Academic literature on the topic 'Criterion of reciprocity'

Reciprocity is here considered as an internalized social norm, and a questionnaire to measure individual differences in the internalized norm of reciprocity is presented. The questionnaire, Personal Norm of Reciprocity (PNR), measures three aspects of reciprocity: positive reciprocity, negative reciprocity, and beliefs in reciprocity. The PNR has been developed and tested in two cultures, British and Italian, for a total of 951 participants. A cross‐cultural study provides evidence of good psychometric properties and generalizability of the PNR. Data provide evidence for criterion validity and show that positive and negative reciprocators behave in different ways as a function of the valence (positive or negative) of the other's past behaviour, the type of feasible reaction (reward versus punishment), and the fairness of their reaction. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Is a feminist political liberalism possible? Political liberalism’s regard for a wide range of comprehensive doctrines as reasonable makes some feminists skeptical of its ability to address sex inequality. Indeed, some feminists claim that political liberalism maintains its position as a political liberalism at the expense of securing substantive equality for women. We claim that political liberalism’s core commitments actually restrict all reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that secure genuine substantive equality for all, including women and other marginalized groups. In particular, we argue that political liberalism’s criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that eliminate social conditions of domination and subordination relevant to reasonable democratic deliberation among equal citizens and that the criterion of reciprocity requires the social conditions necessary for recognition respect among persons as equal citizens. As a result, we maintain that the criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that provide genuine equality for women along various dimensions of social life central to equal citizenship.

Direct reciprocity, according to the decision rule ‘help someone who has helped you before’, reflects cooperation based on the principle of postponed benefits. A predominant factor influencing Homo sapiens ' motivation to reciprocate is an individ­ual's perceived benefit resulting from the value of received help. But hitherto it has been unclear whether other species also base their decision to cooperate on the quality of received help. Previous experiments have demonstrated that Norway rats, Rattus norvegicus , cooperate using direct reciprocity decision rules in a variant of the iterated Prisoner's Dilemma, where they preferentially help cooperators instead of defectors. But, as the quality of obtained benefits has not been varied, it is yet unclear whether rats use the value of received help as decision criterion to pay help back. Here, we tested whether rats distinguish between different cooperators depending purely on the quality of their help. Our data show that a rat's propensity to reciprocate help is, indeed, adjusted to the perceived quality of the partner's previous help. When cooperating with two conspecific partners expending the same effort, rats apparently rely on obtained benefit to adjust their level of returned help.

This article argues that the ever-growing research field of welfare deservingness is in need of qualitative research. Using focus group data collected in Denmark, Germany, and the United Kingdom, we show that citizens discussing matters of social welfare make explicit reference not only to the deservingness criteria of control, reciprocity, and need but also to a number of context-related criteria extending beyond the deservingness framework (e.g. equality/universalism). Furthermore, our findings suggest the existence of an institutional logic to welfare preferences, as the focus group participants to a large extent echoed the normative criteria that are most strongly embedded in the institutional structure of their country’s welfare regime. Whereas financial need is the guiding criterion in the “liberal” United Kingdom, reciprocity is dominant in “corporatist-conservative” Germany. In “social-democratic” Denmark, it appears impossible to single out one dominant normative criterion. Instead, the Danish participants seem torn between the criteria of need, reciprocity, and equality/universalism.

Abstract:Most writers on international business ethics adopt a universalist perspective, but the traditional expression of problems in terms of a discrepancy between (superior) home country and (inferior) host country values makes it difficult to preserve the symmetry required by a universalizability criterion. In this paper a critique of Donaldson’s (1989) theory is used to illustrate some of the ways in which ethnocentric assumptions can enter into a supposedly universalist argument. A number of suggestions are then made for improving Donaldson’s approach by careful attention to the requirement of universalizability, expressed in a contractarian theory in the form of agent symmetry or reciprocity.

This paper critically discusses the generally recognized dualism in the interpretation of the moral basis of public reason. We argue that in order to maintain the complementarity of both liberal and democratic values within the debate on public reason, the arguments from liberty and from civic friendship cannot be considered in isolation. With regard to the argument from liberty, we contend that because the idea of natural liberty is an indispensable starting point of liberal theory, no explanation of the justification of political power can do without it. In particular, we focus on the requirement of reasonableness and show that we should retain the epistemic aspect of the reasonableness of persons. Perhaps the main reason for this is to be found in the criterion of reciprocity which provides the deepest justification of the respect for people’s liberty – that is, the liberal aspect of liberal democracy. At the same time, however, we argue that reciprocity also provides the grounds for responding to the criticism that the essentially liberal approach fails to adequately take into consideration the role of political community. Because reciprocity may also be interpreted as being based on civic friendship, it provides the resources to respond to such criticism. It thus supplies the normative background also for the second, democratic pillar of public reason. We then critically examine the newly emerging approach built predominantly on the argument from civic friendship, arguing that by prioritising the civic friendship interpretation and, at times, tending to completely abandon the liberty-based one, it overlooks the indispensability of liberty-based considerations for the criterion of reciprocity. We conclude that in order to adequately capture the common liberal-democratic basis of public reason, both interpretations of reciprocity must be linked within a comprehensive account.

We formulate a direct generalization of the Prigogine’s principle of minimum entropy production, according to a new isoperimetric variation principle by classical non-equilibrium thermodynamics. We focus our attention on the possible mathematical forms of constitutive equations. Our results show that the Onsager’s reciprocity relations are consequences of the suggested variation principle. Furthermore, we show by the example of the thermo-diffusion such reciprocity relations for diffusion tensor, which are missing in Onsager’s theory. Our theorem applied to the non-linear constitutive equations indicates the existence of dissipation potential. We study the forms of general reciprocity with the dissipation potential. This consideration results in a weaker condition than Li-Gyarmati-Rysselberhe reciprocity has. Furthermore, in the case of electric conductivity in the magnetic field, our theorem shows the correct dependence of the Onsager’s kinetic coefficient by the axial vector of magnetic induction. We show in general that the evolution criterion of the global entropy production is a Lyapunov-function, and so the final stationer state is independent of the initial, time-independent boundary conditions.

While it is well-established that mutual aid groups are effective in the psychological rehabilitation of vulnerable individuals, few studies have thoroughly investigated the dynamic mechanism of how psychological well-being improves through mutual aid groups of young patients with chronic health conditions. In connection with several existing theories (i.e., the helper therapy principle, equity theory, the norm of reciprocity, and the concept of communal relationships), this study aims to: (1) evaluate whether emotional support exchanges (i.e., emotional support reception and provision) mediate the relationship between group interaction and psychological well-being; and (2) compare three potential underlying mechanisms—the mediating role of emotional support provision, equitable reciprocity (i.e., a balance of receiving and providing emotional support, where no party over-benefits or under-benefits), and sequential reciprocity (i.e., repaying the helper or a third party in the future after receiving help)—through a path analysis model. A stratified random sampling procedure with chronic health conditions as the stratifying criterion was used to recruit 391 individuals aged 12–45 years from mutual aid groups in Hong Kong, who completed both the baseline and follow-up surveys over a 12-month interval. The results of the path model revealed significant mediating roles of emotional support provision and sequential reciprocity, not equitable reciprocity. The present study offers theoretical and practical implications for promoting the psychological well-being of young patients with chronic health conditions.

We study the scattering of polarized light by two equal corner stacked Au nanorods that exhibit strong electromagnetic coupling. In the far field, this plasmonic dimer manifests very prominent asymmetric scattering in the transverse direction. Calculations based on a system of two coupled oscillators, as well as simulations based on the boundary element method, show that, while in one configuration both vertical and horizontal polarization states are scattered to the detector, when we interchange the source and the detector, the scattered intensity of the horizontal polarization drops to zero. Following Perrin’s criterion, it can be shown that this system, as well as any other linear system not involving magneto-optical effects, obeys the optical reciprocity principle. We show that the optical response of the plasmonic dimer, while preserving electromagnetic reciprocity, can be used for the non-reciprocal transfer of signals at a subwavelength scale.

What is politically at stake when citizens of Muslim faith are publicly presented as permanent aliens in contemporary European societies? On what grounds is such exclusion or ‘externalisation’ based? What requirements can European citizens be reasonably expected to meet? This research analyses the subject of Muslims’ citizenship in contemporary European societies from the perspective of normative political theory, and more precisely from the viewpoint of John Rawls’s political liberalism, in particular in light of the idea of public reason. Whilst recent contributions in political philosophy analysing the question of citizenship of Muslims in liberal democracies from a Rawlsian standpoint have mainly focussed on the notion of an overlapping consensus, the implications of the concept of public reason on that same issue are largely unexplored. This study tries to fill such a gap in the literature. In chapter one, I begin by framing what I call the “background problem” of the research, namely, the claim that “Islam in Europe makes problem” and its different dimensions. I then reframe the question under scrutiny by presenting in greater theoretical detail the problem investigated and the main research question: Which ideal conception of citizenship should provide the common normative perspective in contemporary Western European societies, which are characterised by both demands of inclusion of Muslims and the need for solving a problem of mutual assurance concerning citizens’ commitment to shared terms of social cooperation, so that those societies can be stable for the right reasons? My central thesis is that the idea of public reason provides a common discursive platform which establishes the ground for both a public political identity for citizens and shared standards for social and political criticism. I also argue that political liberalism specifies a peculiar evaluative framework that allows citizens to answer the above-mentioned questions in a distinctively political way. In the first part, I thus develop my “justificatory evaluative” methodological approach based on public reason (chapter two). In the second part (chapters three and four), I reconstruct the idea of public reason and specify the fundamental requirements of the justificatory evaluative approach. In the third part, I firstly attempt to demonstrate that, with reference to the problem at hand, public reason citizenship is normatively more appealing than two alternative ideal conceptions of citizenship, namely ‘critical republicanism’ and liberal multiculturalism (chapter five); secondly, I apply the evaluative framework to the conception of citizenship elaborated by one of the most renowned Muslim intellectuals in Europe: Tariq Ramadan. The purpose of such evaluation is twofold. Firstly, it aims at examining whether and how the idea of public reason accounts for a version of European citizenship for Muslims coming from Muslims themselves. Secondly, it aims at disclosing whether what such a Muslim conception of citizenship in Europe says about the two dimensions of ‘stability for the right reasons’ of the system of social cooperation (namely, inclusion and mutual assurance) is consistent with the provisions of public reason citizenship.

This chapter makes the case that political liberalism is a feminist liberalism. It is argued that political liberalism’s ideas of reciprocity and equal citizenship limit reasonable political conceptions of justice to only those that include principles that yield substantive equality for all, including women (and other marginalized groups). To this end, it is claimed that the criterion of reciprocity calls for (1) the eradication of social conditions of domination and subordination relevant to democratic deliberation among free and equal citizens and (2) the provision of the social conditions of recognition respect. As a result, the criterion of reciprocity limits reasonable political conceptions of justice to those that provide genuine equality for women along various dimensions of social life central to equal citizenship.

This chapter elucidates the notion of citizenship that rightly informs the neutrality constraint and the criterion of reciprocity: On the basis of citizenship interests, neutrality limits coercive political intervention; and through the criterion of reciprocity, citizenship interests also positively demand certain coercive political interventions. Political liberalism’s characterization of citizenship attributes to citizens certain fundamental interests. When those interests are jeopardized, and when they can be protected without jeopardizing stronger interests of citizenship, exercises of political power to protect those interests are demanded by the criterion of reciprocity. This can have surprising implications. A fundamental commitment of political liberalism is that, while political institutions should be ordered by liberal values, individuals should be substantially free to reject those values within their own lives. But under some circumstances, essential citizenship interests demand political interventions to promote enactments of substantive autonomy; as such, those interventions can be required by the criterion of reciprocity.

Abstract In an added introduction for a 1996 second edition of Political Liberalism, John Rawls tabled an “idea of legitimacy based on reciprocity” to accompany and supplement—arguably to modify—the prior proposed “liberal principle of legitimacy” that has so far stood at the focus of this book’s discussions. Chapter 7 asks whether Rawls meant by the new formulation to displace a public procedural test (of constitutional compliance, institutionally refereed) for the justifiability of acts of political coercion in a democracy by a subjective test of motivation by a spirit of reciprocity based in regard for reasonable disagreement among free and equal citizens. The chapter sorts through various ways of avoiding the inference of such a stark shift of grounds by Rawls. These include (among other ways) a suggestion that the public procedural criterion continues to apply to the lawmaking acts and policies of citizens acting collectively through their governmental agents, while subjective reciprocity applies to the political actions citizens severally take as voters, agitators, and so on. They include also a suggestion (left open by this chapter) that reciprocity is satisfied by sincere belief that the act or policy under consideration has passed, or predictably would pass, the public test of refereed constitutional compliance with a legitimation-worthy constitution currently in force.

Abstract Chapter 8 takes up a question left hanging by Chapter 7. Satisfaction of John Rawls’s justificatory criterion of reciprocity may require, of a citizen acting in support of some controversial political act or policy, a sincere belief that a socially trusted referee has ruled or would rule in favor of the constitutional compliance of that policy. Reciprocity might further demand the citizen’s own sincere belief in constitutionality, to go along with the official judgment. If reciprocity does so additionally require, a question still remains about how far citizens may or should let their own judgments on constitutionality take guidance from those of a supreme court. Chapter 8 uses various scenarios to show how forms and degrees of resistance to supreme court authority can and do regularly appear within an overall social practice of taking the constitution seriously, thus compromising to some degree but not overthrowing ideas of institutional settlement and proceduralist political justification. These reflections then lead back to renewed consideration of Rawls’s allowance (see Chapter 2) of the possible superiority, for some countries at some times, of a regime of parliamentary supremacy over one of dualist democracy.

This chapter addresses a worry about the version of political liberalism that the book defends as consistent with gender egalitarianism: the worry that this political liberalism appears to give up a lot of what political liberals have taken themselves to be after. The conclusion defends my gloss on political liberalism, arguing that it preserves what political liberals should be most committed to preserving: the possibility of justificatory community as a way of expressing mutual civic respect in a profoundly, but reasonably, ideologically divided society. I conclude, finally, by confessing my own most persistent reservation about the argument I defend: that although the argument for gender egalitarian interventions that I give is consistent with the criterion or reciprocity, it might be too complicated to actually be offered in public political deliberation.

This chapter argues that a liberal society cannot remain stable over time if its institutions are structured on the basis of an assumption that one’s sex will dictate the kind of work that one does. Stability in the relevant sense includes a moral dimension, and this chapter shows that moralized stability is threatened by arguing that the institutionalized assumption that sex will dictate the kind of work that one does is an affront to the political value of autonomy. When gender norms and social institutions built upon the assumption of breadwinner/homemaker specialization constitute formidable obstacles to the enactment of gender-egalitarian lifestyles, the citizenship interest in stability will license—and in fact demand—interventions to remove those obstacles. The criterion of reciprocity thus positively calls for gender-egalitarian political interventions under these circumstances. I go on to argue that the circumstances demanding those interventions obtain in the United States today.

This chapter examines the legal doctrines of humanitarian intervention that were developed in the second half of the nineteenth century. Drawing on nineteenth-century British and French writings, articles, memoirs, journals, pamphlets, and reviews, it shows that the image of the Ottoman Empire and that of its Christian subjects were far from being monolithic. The chapter first considers the reasons why the Ottoman Empire was generally excluded from the Family of Nations, including despotism, Islam, polygamy, slavery, corruption and the absence of a sound social structure, inability to reciprocate in legal dealings, and unwillingness or incapacity to institute reforms that would guarantee security of life and property to Ottoman Christians. It then discusses the main criterion articulated by various legal scholars for the Ottoman Empire's inclusion in the Family of Nations before concluding with an analysis of late-nineteenth-century doctrines of humanitarian intervention.

This chapter analyses the issues from the perspective of home country control and host responsibilities, and the role of the ECB as a single supervisor to minimize the potential conflicts between home and host participating Member States. From a cross-border dimension, the use of consolidated supervision is traditionally the starting point to configure the relationship between home and host, and in the EU context it is clearly positioned on home country control. However, it is evident that there is a potential threat with the lack of reciprocity within the consolidated supervisory relationship. This is particularly acute for those supervising group subsidiaries where the criteria for cooperation is not as clear as it is for branches. It is argued that this can potentially lead to conflicting interests between the parent and the subsidiary since risks on either side may not be visible to each other. Supervisory colleges and recovery planning are principal mechanisms to form a consensus for group perspectives and host perspectives. However, the level of administrative discretion that exists within the current mechanisms can lead to home country bias. Since the ECB is in the shoes of the group consolidated supervisor, it will really need to demonstrate that it truly reflects both sides.

Cyber-physical systems (CPS) extensively share information with each other, work collaboratively over Internet of Things, and seamlessly integrated with human society. Designing CPS requires the new consideration of design for connectivity where security, privacy, and trust are of the main concerns. Particularly trust can affect system behavior in a networked environment. In this paper, trustworthiness is quantitatively measured by the perceptions of ability, benevolence, and integrity. Ability indicates the capabilities of sensing, reasoning, and influence in a society. Benevolence measures the genuineness of intention and reciprocity in information exchange. Integrity captures the system predictability and dependability. With these criteria, trust-based CPS network design and optimization are demonstrated.

Coombs (1978) exposava una crisi mundial important de l'educació que, diverses dècades després, es manté. El seu autor ho definia en funció de tres qüestions: canvi, adaptació i disparitat. Pel que fa a l'última, esmentava l'existència d'una desproporció entre els sistemes educatius i el seu medi ambient, basant-se en quatre qüestions coincidents amb les assenyalades anys abans per Richmond (1971): fort increment de les aspiracions populars en matèria educativa, aguda escassetat de recursos, inèrcia inherent als sistemes d'educaci´o i inèrcia de la mateixa societat. Actualment, també hi ha una important crisi climàtica a escala planetària que s'ha convertit en un dels reptes més grans per a la població mundial, cada vegada més urbana. Des dels pobles i ciutats, i per a l'adaptació als seus efectes, cal incorporar consideracions ambientals a les polítiques urbanes que es duguin a terme, per disminuir els futurs riscos i respondre als reptes plantejats. L'urbanisme, pel seu paper integrador des de diferents enfocaments –ambientals, socials i econòmics– sobre el territori i els seus habitants pot ser fonamental per assolir les metes fixades. Des de l'àmbit docent és important visibilitzar aquests problemes amb l'alumnat i, en la mesura que sigui possible, apropar-los a la societat a través de solucions integrades. Abans aquestes circumstàncies és important estrènyer vincles entre la societat i la Universitat, amb l'objectiu de fer front a aquesta crisi ambiental, explorant nous camins entre la docència, investigació i la participació de la ciutadania des de la caracterització dels problemes, anàlisi, fins a les posteriors propostes. Des d'aquests reptes l'assignatura té com a objectius plantejar projectes reals que puguin atenuar la crisi ambiental actual a través de la sostenibilitat i augmentar-ne la resiliència, millorant la qualitat de vida dels seus ciutadans, i dotant el municipi d'una nova visió, des de la participació ciutadana , de com pot ser el seu espai públic, posant en valor els aspectes relacionats amb el medi ambient, el canvi climàtic, el disseny bioclimàtic i la salut. Aquesta sinergia es realitza a través de la metodologia d'aprenentatge-servei (ApS) ja que reuneix els processos aprenentatge i de servei a la comunitat en una única proposta metodològica, amb la intenció de realitzar un autèntic servei a la comunitat, que permeti aprendre i col·laborar en un marc de reciprocitat. En aquests anys, en altres propostes similars recopilades a L'Observatori Europeu d'Aprenentatge-Servei en Educació Superior (EOSLHE) es comprova com l'aplicació d'aquesta metodologia desencadena processos sistemàtics d'adquisició de coneixements i competències per a l'exercici de la professió i el desenvolupament personal en els alumnes, alhora que ha suposat un espai per a la reflexió sobre els projectes i les intervencions participat per estudiants, professors, veïns i corporacions. L'establiment d'Acords de col·laboració entre Universitat i ajuntaments, estableix les bases de participació entre la institució educativa i la ciutadania, que facilita els serveis a la comunitat aportant els mitjans de difusió adequats per a la iniciativa. Des de l'assignatura, i amb l'objectiu de la millora bioclimàtica dels espais públics i la qualitat de vida dels ciutadans, s'aposta per la incorporació dels objectius de desenvolupament sostenible com a base teòrica i projectual, principalment els vinculats a salut i benestar, Ciutats i comunitats sostenibles i Acció pel clima. A més, els estudiants incorporen, en la mesura que sigui possible, altres aspectes vinculats al Treball decent i creixement econòmic o Producció i consum responsables. Les propostes realitzades responen, a més, a les necessitats expressades per la ciutadania i/o el consistori. Entre els objectius de la metodologia no simplement s'estableix un intercanvi d'informació o demandes entre universitat i ciutadania, sinó que els treballs realitzats a l'aula es constitueixin com una guia bàsica, amb una sèrie d'idees i línies estratègiques d'intervenció, que acabin formalitzant-se en major o menor grau als municipis on es treballa. Els resultats són presentats pels estudiants en diferents actes públics locals, mitjançant publicacions específiques per a cada localitat i mitjançant breus vídeos inclosos a les webs municipals. Gràcies a això, els veïns han tingut l'oportunitat de visualitzar, analitzar i aprendre de les solucions proposades, traslladant-ne les inquietuds i les preocupacions, així com els alumnes d'explicar les seves propostes més enllà de les aules, en un gratificant intercanvi de visions. Per acabar, cal destacar que en alguns casos s'han començat a formalitzar les idees o projectes realitzats a les aules gràcies a la participació dels Ajuntaments en convocatòries públiques de subvencions per a la millora de l'espai públic dels municipis. Society must provide a holistic approach to the problems of the planetary crisis, addressing them in a multiactor, multisectoral, multidimensional, multiscalar and multidisciplinary manner. Our subject promotes these issues through bioclimatic criteria through the critical analysis of social problems and needs in populations through direct contact with the physical environment and its neighbors. This aspect is key to carrying out the objectives of the Spanish Urban Agenda, evidencing the importance of these issues and the close relationships between the approaches carried out by our SL methodology and the reality of our municipalities. Thus, this new strategic framework becomes a fundamental tool so that many student proposals can be built. La sociedad debe dotar de un enfoque holístico los problemas de la crisis planetaria, abordándolos de forma multiactor, multisectorial, multidimensional, multiescalar y multidisciplinar. Nuestra asignatura promueve estas cuestiones a través de criterios bioclimáticos mediante el análisis crítico de problemas y necesidades sociales en las poblaciones a través del contacto directo con el medio físico y sus vecinos. Este aspecto resulta clave para llevar a cabo los objetivos de la Agenda Urbana Española evidenciando la importancia de estas cuestiones y las estrechas relaciones entre los planteamientos llevados a cabo por nuestra metodología ApS y la realidad de nuestros municipios. Así, este nuevo marco estratégico se convierte en herramienta fundamental para que muchas propuestas de los alumnos puedan construirse.