopolitical struggle for power? : A thematic text analysis of EU policy making of critical metals for renewable energy." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Tema Miljöförändring, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-151960.
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This thesis analyses EU policy making on critical metals for renewable energy technologies, with a focus on Rare Earth Elements (REEs) and cobalt. A thematic text analysis on EU documents published between 2010-2018 was conducted to identify themes and patterns in the EU debate and policy-making. The results showed that the EU has a clear objective to secure access to critical metals, to reduce import dependency and increase competitiveness on the market for critical metals. The key strategies to secure access to metals are to increase primary supply by increased domestic mining and by investing in countries with large reserves of critical metals; to improve recycling rates of these metals; to find substitution metals to replace the critical ones; and to focus on resource diplomacy. Environmental and social risks from an increased demand for REEs and cobalt gain little attention in the studied documents. Geopolitical risks are concluded as linked to the dependency on import from a few producing countries, China for REEs and DR Congo for cobalt, and are mainly focused on risks affecting the EU access to the metals. The struggle over resources and related geopolitical interactions are concluded to be affected by historical and existing global power structures. Further, the thesis concludes that EU resource diplomacy aims at facilitating for the EU to remain a powerful and competitive actor on the global market for trade of critical metal.
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Perombelon, Brice Désiré Jude. "Prioritising indigenous representations of geopower : the case of Tulita, Northwest Territories, Canada." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:71e14c26-d00a-4320-a385-df74715c45c8.
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Recent calls from progressive, subaltern and postcolonial geopoliticians to move geopolitical scholarship away from its Western ontological bases have argued that more ethnographic studies centred on peripheral and dispossessed geographies need to be undertaken in order to integrate peripheralised agents and agencies in dominant ontologies of geopolitics. This thesis follows these calls. Through empirical data collected during a period of five months of fieldwork undertaken between October 2014 and March 2015, it investigates the ways through which an Indigenous community of the Canadian Arctic, Tulita (located in the Northwest Territories' Sahtu region) represents geopower. It suggests a semiotic reading of these representations in order to take the agency of other-than/more-than-human beings into account. In doing so, it identifies the ontological bases through which geopolitics can be indigenised. Drawing from Dene animist ontologies, it indeed introduces the notion of a place-contingent speculative geopolitics. Two overarching argumentative lines are pursued. First, this thesis contends that geopower operates through metamorphic refashionings of the material forms of, and signs associated with, space and place. Second, it infers from this that through this transformational process, geopower is able to create the conditions for alienating but also transcending experiences and meanings of place to emerge. It argues that this movement between conflictual and progressive understandings is dialectical in nature. In addition to its conceptual suggestions, this thesis makes three empirical contributions. First, it confirms that settler geopolitical narratives of sovereignty assertion in the North cannot be disentangled from capitalist and industrial political-economic processes. Second, it shows that these processes, and the geopolitical visions that subtend them, are materialised in space via the extension of the urban fabric into Indigenous lands. Third, it demonstrates that by assembling space ontologically in particular ways, geopower establishes (and entrenches) a geopolitical distinction between living/sovereign (or governmentalised) spaces and nonliving/bare spaces (or spaces of nothingness).
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Martins, Claudio Roberto Ribeiro. "América Latina nos livros didáticos do ensino médio: uma análise sob a perspectiva da Geografia Política." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/19054.
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This work aims to contribute to discussions about the present and the diversity of geopolitical approaches. We intend to identify and analyze the importance of geopolitics to the Geographic Science in the context of political and social changes occurring in the twenty-first century with the specific focus on Latin America. Through the theoretical study we will discuss the conceptual changes and the main references for the construction of Geopolitics and Political Geography for the geographical science. From there, we will discuss the contribution of concepts such as territory and politics within the geography and the validity of new social actors in building the Critical Geopolitics. The theoretical basis helped to read and understanding of geopolitics in Latin America, its territorial and political issues and its representation in the textbook of geography high school of the state of São Paulo
Buscando contribuir com as discussões a respeito da atualidade e a diversidade das abordagens sobre a Geografia Política, pretendemos identificar e analisar a importância da Geografia Política para a Ciência Geográfica no contexto das transformações políticas e sociais ocorridas no século XXI com o recorte específico sobre a América Latina. Por meio do estudo teórico discutiremos as transformações conceituais e as principais referências para a construção da Geopolítica e Geografia Política para a ciência geográfica. A partir dai, discutiremos a contribuição de conceitos como território e política dentro da geografia e a validade de novos agentes sociais na construção da Geopolítica Crítica. O embasamento teórico auxiliou a leitura e a compreensão da Geografia Política na América Latina, suas questões territoriais e políticas e sua representação no livro didático de geografia do ensino médio da rede estadual de São Paulo
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Presley, Rachel E. "Decolonizing Dissent: Mapping Indigenous Resistance onto Settler Colonial Land." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou156346106453335.
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Gomes, João Ricardo Pinto. "Repercussões securitárias de conflitos ‘congelados’: O conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh no contexto do Complexo Securitário do Mar Negro-Cáspio." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/14982.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações InternacionaisA Dissertação trata a problemática da influência securitária dos conflitos ‘congelados’, concentrando na influência do conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh dentro do Cáucaso e do proposto Complexo Securitário do Mar Negro-Cáspio (CSMNC). Utilizando como bases teóricas a Geopolítica Crítica e a Teoria dos Complexos Securitários Regionais, o mestrando efetua uma análise em três níveis teórico-conceptuais, iniciando no proposto Complexo, nomeadamente nas principais problemáticas securitárias e nas dinâmicas de securitização dos atores respetivos, passando depois para uma análise do Cáucaso, do seu ponto de vista conceptual, e da conflitualidade no mesmo. Em último, realiza-se primeiramente uma revisão acerca da problemática do conflito ‘congelado’, nomeadamente naquilo que o causa e na realidade das dinâmicas conflituais e não-conflituais nos territórios onde os conflitos ocorrem. Após tal revisão, transitar-se-á para a análise do conflito em Nagorno-Karabakh, de uma forma a obter uma compreensão holística das dinâmicas que o causaram, consolidaram e hoje perpetuam. Adicionalmente, serão analisadas as narrativas dos beligerantes e a posição dos atores internacionais no conflito, assim como as dificuldades de uma resolução efetiva para o diferendo, de uma forma a proceder a uma análise sobre a influência do conflito nos dois níveis superiores
The Dissertation deals with the issue of the security influence of ‘frozen’ conflicts, specifically the influence of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the Caucasus and the proposed Black-Caspian Seas Security Complex (BCSSC). Using Critical Geopolitics and Regional Security Complex Theory as theoretical supports, the candidate issues a three-level theoretical-conceptual analysis, initiating in the proposed Complex, namely the main security problems and on the corresponding actors’ securitization dynamics, on through an analysis on the Caucasus, from a conceptual standpoint, and the conflicts in it. Lastly, a review concerning the issue of ‘frozen’ conflicts is initially carried out, namely on what causes them and on the conflictual and non-conflictual dynamics in the territories in which the conflicts occur. After such a review, an analysis of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh is carried out, in order to obtain a holistic understanding of the dynamic forces that caused, consolidated and today perpetuate it. Additionally, the belligerents’ narratives and the international actors’ position in the conflict will be examined, as well as the complexities regarding an effective solution to the dispute, in order to proceed to an analysis on the influence of the conflict on the two levels above.
N/A
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Toureille, Étienne. "La Turquie en Europe, la Turquie dans le Monde : analyse d'une catégorie macro-régionale au regard d'une géographie des représentations de l'Europe et du Monde turco-centrée." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCC211/document.
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L’image de l’ « Europe » comme un continent doté de limites inflexibles et indiscutables est largement partagée dans l’opinion publique des pays traditionnellement considérés comme européens. Dans le milieu des années 2000, les débats liés aux référendums sur le Traité Constitutionnel (2004-2005) conduisent pourtant un certain nombre d’acteurs politiques de premier plan à proposer des définitions de ce qu'elle serait ou ne serait pas. Mais plutôt que d'interroger le contenu de cette « Europe au sens large » convoquée dans ces différents discours, la controverse dont se saisissent les politologues et tout un ensemble de chercheurs a souvent l’objectif plus spécifique d’évaluer le caractère européen d’un pays en particulier : la Turquie, alors depuis peu reconnue candidate officielle à l’Union Européenne (UE – 1999). Bien que candidate, celle-ci se trouve tour à tour intégrée puis mise au ban de l’« Europe », du fait d’un supposé déficit d’européanité, pour être renvoyée du côté d’autres catégories régionales comme l' « Asie », le « Moyen Orient » ou le « Monde Musulman ». Cette thèse se saisit alors du paradoxe turc avec l’ambition de décrypter le sens du mot « Europe » dans une perspective géographique. Pour se faire, elle propose une investigation basée sur l’analyse de représentations turques du Monde, d’étudiants du premier cycle universitaire (Licence). Une première analyse de géographie régionale relativement classique, qui permet de fournir quelques éléments de contextes aux représentations analysées, cherche à identifier une région européenne homogène basée sur des indicateurs socio-économiques ou l’analyse de la trajectoire du pays par rapport à cette région sur le temps long. Cette première démarche, néanmoins, ne permet pas d'aboutir à une identification claire de ce qu’est l’« Europe » et suggère que le problème est sans doute profondément ancré du côté des représentations de l'objet qu'elle constitue voire, plus généralement, du Monde. Une deuxième investigation consiste alors à faire émerger le contenu, à la fois sémantique et spatial de l’« Europe », propre à la population d’étude et ce tant au niveau individuel qu'agrégé. De là, s'ensuit une troisième analyse visant cette fois à évaluer la place relative de l’« Europe » dans le Monde et l’éventualité de son déclin en considérant les préférences résidentielles de ladite population. Pour se faire, cette thèse propose une perspective décentrée, construite sur un matériau empirique issu de deux enquêtes de terrain et différentes méthodes de traitements, croisant méthodes d’analyses interprétatives et empiriques. Ainsi, à travers une analyse systémique de différentes formes de représentations, elle devient susceptible de mettre en évidence la singularité d’un regard turc sur le MondeThe narrative according to which « Europe » is a continent with inflexible and irrefutable limits is a mainstream belief in states traditionally considered as European. However, circa 2004-2005, the debates owed to the European Treaty have seen the introduction of strong statements about what it would or wouldn't be. Though, instead of exploring the issue of a “large scale Europe” from a geographical dimension; the controversy most political scientists and other researchers took hold of was driven by an attempt to decide on the place of Turkey in that region which recently had been recognized an official candidate to EU (1999). As a matter of fact, despite its candidacy, Turkey would remain both part and apart of the region, because of a supposed “europeaness” deficit. Rather it would be expected to be part of other regional categories such as « Asia », the « Middle East » or the « Muslim world ». Thenceforward, through the unique and paradoxical example that is Turkey - focusing on representations of Turkish undergraduate students -, this thesis proposes to decrypt differently what stands for “Europe”, in a geographical perspective. First, this study proposes a classical regional analysis to set up the frame through which we will examine Turkish representations and geographic imaginaries. Yet it also aims to define a homogenous European region based on different classical factors in order to sketch the study's background. Then a long-term analysis of the contemporary Turkish international relations underlines its strong anchorage into European politics and the limits of attempting to define « Europe » through that lens. On the contrary, it leads to consider that the image of a strongly bordered « Europe » may come from people’s representations. Thus, in a second time, the study focuses on the emerging representations - both individual and collective - of a spatial and conceptual definition of « Europe ». Third, it interrogates the attractiveness of European countries relatively to the rest of the World, with the ambition to evaluate its potential “decline”. In a non-Eurocentric perspective, this thesis examines some Turkish way to look at « Europe » by developing two original survey materials built on a mix of interpretative and explicative methods, and a systemic analysis of its results
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Huezo, Alexander. "Contested Natures, Insecurities and Territorialities: The Aerial Eradication of Coca in Colombia." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3397.
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Until very recently, Colombia was the only country in the world that still permitted the eradication of illicit crops –primarily coca and to a lesser extent, opium poppies— through aerial fumigation. It was a controversial practice for a number of reasons, chiefly the damage caused to plants, animals, and people living in or near fumigated areas. A favored tactic in the U.S.-supported War on Drugs, aerial eradication actually contributed to the spread of illicit crops to increasingly remote areas of Colombia, such as the collectively titled lands of both indigenous and black communities. Concerns about the practice of aerial eradication, however, appeared completely disconnected from the positive framing of the policy and guidelines governing its implementation.
Employing mixed methods, both ethnographic and cartographic, this dissertation examines how these contradictory discourses —aerial eradication explained by officials involved in its operation versus described locally by people living in or near fumigated areas— materialized in 2015, the last year the aerial eradication program was in operation. This study engages critical social science theory to deconstruct dominant conceptualizations of territoriality, geopolitics and environmental conservation, while at the same time proposing alternative understandings of those concepts grounded in local experiences.
This research finds that aerial eradication authorities overstated the accuracy of aerial eradication operations by: 1) downplaying the incidence of pilots spraying legal crops, 2) invalidating local reports on the effects of aerial eradication, and 3) requiring technical evidence far beyond the means of poor rural Colombian farmers. Furthermore, in the specific context of the collectively titled black communities of the Pacific region, aerial eradication authorities did not respect the right to previous consultation per Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention 169.
This dissertation concludes that that aerial eradication —justified by notions of security and environmental conservation that had little to do with black communities of the Pacific region— operated as a means of displacement. This displacement was literal in the sense that aerial eradication made life difficult for people to live in affected communities and figurative because local knowledge was pushed aside in favor of the external interpretations of the effects of this counternarcotics policy.
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Boström, Lukas. "Reconsidering the EU as a Geoeconomic Actor : A Critical Discourse Analysis of the internal debate regarding a New Industrial Strategy for the European Union." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Institutionen för ekonomisk och industriell utveckling, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-176800.
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In recent years there has been a growing internal debate within the EU regarding the direction of its trade policy. Circled around the understanding of a geoeconomic development within the international economic sphere, the Union is divided in terms of how to best respond in this proclaimed situation for ensuring its future success and prosperity. Where the European Commission has adopted several protectionist measures at the same time as upholding its liberal route one may ask what this implies for the future, as well as what the underlying forces behind this trend are, which is part of the general aim of this study. Previous research has provided both rationalistic and constructivist approaches to analyzing EU’s trade policy agenda, where rationalistic approaches has investigated to which degree trade policy has been politicized and constructivists more focused to understanding to which degree ideas, norms and values has contributed to the Commission’s legitimization and continuation of liberal trade politics. However, the area of discourse(s) role in this nexus is left relatively unexplored. With use of the IR theories of Realism and Liberalism as well as the methods of Critical Discourse Analysis and Norman Fairclough’s three-dimensional framework for critical discourse analysis, this paper examines the main respective arguments of the debate regarding a New European Industrial Strategy, through three dimensions of discourse(s): as text, discursive practice and social practice. Findings suggests that realist discourses have gained traction within the Commission at the same time as it is constrained by institutional and integrational discourses, which are factors that indeed may result in troublesome years to come.
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Azevedo, Hebert Guilherme de. "Projeto de emancipação do Alcântara e política integracionista de São Gonçalo: conflitos discursivos, razões do fracasso e atualidade da questão." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=8134.
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O processo de tentativa de emancipação do Alcântara, transcorrido em finais de 1995 sem que o município fosse criado, é um dos casos de fracasso em pleno período denominado Febre Emancipatória, em que diversos municípios foram criados. Para compreender o insucesso deste caso analisaremos, por meio da Geopolítica Crítica e da análise dos discursos, os diferentes grupos representados, bem como sua argumentação para a divisão ou a manutenção do território. A identificação dos grupos representados, bem como dos argumentos mobilizados por estes grupos, nos permitiram inferir, em comparação com aqueles que tiveram êxito na emancipação, as razões do exemplo em estudo não ser exitoso. Adicionalmente foram discutidas a regulamentação da escala local no Brasil, bem como a dinâmica social recente do município de São Gonçalo, para apontar as possibilidades de um novo movimento em prol da emancipação, apontando-se a potencialidade de um novo movimento emancipatório, seja pela construção de um aparato jurídico que regulamente a restrição imposta a criação de novos municípios, seja pelas disparidades entre as áreas que foram alvo deste movimento.The process of attempted emancipation of Alcântara, passed in late 1995 without the municipality was created, is a case of failure in full period called "Fever Emancipation", in which several municipalities were created. To understand the failure of this case we analyze, through the Critical Geopolitics and discourse analysis, the different groups represented, as well as their arguments for the division or territory maintenance. The identification of the groups represented, as well as the arguments mobilized by these groups, allowed us to infer, compared with those who had successful emancipation, the reasons for such a study not be successful. In addition to regulation of local scale in Brazil were discussed, as well as recent social dynamics of São Gonçalo, to point out the possibilities of a new movement for emancipation, pointing out the potential of a new emancipatory movement, either by construction a legal apparatus that regulates the restriction imposed the creation of new municipalities, either by disparities in areas that were the target of this movement.
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Sosna, Petr. "Geopolitická imaginace a percepce bezpečnosti v Japonsku." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338159.
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This thesis deals with Japanese foreign and security policy through the optics of critical geopolitics, specifically the "geopolitics as culture" notion developed by Gearóid Ó Tuathail. Using this notion as an analytical framework, the development of Japan's foreign and security policy from the establishment of a modern Japanese state till present days is analyzed, with three main concepts being addressed: (1) foreign policy traditions; (2) geopolitical and geostrategic discourses; (3) and strategic and geopolitical culture. For reasons of narrowing the topic down and applying the concept more consistently, one specific element of Japanese foreign and security policy is at the centre of attention: Japan's "maritime identity". The goal of the thesis is to identify and characterize Japan's geopolitical imagination and attempt to determine if and how has this imagination been expressed in the country's security policy with regard to the maritime identity. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
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Morrone, Simona. "Impegno politico e pratiche documentarie. Immagini dell’economia globale nell’arte contemporanea." Doctoral thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2158/1152719.
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La tesi esplora la ricomparsa e il progressivo rinnovamento della tendenza documentaria a partire dagli anni Novanta dello scorso secolo, che ha di frequente giustificato l’idea di una svolta occorsa in quel periodo nell’arte contemporanea. La ricerca ha avuto per oggetto l’approccio documentario e l’impegno politico degli artisti nel contesto della globalizzazione e della crescente disuguaglianza economica e sociale nel mondo. Nel corso della trattazione sostengo che il linguaggio documentario ha preso le distanze dalle precedenti formulazioni del ventesimo secolo e parimenti dal panorama mediale contemporaneo che pullula di “immagini della realtà”. I casi di studio riguardano alcuni artisti che hanno documentato il ciclo della merce e lo sfruttamento del lavoro nell’economia capitalista: dall’estrazione delle materie prime, alla manifattura delocalizzata, al commercio internazionale, fino allo scarto in discariche dove altra manodopera trova la sua sussistenza. Attraverso l’analisi del loro lavoro emergono alcuni dei complessi discorsi che animano le pratiche documentarie.
This thesis explores the reappearance and progressive renewal of the documentary trend since the 1990s, which has frequently justified the idea of a turning point in contemporary art at that time. Research has focused on the documentary approach and political commitment of artists in the context of globalisation and increasing economic and social inequality in the world. This work intends to show how documentary language has distanced itself from 20th-century formulations as well as from the contemporary media landscape that is full of“images of reality”. The case studies concern some artists who have documented the cycle of commodities and the exploitation of labor in the capitalist economy: from raw materials' extraction and relocated manufacturing to international trade and waste disposal into landfills, where other workers find their livelihoods. The analysis of their work highlights some of the complex discourses that animate documentary practices.
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Ouellette, Megan. "A blip on the radar? Conceptualising the Czech Republic in the United States before and after the missile defence shift." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-304749.
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Megan Ouellette Abstract Abstract This study constitutes an analysis of American conceptualizations of the Czech Republic as presented in presidential materials from 1989 to 2009 and American media reporting the cancellation of the Third Site of ballistic missile defence from 14-25 September 2009. It draws on the previous research offered by constructivist interpretations of international relations and the field of critical geopolitics to explore how, and for what purpose, certain American sources of geopolitical reasoning have portrayed the Czech Republic. By comparing and contrasting the ways in which the Czech Republic has been conceptualised in presidential materials over a period of twenty years and in media sources over a two-week period relative to a particular event, the study identifies trends and thematic (in)consistencies in American "mental maps" of the Czech Republic. It shows the extent to which media reporting on President Obama's ballistic missile defence policy shift recycled pre-existing conceptualizations of the Czech Republic broadcasted on the presidential level over the twenty years prior to the policy shift. The results of content analyses of each set of texts reveal that the Czech Republic holds specific symbolic and strategic value that ultimately points back to a particular...
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Yang, Ju-Kun, and 楊儒堃. "Taiwan’s National Security from 2000 to 2012:A Discussion from the Perspective of Critical Geopolitics." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/40662312175593804191.
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碩士東吳大學
政治學系
100
Security is requisite to the survival of a nation. On May 20, 2008, Ma Ying-jeou was inaugurated as the 12th R.O.C. president and the KMR retained political power from the hands of the DPP. As the rise of China and its growing threat, Taiwan’s leaders have faced more national security policy challenges. Thus, this thesis focuses on the studies of Chen Shui-bian’s and Ma Ying-jeou’s approaches to securing Taiwan and their possible impact on Taiwan’s national security. The scholarship on Taiwan's strategic security is copious, but most of them relied on the traditional geopolitical theory or political realism. When discussing national security issues, only using traditional international relations theory is inadequate. Therefore, this thesis aims to study Taiwan’s national security from a different theoretical perspective in order to seek more breakthroughs. Since the Taiwan’s party alternation in 2008, it is urgent and important to reexamine Taiwan’s national security policy. This study explores Taiwan’s national security mainly from a critical geo-political perspective, and compares the political discourse and practice of the Chen’s and Ma’s administrations, particularly focuses on their statements on the issues of national security. This study will center on three aspects—diplomatic strategy, defense strategy and cross-strait strategy. In addition, through the case studies, this thesis also attempts to reexamine the implications of critical geo-politics through combination of theory and practice in international relations.
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Hingley, RE. "Dilapidated huts and piles of rocks : the geopolitics of cultural heritage in Antarctica." Thesis, 2021. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/45455/13/Hingley_whole_thesis_ex-pub_mat.pdf.
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The idea of heritage in Antarctica stereotypically evokes images of disintegrating huts buried under snow or ice, and rock cairns scattered across the continent. Similarly, it might be thought that the challenges of heritage management in this polar region are limited to maintaining the physical longevity of sites situated in an extreme and remote environment. But these historic remains are powerful political resources as well as vulnerable cultural artefacts. This thesis examines how Antarctic heritage is deployed for geopolitical means by states, providing them with an alternative pathway to influence international affairs. This appropriation of cultural heritage is of particular importance to the currently well-managed, yet technically unresolved, issue of sovereignty south of 60° South latitude. Although the region’s overarching governing regime specifically prohibits states from asserting sovereignty within this geographical area, states can enhance their presence in Antarctica by treating historical sites and monuments as signifiers of territorial occupation. The aim of this thesis is therefore to expose how and why the governance of Antarctic heritage concerns more than the preservation and conservation of historic remains, and what effects these alternative agendas have on multilateral relations.
Previous research has established the inherently political nature of cultural heritage and its management in Antarctica. This thesis deepens and extends this research by: arguing that there is an official discourse on Antarctic heritage; examining who this discourse has been constructed by (and whom it benefits); critically analysing the underlying assumptions of this discourse; and investigating how states have applied this discourse within the practice of international relations.
The analysis draws primarily upon scholarship from two disciplines, Political Geography and Heritage Studies. Both of these fields of research support a critical interpretation that not only problematises how states have managed and engaged with Antarctic heritage, but also questions what cultural heritage in Antarctica actually is. Under these broad disciplinary mandates, this thesis employs a discourse analysis as its methodological framework to interrogate the conceptualisation and content of the official discourse on Antarctic heritage, and to investigate how this dominant discourse can and has been geopolitically manipulated by states operating in the polar region.
Structurally, the thesis is centred around three primary research questions. The first asks, ‘Whose perspective on Antarctic heritage counts?’ Both qualitative and quantitative coding techniques are used to answer this question, identifying claimant states as responsible for the definition and treatment of Antarctic Historic Sites and Monuments (HSMs) to date. The second research question asks, ‘How have states deployed Antarctic heritage for geopolitical means?’ Here, a geopolitical reading is used to analyse the ways in which states have exploited Antarctic heritage – within exercises of de facto sovereignty; to bolster nation-building strategies; and to meet environmental expectations. The third and final research question asks, ‘Which non-state actors have engaged with Antarctic heritage?’ Again, a geopolitical reading is the chosen method, revealing that although states are the most powerful actors in the region at present, other non-state actors – including the tourism industry, non-governmental organisations, and individuals – can and do perceive of Antarctic heritage differently to states.
In answering these questions, this thesis offers an in-depth and nuanced account of how Antarctic heritage has come to be officially curated and deployed, and also outlines the current and potential future geopolitical implications of a statist interpretation of heritage within Antarctic affairs.
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Chvátal, Viktor. "Finální externalizace druhých a její důsledky pro tureckou zahraniční politiku." Master's thesis, 2017. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-267757.
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This diploma thesis focuses on the analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy (TFP) towards the sub- regions of Central Eurasia (the Middle East and Central Asia) in the period between 1991 and 2010. Theoretically, this thesis combines a modified version of social constructivism with the assumptions of critical geopolitics. Interconnecting social constructivism with the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), this thesis targets the domestic level of analysis. Therefore, the ideational background of the decision-makers is examined. Although, the potential impact of the identity variable on the TFP articulation is investigated after 1991 only, the genesis of the long-term identity conflict within the Turkish (Ottoman) society is also included in the analyses. Given the geopolitical part, this thesis draws upon the basic critical insight that the geopolitical argumentation is based on discursive rather than material factors. The aim is to identify the geopolitical metaphors which had been, in the examined period, applied while dealing with the above mentioned sub-regions. At this stage, the theoretical approaches are logically synthetized and the genesis and usage of the geopolitical metaphors is examined in relation to the identity of those who formulated them. This diploma thesis proves that the identity conflict...
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Marques, Pedro Gonçalves. "A Geopolítica da NATO e a estratégia de Gales: o recurso à Europa do Sul." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/82330.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais apresentada à Faculdade de EconomiaA Geopolítica Critica, baseada na ideologia do desconstrutivismo e da Teoria Crítica, caracteriza-se por interpretar a teoria praticada na política mundial. Esta permite ver o que está por detrás das representações espaciais, destacando factos geográficos que para o comum dos leitores parecem simples e irrevogáveis. No contexto mundial contemporâneo, a relevância política da Organização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (NATO) e a sua credibilidade como força militar foram postas em causa devido às ameaças de segurança física associadas ao fundamentalismo islâmico e à guerra híbrida. Esta descredibilização foi agravada pela ausência de consenso e de vontade coletiva nas prioridades de segurança, bem como pela divergência nas perceções de ameaça dos Estados-membros. Em resposta aos desafios, realizou-se a Cimeira de Gales em setembro de 2014 procurando alterar a postura estratégica da organização: dando prioridade à ameaça no flanco Leste e reforçando o paradigma de defesa coletiva através do emprego das identidades europeias. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar a instrumentalização intencional das identidades na estratégia de Gales, principalmente o recurso à Europa do Sul na construção da cultura geopolítica da Aliança. Pretende-se assim clarificar a questão: como é que a estratégia de Gales responde aos desafios da NATO? Para esta investigação recorreu-se ao método de estudo de caso, numa abordagem indutiva. Foi feita a análise do discurso de Gales e do seu impacto prático na geopolítica mundial, através da análise de conteúdo qualitativa e da análise de discurso sistemática. Os países da Europa do Sul dificultam a construção de uma realidade geopolítica favorável à manutenção do status quo de conservação da hierarquia de poder na ordem Euro-Atlântica. A Aliança recorreu a estes países na representação espacial da sua cultura geopolítica para responder aos seus desafios institucionais. Na estratégia de Gales, os países da Europa do Sul serviram como meio para reafirmar o papel da NATO na segurança internacional através da projeção de forças armadas destes países para o flanco Leste, com a reconfiguração das forças de prontidão e na demonstração de força dissuasora com exercícios de alta-visibilidade. O argumento apresentado defende que na estratégia de Gales houve preferência para aumentar a perceção de ameaça no flanco Leste, visto que é o alvo de resposta coletiva mais facilmente identificável. A NATO trabalhou propositadamente os seus discursos, metáfora espacial e cultura geopolítica, no sentido de dar proeminência a essa ameaça procurando justificar e manter o seu papel na segurança internacional, e assim unir a Europa contra o inimigo híbrido e reduzir ataques à sua credibilidade. A estratégia de Gales procurou moldar a imaginação geopolítica sobre as ameaças à segurança internacional e prioridades de segurança. Contudo, também trabalhou no sentido de construir uma representação espacial que fortalecesse a sua imagem geopolítica como organização que garante a segurança coesa e solidária ao espaço Euro-Atlântico. Em consequência, esta renovou a relação de dependência, em matérias de segurança, da periferia Sul com o centro europeu e reafirma o papel da Aliança como ferramenta de política externa dos Estados hegemónicos. Desta forma, o contributo da dissertação é empírico e teórico: Em primeiro, constitui uma crítica desconstrutiva do arranjo imperialista de Gales. Aqui expõe-se o papel dado ao Sul da Europa como facto geográfico, supostamente simples e irrevogável, na mudança de postura da NATO. A escolha das identidades e dos locais geográficos para a demonstração da defesa coletiva face a ameaça híbrida no Leste ganha maior relevo nesta questão. Segundo, o estudo aplica a Geopolítica Crítica enquanto quadro teórico bem como na análise geopolítica de forma relevante a um estudo de caso atual e tão importante como a NATO.
Critical Geopolitics is based on the ideology of deconstructivism and Critical Theory, it is characterized by the understanding of the theory practiced in world politics. Therefore, it allows us to grasp what lies behind the spatial representations, thus highlighting those geographical facts that for common understanding seem simple and unchangeable. In the current global environment, the political relevance of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and its credibility as a military force have been challenged because of the security threats of the Islamic fundamentalism and the hybrid war. This situation of skepticism is worsened by the lack of consensus and collective will among the security priorities, as well as divergences in perceived threats by the Member States'. In response to these challenges, the organization held the Wales Summit in September 2014, seeking to change its strategic position, in order to prioritize the threat in the Eastern flank by strengthening the collective defense paradigm through the use of European identities. The dissertation aims to analyze the intentional utilization of the identities in the Wales strategy, especially the use of the Southern European countries in this construction of geopolitical culture of the Alliance. Therefore, the idea is to find an answer for this question: how does the Wales strategy respond to the NATO’s challenges? For this research, the case study method, in an inductive approach was used. The Wales's discourse and its practical impact on global geopolitics were analyzed through the qualitative content analysis and systematic discourse analysis. Southern European countries hinder the construction of a favorable geopolitical reality for the preservation of the status quo and management of hierarchy of powers in the Euro-Atlantic order. The Alliance has resorted to these countries for the spatial representation of their geopolitical culture, in order to respond to its institutional challenges. In the Wales strategy, Southern European countries served as a means to reaffirm the role of NATO in the international security, through the projection of their military forces to the Eastern flank with the configuration of the readiness forces and demonstration of dissuasive force with high visibility exercises. The argument presented defends that with the Wales strategy there was a predilection for increasing perceived threat on the eastern flank, considering that it can be easily identifiable and targeted collectively. The NATO intentionally worked on its discourses, spatial metaphor and geopolitical culture in order to give distinction to this threat, and by so validate and maintain its role in international security, and therefore unite Europe against the hybrid enemy and enhance its credibility as a force. The Wales strategy sought to outline geopolitical imagination regarding threats to international security and security priorities. However NATO also worked so as to build a spatial representation that would strengthen its geopolitical image as an organization that guarantees cohesive and solidary protection to the Euro-Atlantic space. Consequently this renews the relationship of security dependence between southern periphery and the European center and endorses the role of the Alliance as a foreign policy tool to the hegemonic’ states. In this manner, the contribution of the thesis is empirical and theoretical: first, it applies a deconstructive assessment of the imperialist arrangement in Wales Summit. At this point it exposes the role given to Southern Europe as a supposedly simple and unchangeable geographic fact in the alteration of NATO’s posture. The choice of the identities and the geographical locations for the demonstration of the collective defense against the hybrid threat in the Eastern front is emphasized in this matter. Secondly, the study applies Critical Geopolitics, as a theoretical framework, and geopolitical analysis which is relevant to this contemporary and important case study such as NATO.
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Magalhães, Joana Barroso Nogueira Pereira. "WikiLeaks enquanto ator transnacional: que desafios para os estados?" Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1822/47864.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Relações InternacionaisAs Relações Internacionais, que têm sido predominantemente marcadas pelas relações interestaduais, têm vindo a ser confrontadas nas últimas décadas com o surgimento e desenvolvimento de novos atores transnacionais e, de novas esferas de ação potenciadas pelas tecnologias de informação e comunicação. Os Estados viram-se confrontados com novas formas de manifestações de poder que surgiram no ciberespaço e com capacidade suficiente para atentarem contra o seu senso de segurança, levando os mesmos a desenvolver ações que visam debelar o poder destas novas entidades. O WikiLeaks, ator de difícil definição, insere-se neste espetro de novos atores que, munindo-se do poder da informação e do ciberespaço, acabaram por se estabelecer enquanto atores internacionais e suscitaram um conjunto de respostas por parte dos EUA. Mas, como conter um ator que nasceu e se desenvolveu na esfera cibernética? Como conter o fluxo informacional e revelações, o ativo imprescindível à ação do WikiLeaks? Como assegurar um ciberespaço que potencie apenas as ações dos Estados e não de atores nãoestaduais? Pese embora as respostas a estas perguntas se encontrem ainda em construção, a presente dissertação procura explorar as ações encetadas por parte dos EUA durante os dez anos de existência do WikiLeaks. Alicerçado nos pressupostos da teoria crítica a e geopolítica crítica, e tomando um dos Estados mais poderosos do sistema internacional contemporâneo (leia-se os EUA), este trabalho conclui que os Estados e a sua supremacia nas relações internacionais contemporâneas estão sob ameaça e que a geopolítica, por sua vez, já não se compadece apenas com a geografia.
International Relations, which had been predominantly marked by interstate relations, were confronted/challenged with the appearance and development of new transnational actors and new spheres of action magnified by information and communications technologies, in the last decades. States saw themselves confronted with new forms of power that emerged in the cyberspace, as well as with their capacity to threaten the states’ sense of security, eventually leading states to develop measures, which were aiming at mitigating the raising power of these new entities. WikiLeaks, actor of difficult definition, is one of this this new kind of actors that, is now armed with the power of information and cyberspace, established themselves as transnational actors and, thus provokes a set of answers from the USA. Yet, how to contain an actor born and raised in the cybernetic sphere? How to contain the flow of information and disclosures, an indispensable asset to the action of WikiLeaks? How to ensure that the cyberspace only boosts the actions of states and not of non-state actors? Even though the answers to these questions are still under construction, we intend to explore the actions of the USA during the 10 years of existence of WikiLeaks. Anchored in the assumptions of critical theory and critical geopolitics, and taking into account, one of the most powerful states in the contemporaneous international system (read USA), this dissertation concludes that the power of states and their supremacy in the contemporaneous international relations are under threat and that geopolitics, in turn, does not refer exclusively to physical geography.
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(8850251), Ghaleb Alomaish. "“DOUBLE REFRACTION”: IMAGE PROJECTION AND PERCEPTION IN SAUDI-AMERICAN CONTEXTS: A COMPARATIVE STUDY." Thesis, 2020.
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This dissertation aims to create a scholarly space where a seventy-five-year-old “special relationship” (1945-2020) between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States is examined from an interdisciplinary comparativist perspective. I posit that a comparative study of Saudi and American fiction goes beyond the limitedness of global geopolitics and proves to uncover some new literary, sociocultural, and historical dimensions of this long history, while shedding some light on others. Saudi writers creatively challenge the inherently static and monolithic image of Saudi Arabia, its culture and people in the West. They also simultaneously unsettle the notion of homogeneity and enable us to gain new insight into self-perception within the local Saudi context by offering a wide scope of genuine engagements with distinctive themes ranging from spatiality, identity, ethnicity, and gender to slavery, religiosity and (post)modernity. On the other side, American authors still show some signs of ambivalence towards the depiction of the Saudi (Muslim/Arab) Other, but they nonetheless also demonstrate serious effort to emancipate their representations from the confining legacy of (neo)Orientalist discourse and oil politics by tackling the concepts of race, alterity, hegemony, radicalism, nomadism and (un)belonging.
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Daniluk, Aleksandra. "Unia Europejska w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś." Doctoral thesis, 2017. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/2639.
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W toku prowadzonej w rozprawie analizy próbowano wypełnić następujące zadania badawcze: (1) scharakteryzować determinanty i kierunki polityki zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś; (2) zbadać miejsce Unii Europejskiej wśród kierunków i priorytetów białoruskiej polityki zagranicznej; (3) zbadać przyczyny zmienności w relacjach Białorusi z Unią Europejską, (4) ocenić istnienie zbieżności interesów obu podmiotów; (5) ocenić perspektywy współpracy obu podmiotów. Główna hipoteza rozprawy brzmi: Unia Europejska nie odgrywa w praktycznym działaniu znaczącej roli w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś, choć stanowi jeden z ważniejszych wektorów w założeniach i koncepcjach jej polityki. W sferze funkcjonalnej polityka zagraniczna Republiki Białoruś przekłada się na intensywny rozwój wschodniego kierunku działań zewnętrznych państwa białoruskiego. Istotny w tym kontekście jest fakt, że dotychczasowa polityka Unii Europejskiej w relacjach z Republiką Białoruś, oparta na krytycznym dialogu nie przyniosła zakładanych rezultatów a jedynie zniechęciła państwo białoruskie do pogłębiania współpracy. Polityka wielowektorowości Republiki Białoruś ogranicza się do próby kształtowania suwerenności przy znaczącej asymetrii pomiędzy potencjałem państwa białoruskiego w wymiarze politycznym, gospodarczym i wojskowym, a jego możliwościami. Ponadto przynależność Białorusi do wschodnich struktur integracyjnych ma decydujący wpływ na jej relacje z Unią Europejską. W pracy sformułowano również cztery hipotezy dodatkowe, stanowiące uszczegółowienie hipotezy głównej: Hipoteza 1. Niewielkie znaczenie Unii Europejskiej w polityce zagranicznej Republiki Białoruś jest uwarunkowane interesami narodowymi państwa białoruskiego, ukształtowanymi przez historię, czynnik ustrojowy, geopolityczny i ekonomiczny; Hipoteza 2. Odmienne postrzeganie podstaw współpracy przez Białoruś i Unię Europejską w znaczącym stopniu determinuje cykliczność ich wzajemnych relacji; Hipoteza 3. Białoruś poprzez uczestnictwo w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego stwarza możliwość realizacji europejskiej drogi rozwoju w wymiarze ekonomicznym, co może mieć istotny wpływ na kształtowanie stabilności, bezpieczeństwa i rozwoju w regionie Europy Wschodniej; Hipoteza 4. Przyszły stan stosunków Unii Europejskiej i Republiki Białoruś będzie zależny nie tylko od wyboru strategii rozwoju państwa białoruskiego oraz kierunku jego przemian ustrojowych, ale także od oddziaływania środowiska międzynarodowego, w którym znaczącą rolę odgrywają Federacja Rosyjska i NATO. Weryfikacji powyższych hipotez dokonano na przestrzeni pięciu rozdziałów. W rozdziale pierwszym, analizie poddano: uwarunkowania historyczne, ustrojowe, geopolityczne oraz ekonomiczne. Istotnym elementem był również kontekst Rosji w działaniach zewnętrznych Białorusi. W drugim rozdziale przedstawiono prawno-polityczny i ekonomiczny wymiar stosunków Republiki Białoruś z Unią Europejską. Przeanalizowano programy unijnych działań zewnętrznych, adresowane do państw Europy Wschodniej (w tym Białorusi) oraz przedstawiono ewolucję stosunków białorusko-unijnych od początku lat 90. do bieżących wydarzeń w XXI wieku. Całość rozważań dopełnił ekonomiczny wymiar dwustronnych relacji obu podmiotów. Rozdział trzeci poświęcony został roli i miejscu Białorusi w programie Partnerstwa Wschodniego. Przeanalizowano w nim aktywność państwa białoruskiego w multilateralnym i bilateralnym wymiarze programu oraz podjęto próbę odpowiedzi na pytanie w jakim zakresie obecność Białorusi w Partnerstwie Wschodnim wpływa na możliwość realizacji przez nią europejskiej drogi rozwoju. W rozdziale czwartym zaprezentowano praktyczny wymiar stosunków białorusko-unijnych, wyrażający się w realizacji konkretnych projektów, finansowanych z unijnego budżetu w ramach programów przewidzianych w Europejskiej Polityce Sąsiedztwa i Partnerstwie Wschodnim. W rozdziale piątym zaprezentowano trzy scenariusze przyszłych relacji Białorusi z Unią Europejską: stagnacyjny, regresywny i progresywny.During the analysis, the following research tasks were attempted: (1) to characterize the determinants and directions of the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus; (2) examine the European Union's position among the directions and priorities of Belarusian foreign policy; (3) identify the causes of variation in Belarusian relations with the European Union, (4) assess the existence of convergence of the interests of both entities; (5) assess the future prospects for cooperation between this two entities.The main hypothesis of the dissertation is: The European Union does not play a significant role in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus, although it is one of the most important vectors in its policy assumptions. In the functional sphere, the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus translates into the intensive development of the eastern direction of external actions of the Belarusian state. It is important, that the current policy of the European Union on the Republic of Belarus based on critical dialogue, did not bring the expected results, but only discouraged the Belarusian state from deepening cooperation. Multi-vector policy of the Republic of Belarus is limited to attempt to establish sovereignty during significant asymmetry between the political, economic and military potential of the Belarusian state and its capabilities. Moreover, Belarusian membership in the integration structures of Eastern Europe has a decisive influence on its relations with the European Union.In the dissertation have been formulated four additional hypotheses, to clarify the main hypothesis: Hypothesis 1. The minor importance of the European Union in the foreign policy of the Republic of Belarus is conditioned by the national interests of the Belarusian state, influenced by history, political, geopolitical and economic factors; Hypothesis 2. The different perception of the basis for cooperation of Belarus and the European Union significantly determines the cyclicality of their relations; Hypothesis 3. By participating in the Eastern Partnership program, Belarus is able to realize the European economic development path, which can have a significant influence on building stability, security and development in Eastern Europe; Hypothesis 4. The future state of relations between the European Union and the Republic of Belarus will depend not only on the state development strategy, chosen by the Belarusian authorities and on direction of political transformation of the state, but also on the international environment, where the Russian Federation and NATO play a significant role.The dissertation is divided to five chapters. The first chapter focused on historical determinants, legal and constitutional conditions, geopolitical determinants and the economic conditions. An important element was also the context of Russia in external actions of Belarus. The second chapter focused on the legal, political and economic dimension of the relations between Belarus and the EU. The analysis included: EU external action programs addressed to Eastern European countries, the evolution of political Belarusian-EU relations from the early 1990s to current events in the 21st century and the main aspects of bilateral economic cooperation between this two actors. The analysis in the third chapter included: the presence and activity of the Belarusian state in the multilateral and bilateral dimension of the program and an attempt to answer the question how the participation of Belarus in the Eastern Partnership programme, enables realizing by this country the European development path. The analysis in the fourth chapter included realization of concrete projects financed by the EU budget under the programmes of the European Neighborhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The fifth chapter focused on perspectives of future relations between Belarus and European Union. The analysis included three scenarios: stagnant, regressive and progressive.