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Weigold, Auriol, and n/a. "The Case against India : British propaganda in the United States, 1942." University of Canberra. Communication, 1997. http://erl.canberra.edu.au./public/adt-AUC20050329.125041.
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British propaganda, delivered in the United States against immediate self-government for India in 1942, was efficiently and effectively organised. British propaganda was not adventitious. It was deliberate. The chief protagonists were Churchill and Roosevelt. Churchill's success in retaining control of government in India depended on convincing the President that there was no viable alternative.
This the Prime Minister did in two ways. Firstly, his propaganda organization targetted pro-British groups in America with access to
Roosevelt. Secondly, it discredited Indian nationalist leadership.
Churchill's success also depended on Sir Stafford Cripps' loyalty to Whitehall and to the Government of India after his Mission in March 1942 failed to reach agreement with the Indian leaders. Cripps tailored his account of the breakdown of negotiations to fit the British propaganda line. Convincing American public opinion and, through it the President, that colonial government should remain in British hands, also depended on the right mix of censorship and press freedom in India.
Britain's need to mount a propaganda campaign in the United States indicated its dual agenda: its war-related determination to maintain and increase American aid, and its longer term aim to
retain control of its empire.
Despite strong American support for isolationism, given legal status in the 1930s Neutrality Acts, Roosevelt was Britain's supportive friend and its ally. Britain, nonetheless, felt sufficiently threatened by the anti-imperial thrust of the Lend Lease Act and
the Atlantic Charter, to develop propaganda to persuade the American public and its President that granting Indian selfgovernment in 1942 was inappropriate.
The case for a propaganda campaign was made stronger by Roosevelt's constant pressure on Britaln from mid-1941 to reach a political settlement with India. Pressure was also brought to bear by the Congress Party as the price for its war-related cooperation, by China, and by the Labour Party in Britain. Japan's success in
Singapore and Burma made strategists briefly assess that India might be the next target. Stable and cooperative government there was as much in America's interest as Britain's.
The idea that Roosevelt might intervene in India to secure a measure of self-government there constantly worried Churchill. In turn this motivated the Foreign Office, the Ministry of Information, the India Office, the Government of India and the British Embassy in Washington to develop propaganda based, firstly, on the official explanation for the failure of the Cripps Mission and, secondly. on the elements of the August 1942 Quit India resolution which could
be presented as damaging to allied war aims.
The perceived danger to Britain's India-related agenda, however, did not end with substantive threats. The volatility of the American press and the President's susceptibility to it in framing policy were more unpredictable. Britain met both threats by targetting friends with access to Roosevelt, sympathetic broadcasters and pro-British sections of the press. Each had
shown support for Britain during the Lend Lease debates.
Britain, however, could never assume that it had won the propaganda battle or that Roosevelt would not intervene polltically on nationalist India's behalf. Roosevelt continued during 1942
and beyond to let Indian leaders know of his interest in their struggle, and information received from his Mission in New Delhi and from unofficial informants in India gave him a view of events there which differed markedly from the British account. Just as nationalist India was unsure about America's intentions, so was
Britain.
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Counted, Agina Victor. "Millennial identities as emerging ecumenical missional paradigm : a critical study of culture as a crisis and opportunity for mission." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/97026.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Over the past few decades, discussions around youth identity crisis and missio Dei have become one of the most challenging issues of our time. Given that staying true to self and God is complicated. We seldom come to terms with what our identity should look like in relation to the character and image of God. Just like any experience, a self-discovery experience with the ‘self’ and an attachment relationship with God, is like a rollercoaster ride. The researcher engages the reader in an empirical study that zooms in on the identity crisis of Stellenbosch Christian Millennials in relation to the subcultures of self and God images. Hence, attempting the all-important question: How can a Christian life, lived within the restorative and prophetic context of imago Dei become the milieu in which the youth-in-mission finds an enduring and satisfying identity in a time of crisis? The research is an exhaustive study that draws from the theories of attachment to God, authenticity, and theological anthropology in its exploratory navigations to bring to bear the identity crisis of Christian Millennials who participated in the study. Using a qualitative case study design, the researcher exhaustively gave account to the experiences of the respondents in the study by providing the reader with a robust narrative that explains the identity crisis of Christian Millennials in relation to their self and God images. The hallmark of the study was the observation of a common coping mechanism by way of splitting or self-fragmentation, used by the respondents to deal with their identity crisis as they struggled to remain authentic to self and maintain a positive God image. They dealt with their identity crisis by self-creating a prophetic future within the structural qualities of the self to engage in a relationship between its divine given purpose in an eschatological future and the mission of God. It was this identity crisis that led to an opportunity that enabled the youth-in-mission to interpret their experience in God’s terms. The researcher introduced this opportunity as a coping missional hermeneutic, which is a theological model that allows us to change the frame of our identity crisis to the pattern of the imago Dei in order to tell our stories from the perspective of missio Dei.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens afgelope paar dekades het die bespreking rondom die identiteitskrisis van jongmense en missio Dei een van die mees uitdagende aspekte in die hedendaagse lewe geword. Om voortdurend opreg te wees aan die self en God is ingewikkeld. Mense kom nie altyd tot ‘n vergelyk oor die identiteit wat behoort te wees wanneer verwys word na die verhouding tussen die karakter en beeld van God. Soos dit die geval is met enige ander ervaring, kan die ontdekking van die ‘self’ en ‘n persoonlike verhouding met God vergelyk word met ‘n mallemeule. Die navorser betrek die leser by ‘n empiriese studie. Hierdie studie fokus op die identiteitskrisis van Christen jongemense in verhouding tot die subkultuur van die self- en Godsbeelde. Hiermee saam poog die studie om lig te werp op die volgende aspek: Hoe kan die Christen lewe binne die konteks van die imago Dei, ’n kanaal wees vir ‘n voortdurende en genotvolle identiteit tydens ‘n identiteitskrisis? Die studie is komprehensief en is gebasseer op die teorieë van “attachment to God”, “authenticity” en teologiese antropologie. Die teorieë was gebruik deur die navorser om die identitietskrisis van Christen jongmense (Millennials), wie deelgeneem het aan hierdie studie, te beskryf. Die navorser maak gebruik van ‘n kwalitatiewe gevalle studie om te rapporteer oor die ervaringe van die deelnemers aan die studie, deur die leser te voorsien van betroubare stories oor die identiteitskrisis van jong christene in verhouding met die subkultuur van die self- en Godsbeelde. ‘n Uitstaande kenmerk van die studie is die waarneming van die algemene hanterings meganisme van verdeling (splitting) en godsdienstige taal waartydens deelnemers hul identiteitskrisis hanteer en sodoende die ware self te wees en ‘n positiewe Godsbeeld te hê. ‘n Identiteitskrisis het die geleentheid geskep vir jongmense om hul ervaringe van God in Gods terme te interpreteer. Die navorser het deur middel van die geleentheid die coping missional hermeneutic bekendgestel. Dié teologiese model stel ons in staat om die raamwerk waarbinne ons, ons identiteitskrisis beskou, na ‘n imago Dei te verander. Hierdie verandering sal ons help om ons stories uit die perspektief van missio Dei te vertel.
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Doh, Moon-Gap. "Managing crises in international missions." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Williams, Peter John. "eLearning and the crisis of mission in British universities." Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:743.
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In the first decade of the twenty-first century Higher Education in Britain faces an uncertain future, in what, as will be discussed, some commentators have referred to as a ‘crisis of mission’. The period of relative homogeneity and state-funded protection of the previous century is over, and universities now find themselves exposed to hostile external forces. The sector may be approaching a major point of fracture. Elite, research-led universities are positioning themselves in lucrative niche markets and can command high tuition fees; they are pulling away from the more vulnerable, teaching-led regional institutions left to survive in the mass market. Moreover, rapid developments in the educational use of information and communications technology (ICT) – known loosely as eLearning – have the potential to transform pedagogical practice, and are making this market an increasingly globalised one. This thesis examines the complex of factors which threaten the traditional mission of the University and which have already begun to reshape its ways of working. It views the British university in an historical context, charting the changes from universities as successively: associations of scholars, teaching monasteries, agents of the state, and corporations driven by financial imperatives. It examines the nature of eLearning, linking this to the explosive growth in the popular use of ICT and to wider epistemological and social changes. Scenario projections of the future are compared, leading to the synthesis, from a wide range of causal factors and viewpoints, of a comprehensive and longitudinal projection of the ways in which Higher Education is likely to develop over the next three decades.
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Cocker, Philip A. "Mission command: retooling the leadership paradigm for homeland security crisis response?" Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45171.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedHomeland security leaders faced with managing a crisis event, such as a terrorist attack, will invariably be exposed to tremendous decision-making pressure. Typically, these leaders are working within the confines of hierarchically configured response organizations. Crisis response is complex, requiring flexibility and the collaboration of multiple homeland security response partners to be effective. Mission command and the tools used to communicate a leader’s intent provide an alternative approach to hierarchical leadership norms. Decentralization of mission authority and promotion of self-initiative can increase the tempo of decision making and execution. The intent of this thesis is to examine the applicability of mission command for use in managing homeland security crisis response. Several perspectives are considered. First, the origins of mission command and the efforts by a military organization to implement this ethos are reviewed. Second, parallels between both the military and the homeland security response environments are examined. Finally, implementation challenges, implementation examples using the wildland fire experience, and opportunities for implementation within the homeland security enterprise are considered.
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Cantrell, P. D. "Managing a missionary hostage crisis a case study /." Online full text .pdf document, available to Fuller patrons only, 2000. http://www.tren.com.
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Hlasko, Robert A. "Identity Crisis: A Comparison of Stakeholder Perceptions Regarding K-12 Educational Mission." University of Findlay / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=findlay1495804688083164.
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FISOGNI, COSTANZO. "Il civilian crisis management nell'Unione Europea." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/120.
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La gestione civile delle crisi (GCC) si inserisce nel contesto della Politica Europea di Sicurezza e Difesa (PESD) che, a sua volta, è uno degli elementi della più ampia PESC (Politica Estera e di Sicurezza Comune). GCC, PESD e PESC sono componenti delle relazioni esterne dell'Unione europea (UE). La gestione civile delle crisi è una policy dell'UE la cui analisi richiede di rispondere a diversi quesiti teorico pratici: 1) cosa è esattamente la gestione civile delle crisi e a cosa essa corrisponde in ambito UE (Capitolo I); 2) quali sono le caratteristiche generali delle iniziative civili per il mantenimento della pace e della sicurezza internazionali realizzate dalle Nazioni Unite (NU), dall'Organizzazione per la Sicurezza e la Cooperazione in Europa (OSCE), dall'Unione dell'Europa Occidentale e dalla NATO (Capitolo I), 3) come si è sviluppata la GCC dal trattato di Maastricht a oggi (Capitolo II e Capitolo III); 4) come si concepisce, pianifica e lancia una missione di GCC (Capitolo iv); quali sono le missioni di GCC realizzate dall'UE dal 1997 al 2006 (capitolo v); 5) quale è la relazione tra PESC, PESD E GCC e il valore aggiunto della GCC dell'ue rispetto ad altre organizzazioni internazionali (Conclusioni)Civilian Crisis Management (CCM) is part of the European security and defence policy (ESDP), which is, on its own, an element of the broader common foreign and security policy (CFSP). CCM, ESDP and CFSP are tools of the external relations of the European Union (EU) . Civilian crisis management is a policy of the EU whose analysis requires both a theoretical and practical approach. It is indispensable to understand what civilian crisis management is, in general, and specifically in the framework of the European Union (Chapter I). Afterwards, some attention has been devoted to the investigation of the civilian crisis management initiatives of the United Nations (UN), of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), of the Western European Union (WEU) and of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (Chapter I). A further step in the understanding of the CCM of the EU is the evaluation of its historical evolution from the Treaty of Maastricht up to 2006 (Chapter II and III). It is also paramount to consider how CCM missions are designed, planned and deployed (Chapter IV) and which missions have been carried trough until 2006 (Chapter V). Finally, it has been evaluated which is the current relations in-between CCM, ESDP and CFSP and which is the added value of EU's CCM compared to the initiatives of other international organizations (Conclusions).
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Fetter, Randolph Robert. "The Kennedy Administration's handling of the Cuban Missile Crisis." Instructions for remote access. Click here to access this electronic resource. Access available to Kutztown University faculty, staff, and students only, 1987. http://www.kutztown.edu/library/services/remote_access.asp.
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Guttieri, Karen Rochelle. "The American political discourse on the Cuban missile crisis." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/42067.
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This thesis examines and critiques the American political discourse on the
Cuban missile crisis of 1962. The event itself is past, yet words used to
describe and explain the missile crisis capture and give meaning to the
experience. The meaning of the crisis begins in a basic sense, then, with the
discourse. The increasing availability of material evidence has reinvigorated
the discourse on the missive crisis. Where relevant, recent evidence will be
employed to critique previous and recent interpretations of the this seminal
event.
Consensus and debate are both to be found in the discourse on the
Cuban crisis. First, there is a large body of shared understanding, or
conventional wisdom, on the crisis. Secondly, there is disagreement as to
the meaning of the crisis in recent manifestations of the discourse. The
essay will use a propaganda model lo examine the politically necessary
mythology embodied in the conventional wisdom. This thesis will use a
tendency analysis approach to organize the debate on the missile crisis,
along the lines of ideological schools of thought, and within the context of a
larger American nuclear debate. The propaganda and the tendency analyse
models complement the general approach of discourse. These models have
been developed specifically for the study of politics, yet the methodology of
each is statement analysis; as such these models are rooted in language,
ana so conform with the general discourse approach.
Security is the common referent of both the conventional wisdom and
the current debate. In particular, the President, as the custodian of nuclear
weapons, is the principle actor responsible for national security. The
powerful image of the President dominates the conventional wisdom, and retains significance in the contemporary ideological debate on the lessons of
the missile crisis.
The nuclear arsenal at the disposal of the President endows him with
great, but double-edged power. The paper concludes with some general
observations on the special significance of Presidential leadership as
represented in the discourse on the missile crisis, and as necessitated in
confronting crises in general. First, in crisis, there is little time for the
President to make difficult decisions. Secondly, there may be greater
devolution of authority to the military forces deployed to convey the
credibility of American deterrence. As such, the subordination of force to
policy must remain sound. The image of the President is, of necessity, an
image which combines prudence and strength. Manufactured images are
not enough however. Policy must be tested in terms of its alleged purpose.
Likewise, doctrine must be evaluated in terms the purpose of the policy it is
designed to support.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Verdier-Shin, Marie-Laure. "Contextualised mission : the South Korean evangelical response to the humanitarian crisis in North Korea (1995-2012)." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2014. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/18435/.
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The task of this research is to examine how South Korean evangelicals construct their mission strategy to North Korea. In order to respond to the humanitarian concerns in North Korea, South Korean evangelicals have established or used already existing humanitarian organisations (also known as faith-based organisations in the secular field) and carried out holistic mission in North Korea. This research seeks to demonstrate how they have responded to the perceived needs of the mission field while respecting the socio-political conditions imposed both by the South and North Korean governments. However, it is also argued that they are ready to challenge South Korean governments when necessary through advocacy and that they desire to transform North Korean society and challenge the state of division. Their aim is to work for the reconstruction and reunification of an imagined Christian nation. By comparing the Korean peninsula to biblical Israel, their goal is to restore God's glory in Pyongyang which was once called the Jerusalem of the East. However, some evangelicals reflect on mission strategies to North Korea and seek to understand the North Korean worldview better, this research suggests that they are considering implementing cross-cultural missiological principles to pursue their mission successfully. This research argues that evangelicals have been shaped by and have engaged with their context: evangelicals have never been apolitical, as they have always been driven by a strong sense of Christian nationalism. Equally, this research argues that in spite of the rhetoric, they have also been concerned to a certain extent with issues of poverty and injustices.
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Roche, Kathleen. "The Great Recession and Nonprofit Endurance: Framing the Mission-Defensive Paradox." Case Western Reserve University Doctor of Management / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=casedm1568627407775438.
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Stark, Derek Anthony. "Deceptive intentions: Packaging the Cuban Missile Crisis for foreign and domestic consumption." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27044.
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Derek Stark's thesis examines the diplomatic history behind the Cuban Missile Crisis. It focuses on how the crisis was packaged and delivered to its various constituents. The crisis was framed differently to the varying members of the administration of the governments involved, the allies of these nations, the members of the United Nations, and the populations of the countries through their media. Information pertaining to the crisis was being manipulated, not only through inaccurate testimonials that came from Washington after the fact, but during the crisis as well, as a conscious effort was being made to influence how the history would be interpreted. The thesis provides a clear-cut case of information-manipulation from the highest levels of the US government. Were President Kennedy's deceptions required to protect his own political position or were they needed for more valid reasons of international strategy? Stark's thesis includes the complex answer to this question.
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Shirritt-Beaumont, Raymond Morris. "The Rossville scandal, 1846, James Evans, the Cree, and a mission on trial." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/MQ57579.pdf.
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Young, John M. "When the Russians blinked the U.S. maritime response to the Cuban Missile Crisis /." Washington, D.C. : History and Museums Division, Headquarters, U.S. Marine Corps, 1990. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23093171.html.
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Gresham, Brian Michael. "The Missile Gap: A Moral Panic for an Atomic Age." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/64369.
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This research is examines the nuclear arms race that dominated the 20th century, during which the United States manufactured and stockpiled a large number of strategic weapons. Using moral panic theory, the roles of the President of the United States and the media are examined in facilitating public interest in the manufacture of these weapons from 1955-1990. The project uses both time series and historical analyses to determine the extent to which the strategic nuclear weapons crisis was a moral panic created to insure public acceptance of such this massive defense sector expenditure. The time series analysis reveals that the President does have the ability to influence the public via the State of the Union Address, but that influence does not extend strongly to the media. However, what influence the President does have appears to be correlated to the use of substantive rhetoric, and the percentage of the speech dedicated to the issue. Finally, the historical analysis demonstrates that the moral panic moves through three phases. The first phase is characterized by grassroots concern over the technical gap represented by Sputnik 1's launch was utilized by interested actors to accomplish their goals. During the second phase, this concern transformed into an institutional technique utilized for deflecting institutional challenges when the moral panic moved into an interest group model. The final phase occurs during the rise of the "security state", when elites begin using the moral panic to achieve their own ends.Ph. D.
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Charney, Sean S. "The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 a case study of the tailored use of instruments of national power /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490816.
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Beckner, Lauren Renee. "Decision Making During National Security Crisis: The Case of the JFK Administration." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35130.
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Decision-making during crises is an important task that many elected officials face during their time in office. This thesis seeks to identify principles that make up a sound policy decision-making process and may lead to more positive outcomes. The analysis here is a comparative case study of three national security crises that faced the John F. Kennedy administration: the Bay of Pigs, the Cuban Missile Crisis, and the Vietnam conflict. Each case is examined for the presence of indicators of groupthink. I hypothesize that the relative absence of groupthink is related to a positive outcome. That hypothesis is examined by reviewing each case; the cases that contained higher levels of the indicators of groupthink tended to have a poorer quality process than those with less evidence of groupthink.Master of Arts
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Pinto, Jessica Marie. "Resistance from Within: Domestic violence and rape crisis centers that serve Black/African American populations." Scholar Commons, 2017. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/6744.
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This thesis uses feminist critical discourse analysis to find and understand the discourses embedded in the mission statements and program documents of three domestic violence and/or rape crisis centers that primarily serve Black/African American populations in three distinct geographic locations in the United States. Existing literature addresses the discourses present in domestic violence and sexual assault service provision, but no literature addresses the discourses present in the mission statements of domestic violence and rape crisis centers, leaving a considerable gap in the literature. This project uses frameworks of feminist understandings of Foucauldian discursive patriarchal power, intersectionality and material feminism to analyze the mission statements and put them in conversation with each other. The three organizations chosen, Our House, Jenesse Center and Black Women’s Blueprint, each are 2015 award grantees of one of two federal Office of Violence Against Women’s grants to provide services to culturally specific populations. I argue the mission statements of Our House, Jenesse Center, and Black Women’s Blueprint have a discourse of resistance articulated through embedded discourses of Black feminism, neoliberalism, community and cultural competency, and storytelling. This larger discourse of resistance draws on Black/African American historical structures of resistance. Understanding Black/African American serving domestic violence and rape crisis centers as sites of resistance allows for a deeper understanding of Black/African American women’s unique expression of power and domination.
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Masondo, Sibusiso Theophilus. "Conversion, crisis, and growth : the religious management of change within the St John's Apostolic Faith Mission and the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Cape Town, South Africa." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8770.
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Bibliography: p. 229-245.This thesis defines conversion as a process of change management. Individuals and groups mobilise resources and formulate strategies for individual identity and group formation. Strategies are also formulated to manage the process of change for members. In the research done among two churches, one conventionally classified as African indigenous and the other classified as mainline, two models of conversion emerged, the crisis model at St John's and the growth model at the Reformed Presbyterian Church (RPCSA). In the crisis model individuals join the group because of some crisis in their lives, e.g., illness or misfortune. The healing practices and rituals serve to manage and mediate the crisis for individuals. Healing is at the heart of the recruitment strategy at St John's and other African Indigenous Churches (AICs). It is through hearing about the efficacy of the healing powers of the leader that people are attracted to the church. On the other hand, the growth model as represented by the RPCSA, is about organic growth and development where new members are mostly recruited among the children of members. Children are groomed from baptism through Sunday school and confirmation classes to membership in full communion. For them conversion is a process of growth and development, where they keep on learning all the time about their faith and who they are. In scholarship the AICs have always been treated ethnographically while, on the other hand, the mainline churches have been treated historically. However, this thesis is a comparative study of the AIC and a mainline church with a special emphasis on their conceptions of conversion. The two churches are both African and Christian. They each draw from both these resources for self-definition. Christianity has become part of the South African religious landscape. None of the members in the two churches consider it as an alien or foreign religion but they consider it as an indigenous one. The two models mobilise resources and formulate strategies for self-definition and what it means to be human in a hostile environment.
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Tomic, Nikola. "Where do EU missions come from? : a discursive and institutionalist analysis of the European Union's engagement in the Horn of Africa." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2015. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/19809.
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The European Union (EU) deployed its first police mission in 2003. Since then, the EU has deployed thirty-four missions around the world. Considering the great financial burden to the EU budget and the budget of contributing Member States (MS), as well as the fact that the realm of defence is one of the most overdue areas of the European integration project, this thesis asks the general but multifaceted question of where EU missions come from. To address this question the thesis explores the historic origins of EU missions, conceptualises them in view of the conceptual and theoretical developments in the literature and policy practice, and develops a model for the analysis of the decision-making process behind the deployment of EU missions. The model is tested on three case studies, namely the three EU missions deployed in the Horn of Africa European Union Naval Force (EUNAVFOR) Atalanta, European Union Training Mission (EUTM) Somalia and European Union Capacity Building Mission (EUCAP) Nestor. The findings of the analysis reveal a gradual evolution of EU crisis management after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty and the establishment of the European External Action Service. The analysis indicates that EUNAVFOR Atalanta was primarily deployed due to French impetus at the level of the Political and Security Committee (PSC), but also due to a convincing call of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to the international community to act against the significant increase of piracy activity in the Gulf of Aden in 2008. The EUTM Somalia mission was primarily deployed due to a convincing strategy from the strategic planners at the EEAS, as well as the commitment of the United States (US) to a partnership with the EU to train recruits of the Somali Security Forces (SSF). Finally, the analysis of the third case study reveals even greater impact from the strategic planners at the EEAS and the acceptance at all levels of the EU s Comprehensive Approach to crisis management, and in particular due to the influential Strategic Framework for the Horn of Africa document. The overall interpretation of the findings conclude that the foreign policy of the EU is a moving target, constantly changing, as is exemplified by both the historic overview and the analysis of the three case studies, and that the analysts of EU foreign policy must remain open to these changes when choosing modes of studying EU foreign policy.
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Olofsson, Mattias. "Att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred : en uppgift för dagens Försvarsmakt?" Thesis, Swedish National Defence College, Swedish National Defence College, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-46.
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Försvarsmakten har sedan sekelskiftet gått ifrån att vara ett invasionsförsvar till att bli ett insatsförsvar. Under denna omvandling har Försvarsmakten blivit allt mindre och fått en mer internationell inriktning. Förband har lagts ned, personal sagts upp och materiel skrotats. Författaren är intresserad av att se hur detta har påverkat Försvarsmakten som en samhällsresurs.
Problemet som ställs i uppsatsen är huruvida regeringen har anpassat Försvarsmaktens uppgift att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred, mot bakgrund av den omvandling som skett. Syftet med denna uppsats är sålunda att undersöka och jämföra om uppgiften att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred har förändrats, utvecklats eller anpassats till det nya insatsförsvaret som Sverige har idag.
Som metod används en komparativ och kvalitativ textanalys av utvalda propositioner, departementsserier och regleringsbrev. De fakta i dokumenten som berör uppsatsämnet analyseras och jämförs, för att sedan sammanfattas och diskuteras.
Resultatet i uppsatsen påvisar att regeringen inte har ändrat uppgiften att stärka det svenska samhället vid svåra påfrestningar i fred, som ställs till Försvarsmakten. Men det påvisar även att en kontinuerlig anpassning av uppgiften sker i form av ett samarbete med andra myndigheter, denna utveckling kan följas på olika sätt i de utvalda källorna.
Författaren har dragit slutsatser kring det presenterade resultatet och kommit fram till att regeringen inte behövt ändra uppgiften. Men för att kunna effektivisera utnyttjandet av de resurser som Försvarsmakten kan tillföra vid svåra påfrestningar bör regeringen utveckla och precisera hur Försvarsmakten skall utnyttjas med störst effektivitet.
The Swedish Armed Forces has, since the turn of the century, transformed from an invasion defence to a type of mission oriented defence. This means that the Swedish armed forces have become smaller in volume, material has been terminated, a lot of personnel have been terminated and the amount of conscripts heavily reduced. The author is interested in how this has affected the Swedish armed force as recourse to the Swedish society.
Before and under the transformation, one of the Swedish armed forces duties has been to strengthen the Swedish society when hard tensions have emerged in peacetime. This duty has been presented in the regulations that the Swedish government give to the Swedish Armed Forces every year. The duty is also one of the duties presented in the regulation that controls the Swedish Armed Forces activities.
The problem that is presented in the essay is how the Swedish government has adjusted this duty to the Swedish Armed Forces with this transformation in mind. The purpose of this essay is therefore to investigate and compare if the duties have been changed, developed and/or adjusted to the new Swedish armed forces as it is today.
The result of this paper shows that the government has not changed the duty to strengthen the society when hard tensions come. However, it also shows that there is a continuing adjustment to the duty in form of cooperation with other authorities. This development can be seen in different ways in the varying sources that have been presented in the essay.
The author has drawn some conclusions concerning the presented results and reached a conclusion that the government does not have to change the duty. It can be preserved as it is today. In order to use the resources that the Swedish armed forces contribute more efficiently, the government has to develop and specify how the Swedish armed forces can be used with the greatest efficiency.
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Ancil, Gabriel Sy. "Canada, the Perpetrator| The Legacy of Systematic Violence and the Contemporary Crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls." Thesis, Indiana University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10810845.
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Canada has a long history of perpetrating violence and discrimination against Indigenous peoples, especially women. State policies and practices have systematically disenfranchised Indigenous women through mechanisms of displacement, assimilation, and marginalization. More than a century of large-scale intersectional violence has embedded complex intergenerational trauma into Indigenous families, further heightening their vulnerability. The “public face of law” has institutionalized the State endorsement of individual executioners of violence against Indigenous women. For decades, Indigenous peoples and human rights organizations have urged the State to recognize its active role in the violence and launch a public national inquiry. This thesis seeks to highlight the culpability of the State in the contemporary crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls while reasserting the power of the Indigenous woman. My argument is that in order to restore Indigenous women to their rightful place of power and equality in society, the State must both acknowledge and take responsibility for its crimes.
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Ducroquetz, Florence. "L’Union européenne et le maintien de la paix." Thesis, Lille 2, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010LIL20008/document.
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Depuis 2001, l'UE a mené plus d'une vingtaine d'opérations militaires et de missions civiles, et elle est désormais considérée comme une organisation majeure dans le domaine du maintien de la paix.Longtemps perçue comme une organisation intergouvernementale, la mise en place d'une structure européenne de gestion des crises intégrée au coeur de l'organisation, ainsi que la délégation de la gestion courante de la crise aux organes européens, ont participé à l'autonomisation progressive de l'UE par rapport à ses Etats membres. Cette autonomisation de l'organisation se manifeste également dans l'ordre juridique international. Tout un corps de règles s'applique alors à l'UE du fait de son intervention dans l'ordre juridique international, notamment les règles relatives à la responsabilité internationale des organisations régionales. L'intervention effective de l'Union européenne dans le domaine du maintien de la paix – en tant qu'organisation régionale – s'inscrit dans un cadre juridique imprécis. Or, le phénomène de régionalisation a pu être interprété comme portant préjudice au système de sécurité collective instauré par la Charte des Nations unies. Partant,deux aspects de l'intervention effective de l'UE appellent analyse : celui de la conformité de son action au cadre onusien et celui de sa contribution aux évolutions du maintien de la paixSince 2001, the EU has conducted more than twenty military operations and civilian missions, and is now seen as one of the leading organizations in the field of peacekeeping. For a long time perceived as an intergovernmental organization, the establishment of an integrated structure for crisis management into the heart of the organization, as well as the delegation of this crisis management to the different European organs, have contributed to the gradual empowerment of the EU toward its member states. This process of becoming autonomous is also evident in the international legal order. A large set of rules thus applies to the EU due to its involvement in the international legal order, including rules relating to the international responsibility for regional organizations. The effective intervention of the European Union in the field of peacekeeping – as a regional organization– is in keeping with an unclear legal framework. However, the phenomen on of regionalization could have been interpreted as prejudicing the collective security system established by the UN Charter.Two aspects of the effective intervention of the European Union call for analysis : the conformity of its action to the UN framework and its contribution to the evolution of peacekeeping
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Dewan, Jay P. "How will the Indian MIlitary's upgrade and modernization of its ISR, precision strike, and missile defense affect the stability in South Asia /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Mar%5FDewan.pdf.
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Orth, Simon. "European Union Security Governance : the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs in the context of the civilian crisis management missions, Proxima (Macedonia), EUBAM (Moldova) and EULEX (Kosovo)." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/european-union-security-governance-the-external-dimension-of-justice-and-home-affairs-in-the-context-of-the-civilian-crisis-management-missions-proxima-macedonia-eubam-moldova-and-eulex-kosovo(2f63b26a-4993-4d4e-80be-7437f15d7bf6).html.
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This thesis explores the Security Governance of the European Union (EU) by examining the relationship between the external dimension of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) and civilian crisis management missions. More specifically it tests the capacity of EU level actors to project the external dimension of JHA's goals, in a coordinated and coherent fashion, into the Union's near abroad. The research 'puzzle' lies in the multi-dimensional character of the external dimension of JHA. The fact that the domains tools and competencies are spread within and across all three pillars of the EU make its coordination with civilian crisis management missions far from straight-forward. The ambition to link the two policy domains has been expressed repeatedly by the EU in high profile strategic documents, such as the European Security Strategy of 2003, and the 2005 'A Strategy for the External Dimension of JHA: Global Freedom, Security and Justice'. This thesis endeavours to test the EU's performance in governing the external dimension of JHA and the need to link its goals with those of civilian crisis management missions. It does this by taking three civilian crisis management missions recently projected into the EU's milieu, with mandates related to security sector reform and JHA. The missions selected for comparison are: Proxima launched in 2003 in Macedonia; EU Border Assistance Mission to Moldova and Ukraine launched in 2005; and finally, EULEX Kosovo launched in 2008. These missions are selected to serve as prime test cases for the interface between JHA and civilian crisis management missions, covering a time period that will allow for an examination of continuity and change in foreign and security policy at the EU level.
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Mounier, Gregory. "From post-conflict peacebuilding to the protection of the EU's internal security regime : the impact of the external dimension of JHA on ESDP civilian crisis management missions." Thesis, University of Reading, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.541987.
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Bergerot, Guillaume. "« Oriatur in diebus vestris justitia et abundantia pacis » : La mission de justice du roi de Louis VI à Philippe II Auguste." Thesis, Paris 2, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PA020035.
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La justice, office immuable de la royauté, permit aux rois du XIIe siècle de recouvrer progressivement leur autorité à l’échelle du regnum. Louis VI, et surtout Louis VII dont le règne mérite d’être réhabilité, y travaillèrent avec pragmatisme, l’exerçant comme une mission autonome reçue lors du sacre en vue de la paix. Ils préparèrent ainsi l’éclat du règne de Philippe Auguste. En 1223, la justice royale manifeste incontestablement la supériorité du roi sur ses sujets : sa majesté. La justice du roi ne se résume pas à son office judiciaire. Elle imposait au roi de conserver à chacun son droit avant même l’émergence des conflits. La juridiction gracieuse permit aux Capétiens d’étendre leur autorité protectrice par l’octroi de chartes de confirmation, de diplômes de sauvegarde et de garanties apportées aux actes juridiques réalisés par leurs sujets. Les Capétiens s’attachèrent à protéger les plus démunis et à soulager leur détresse matérielle, mettant en œuvre une forme de justice sociale. La procédure permit d’attraire dans les juridictions royales les justiciables, confiants dans l’équité des décisions de justice. Les modes alternatifs de règlement des conflits permettaient au roi de rétablir la concorde. Ses jugements étaient tempérés par la miséricorde et la clémence, marques de son autorité. Pour autant, le roi prononçait les peines les plus rigoureuses, selon le principe de la rétribution. La justice était attendue du roi : ses sujets la désiraient ainsi que le révèlent les lettres de plaintes. En répondant à ces requêtes, les Capétiens exercèrent leur devoir, manifestèrent leur légitimité à gouverner et préparèrent le renouveau de la souveraineté royaleJustice, the unchanging duty of the royalship, gave to the Kings of the XII century, the ability to progressively regain their authority throughout the regnum.Louis VI, but more importantly Louis VII whose the reign should be rehabilitated, worked on it pragmatically, dealing with it like a sacred mission received during the coronation ceremony and exercised in their own way for peace. Throughout their reigns, they contributed to the splendor of the following reign of Philippe August.In 1223, royal justice was expressed clearly through the supremacy of the king over his people: his majesty. Royal justice meant more the king’s judicial function. The king had to protect right before the conflicts.The Capetians free jurisdiction extended their leadership over the kingdom, giving charters of confirmation, charters for protecting people and their juridicial acts. The Capetians were zealous in taking care of the weak, in trying hard to alleviate their plight and working for the establishment of social justice. The judicial proceedings in royal court were efficient and made the royal justice very attractive : people believed in the equity of the royal judge’s decisions.The alternative dispute resolution allowed them to restore the concord. The royal judgements showed mercy and clemency -signs of the king’s authority. However it happened he gave severe punishments based on retribution. The subjects claimed for the royal justice royal. Being concerned by their requests, the Capetians honored their royal duty and proved their ability and efficiency for governing. They infused a new political breathe which would make the royal sovereignty great again soon
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Ducroquetz, Florence. "L'Union européenne et le maintien de la paix." Phd thesis, Université du Droit et de la Santé - Lille II, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00579597.
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Depuis 2001, l'UE a mené plus d'une vingtaine d'opérations militaires et de missions civiles, et elle est désormais considérée comme une organisation majeure dans le domaine du maintien de la paix.Longtemps perçue comme une organisation intergouvernementale, la mise en place d'une structure européenne de gestion des crises intégrée au coeur de l'organisation, ainsi que la délégation de la gestion courante de la crise aux organes européens, ont participé à l'autonomisation progressive de l'UE par rapport à ses Etats membres. Cette autonomisation de l'organisation se manifeste également dans l'ordre juridique international. Tout un corps de règles s'applique alors à l'UE du fait de son intervention dans l'ordre juridique international, notamment les règles relatives à la responsabilité internationale des organisations régionales. L'intervention effective de l'Union européenne dans le domaine du maintien de la paix - en tant qu'organisation régionale - s'inscrit dans un cadre juridique imprécis. Or, le phénomène de régionalisation a pu être interprété comme portant préjudice au système de sécurité collective instauré par la Charte des Nations unies. Partant,deux aspects de l'intervention effective de l'UE appellent analyse : celui de la conformité de son action au cadre onusien et celui de sa contribution aux évolutions du maintien de la paix
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Koyuncu, Murat. "Social Policy As A Missing Component In Post-crisis Programs Of Bretton Woods Institutions: A Comparative Analysis Of The Experiences Of Argentina, Indonesia And Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2004. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12605256/index.pdf.
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This study investigates the socioeconomic effects of the economic crises and the post-crisis programs based on the experiences of Argentina, Indonesia and Turkey. For this purpose, main socioeconomic indicators of these countries are analyzed for the 1990-2002 period by utilizing the before-after methodology. The comparative analysis of the results shows that significant deteriorations in the socioeconomic indicators of these countries had occurred in the crisis periods. In addition, the social policy components of post-crisis programs of these countries are analyzed. In this regard, it is found that the governments and the BWIs are more likely to incorporate active social policy measures, which would mitigate the negative socioeconomic effects of the crises on the households, into the post-crisis programs under the presence of significant public pressure emanating from social protests.
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Ismajlov, Rufat. "First day of the Cuban Missile Crisis: Airstrike, Invasion or Blockade? : Analysis of the Inter- and Intragroup conflicts inpolitical decision making outcome by U.S. government with regard to the situation in Cuba, during October the 16th 1962, within Bureaucratic Politics Approach." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-5309.
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The Cuban Missile Crisis has been considered by political scientists and historians as one of the most critical point in U.S. – Soviet relations during the Cold War and probably the only case of the possibility of the nuclear exchange was on highest level. The Cuban Missile Crisis was considered to be a part of continued political game of the ideological struggle between the leaders of United States and Soviet Union. However, the fact of the existence of Soviet nuclear missiles in Cuba created situation for U.S. government to decide what course of actions should be taken and not escalate a further confrontation, which could lead to a mutual nuclear exchange. The suggestions to such course of actions were coming from different members of the Executive Committee of the National Council or EXCOMM, which did make impact on U.S. president’s decision making in relation to Soviet installation of nuclear missiles in Cuba in October 1962. The focus of this study relied on outcome of the decisions taken on secret meetings within the Executive Committee of the National Security Council or EXCOMM (included U.S. president as member of this committee) during the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. The results of this study show if inter – and intragroup conflicts within EXCOOM made such impact on decision making outcome.
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Jacobs, Matt D. "The unforeseen consequences of informal empire the United States, Latin America, and Fidel Castro, 1945-1961 /." View electronic thesis (PDF), 2009. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2009-1/jacobsm/mattjacobs.pdf.
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Hanson, Monahseetah Le. "Violence in the heartland: A Southern California tribe's view of Native American victimization." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2000. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/1652.
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Lassée, Isabelle. "Les missions d'établissement des faits des Nations Unies sur les violations graves et massives du droit international des droits de l'homme et du droit international humanitaire : entre uniformité et diversité." Thesis, Paris 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA020014/document.
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Lorsque des allégations de violations du droit international des droits de l’homme (DIDH) ou du droit international humanitaire (DIH) sont rapportées dans un pays, une meilleure compréhension des faits et de la situation est souvent nécessaire afin que l’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) puisse répondre de manière appropriée. A cette fin, les organes de l’ONU y compris l’Assemblée générale, le Conseil de sécurité, le Secrétaire général, le Conseil des droits de l’homme et même le Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme peuvent créer des missions d’établissement des faits. Ces missions sont des organes interétatiques ad hoc créés en réponse à des violations graves et massives DIDH et du DIH. Leurs fonctions principales sont le plus souvent d’établir les faits, de les qualifier en droit et de faire des recommandations pour mettre fin à ces violations et y remédier. Le recours à ces missions, parfois appelées commissions d’enquête, n’a cessé de croître ces vingt dernières années, en particulier lorsque des violations du DIDH et du DIH, pouvant constituer des crimes internationaux, sont alléguées. A cet égard, la théorie de la justice transitionnelle et la doctrine de la responsabilité de protéger ont ouvert de nouvelles perspectives pour l’établissement des faits. Ceci explique que les objectifs et les fonctions des missions d’établissement des faits se sont diversifiés. Cependant, les Etats et une partie de la doctrine remettent en cause le caractère ad hoc du mode de création de ces missions, de leur mandat, et de leurs méthodes de travail. Nous étudierons cette tension entre uniformité et diversité afin de proposer des solutions adaptées permettant de remédier aux problèmes dénoncés par la doctrine et de maximiser l’impact de ces missions sur de la réponse des parties prenantes notamment l’État concerné et l’ONUTo respond appropriately to violations of human rights and humanitarian law, the United Nations requires an in-depth knowledge of the facts alleged and a better understanding of the relevant situation on the ground. To this end, United Nations organs including the General Assembly, the Security Council, the Secretary General, the Human Rights Council and even the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights may create fact-finding missions. These missions are collegial ad hoc bodies created in response to human rights and humanitarian law violations that are particularly grave. Their functions generally include establishing the facts, conducting a legal appraisal of facts, and making recommendations for the cessation of violations and for their remedy. In the past twenty years, United Nations organs have increasingly resorted to these missions – often referred to as commissions of inquiry – in particular when violations of international human rights and international humanitarian law may amount to international crimes. In this respect, transitional justice theory and the doctrine of the responsibility to protect provide new perspectives for fact-finding. The objectives and functions of these missions have therefore diversified. However, some states and scholars criticize the ad hoc creation of the missions, their often politicized mandate, and their methods of work. We will elaborate on this tension between uniformity and diversity and propose some solutions. These proposals will aim at addressing the issues raised by scholars as well as maximizing the missions’ impact on stakeholders’ response to the situation
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Schmidt, Julia Ruth. "European Union as an emerging international military actor and its legal relationship with UN Security Council resolutions." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/7973.
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The thesis results from a research project, combining elements of European law and public international law. The project focuses on the different forms of the use of force by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Security and Defence Policy as an integral part of the EU’s common foreign and security policy. It examines the conditions under which the European Union can engage in military crisis management missions from the perspective of European Union law as well as from the perspective of public international law. The main emphasis of the thesis is put on the former, analysing the EU’s ambitions to become an international security actor from an inside-out perspective. When addressing the vertical dimension of the EU and the use of force in more detail, the thesis analyses the extent to which the Member States are constrained in the conduct of their national foreign and security policy through decisions by the European Union in the sphere of the Common Foreign and Security Policy. With regards to the EU’s legal relationship with the United Nations, the thesis examines whether and if so to what extent the European Union, although not a member of the United Nations, is bound by UN Security Council resolutions in respect of the use of force. Based on the assumption that the EU is bound by UN Security Council resolutions imposing economic sanctions, the thesis uses a comparative method in order to show that the EU as an international organisation is bound by decisions of the UN Security Council in the sense that the EU is obliged to respect the wording and limits of a UN Security Council mandate to use force once it decides to contribute with an EU mission. If the EU decides not to accept a UN Security Council mandate, the thesis argues that the EU is under the obligation not to undermine the success of a UN authorised military intervention, in the spirit of a loyalty obligation. Apart from analyzing the interaction of the EU and the international legal framework, the thesis also uses a speculative approach in order to examine the implications of silence in the context of the use of force.
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Horáková, Veronika. "Aplikace nástrojů krizového řízení ve firmě Agilitas s.r.o." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta podnikatelská, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-222922.
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This master’s thesis focuses on strategic and crisis management. It analyses a current market position through particular methods and defines the causes of the current crisis in a particular company. Based on an analysis of past development it proposes a comprehensive set of corrective measures.
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Grigonis, Gytis. "ES dalyvavimas taikdariškose misijose." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2009~D_20090617_093641-69663.
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Magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjama ES atsakomybė pasauliui ESGP vykdomų misijų, krizių valdymo, valstybių taikos palaikymo, (at)statymo ar kūrimo - taikdarystes kontekste. Tyrimo objektas – ES misijos (Kongo Demokratinės Respublikos ir Kosovo atvejai). Darbo tikslas – išsiaiškinti ES taikdariškų misijų svarbą ir reikšmę XXI a. valstybėms. Užsibrėžti uždaviniai – įvertinti BUSP ir ESGP, kaip misijų pagrindą; išanalizuoti ES misijų sampratą, kuri yra pristatoma oficialiuose dokumentuose; išnagrinėti ES veikiančius pagalbos mechanizmus žlugusioms valstybėms ir jų svarbą; palyginti ES misijas Afrikoje ir Balkanuose ir jų metu pasiektus rezultatus; analizuoti ES misijų reikšmę ES ir jos valstybėms narėms ir taip pat NATO, JTO, AS ir NVO veiklai šioje sferoje.
Darbe aptariama teorinė BUSP ir ESGP samprata, jų tikslai ir uždaviniai, vystymasis bei sąveika, apžvelgiama valstybių narių ir institucijų veikla jų formavime. Taip pat analizuojami BUSP ir ESGP vykdymo mechanizmai, ES misijų modeliai SOFA ir SOMA, žlugusios valstybės, reikalaujančios krizių valdymo ir humanitarinių intervencijų. Analizuojant dokumentus, pateikiamos ES misijų patirtys Kongo Demokratinėje Respublikoje ir Kosove. Nagrinėjama ES bendradarbiavimas ir sąveika su įvairiomis tarptautinėmis organizacijomis NATO, JTO, AS ir NVO, vykdant taikdarystės ir krizių sprendimo misijas.
Daromos išvados, kad BUSP vykdoma įvairiais instrumentais, iš kurių svarbiausi stabilumas ir taikos kūrimo partnerystė. Sprendžiant... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]The final paper of Master degree is devoted for making consideration of EU responsibility to the World while exercising ESDP missions, such like crisis management, peace and states rebuilding, building peace and states in the context of peacekeeping. The subject of the paper: EU missions (cases of Democratic Republic of Congo and Kosovo). The aim of the paper: find out the importance and weight of the EU peacekeeping missions to the states of the 21st century. The goals of paper: to evaluate CFSP and ESDP as missions background; to analyze the concept of EU missions, which was introduced in the official documents; to review functioning mechanisms of the EU support and their importance; to compare EU missions in Africa and Balkans and their achieved results; to analyze importance of the EU missions to member states and also to NATO, UN, AU and NGOs actions in this area. The introduction of paper is devoted for theoretical background of CFSP and ESDP and their aims and goals, their evolution and cooperation, and for the role of member states and institutions. Also there is analyzing CFSP and ESDP exercising mechanisms, EU SOFA and SOMA models and failed states. Introducing missions experiences in Democratic Republic of Congo and in Kosovo. There is made considerations about EU cooperation with various international organizations, like NATO, UN and NGOs while exercising missions of peacekeeping and crisis resolutions. To conclude with, CFSP is exercising with various... [to full text]
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Filip, David. "Atomová zbraň jako nástroj míru." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2010. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124639.
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Regarding the existence of nuclear weapons, which were never used all over atomic bombings of Nagasaki and Hiroshima as a tool of war against civilian or military targets during the Cold War, I try to give an explanation of "armed peace". I consider the question of why the two superpowers (the USA and the USSR) didn't start a "hot war" that would have been more likely nuclear. As an example of the most critical event will serve me Cuban Missile Crisis, with which can be the description of it understood in broader context. The paper points to the interrelations of opposing ideologies that related to atomic weapons have often drawn the same conclusions. I examine the military-strategic value of the atomic bombs which have shaped international relations troughtout the second half of the twentieth century. Besides the military aspects I also mention economic interpretation of the nuclear arms race and economic potential of the USSR and the USA. Why have in the first instance occured one-sided and than gradually overall disarment, reducing the number of nuclear warheads? I try to documented the explanation out of historical events also by using teoretical models.
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Domingos, Charles Sidarta Machado. "Questão de Cuba : a política externa independente e a crise dos mísseis." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/107267.
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Com a Revolução Cubana a Guerra Fria se torna mais presente no continente americano. O governo dos Estados Unidos da América começa a desenvolver ações para combater o governo revolucionário que assume o poder naquele país. Essas ações são baseadas no emprego da força militar e em soluções diplomáticas. Nesse mesmo período, João Goulart se torna presidente do Brasil. Ele continua a Política Externa Independente do governo Jânio Quadros. E o governo brasileiro acaba se envolvendo na questão de Cuba. Esta tese procura investigar a participação do governo de João Goulart na Crise dos Mísseis (1962) e compreender o que esse episódio representa para a Política Externa Independente. Nossos objetivos são demonstrar como o Brasil percebe a evolução da questão de Cuba; perceber como o país se posicionou na Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e quais foram as repercussões decorrentes; procurar entender qual a razão do envio do general Albino Silva à Cuba; compreender a posição brasileira na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) através do projeto de desnuclearização da América Latina; verificar como a sociedade brasileira se manifestou a respeito desse episódio; e, por fim, analisar se a Crise dos Mísseis modifica as relações entre os governos de Goulart e Kennedy.With the Cuban Revolution to Cold War becomes more present in the Americas. The government of the United States of America begins to develop actions to combat the revolutionary government that assumes power in that country. These actions are based on the use of military force and diplomatic solutions. In the same period, becomes president of Brazil João Goulart. He continues the Política Externa Independente of Quadros government. And the brazilian government gets involved in the issue of Cuba. This thesis investigates the involvement of the government of João Goulart in Missile Crisis (1962) and understand what this episode is for the Política Externa Independente. Our objectives are to demonstrate how Brazil sees the evolution of the issue of Cuba; see how the country stood at the Organization of American States (OAS) and what were this repercussions; seek to understand the reason of sending general Albino Silva the Cuba; understand the brazilian position at the United Nations (UN) through the project of denuclearization of Latin America; check how brazilian society manifested related to this episode; finally, analyze the Missile Crisis produced some effect in relations between the governments of Goulart and John Kennedy; analyze if the Missile Crisis modifies the relations between the government of Goulart and Kennedy.
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Robeye, Rirangar Aime. "Genre et conflits : l'effectivité de la résolution 1325 de l'ONU de l'oeuvre sur les femmes la paix et la sécurité." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE3063/document.
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Les populations civiles, dont la majorité est constituée des femmes et des enfants (près de 70%), ont été de tout temps la cible privilégiée des conflits armés, qui s’accompagnent généralement des conséquences graves en matière des violations des droits de l’homme. Et pourtant les conventions et textes juridiques internationaux protègent les personnes civiles en temps de guerre. Dans le but de lutter contre l’exclusion des femmes aux processus de paix et faciliter leur participation, le Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU a adopté le 31 octobre 2000 la résolution 1325 intitulée « les femmes, la paix et la sécurité », qui fait obligation aux Etats et aux organisations impliquées dans un conflit d’impliquer les femmes dans tous les processus de paix. L’adoption de cette résolution par le Conseil de Sécurité a permis de réaliser un certain nombre de progrès en matière de renforcement des mécanismes de protection des droits des femmes et de leur participation aux opérations de paix. Toutefois des efforts restent encore à faire pour atteindre les objectifs fixés notamment par l’adoption des plans d’actions nationaux par tous les EtatsCivilians, which most of them are women and children (nearly 70%) were always the main target of armed conflicts, which generally involve serious consequences for human rights violations. Yet international conventions and laws protect civilians in wartime. In order to fight against women's exclusion in peace processes and facilitate their involvement, the UN Security Council adopted on October 31st 2000 the 1325's Resolution entitled " Women, Peace and Security " which requires states and organizations involved in a conflict to involve women in all peace processes. The Security Council's adoption of this resolution allowed to make some progress on strengthening women's rights protection mechanisms and participation in peacekeeping operations. However, efforts are still needed to achieve the objectives including the adoption of national action plans by all States
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Maier-Knapp, Naila. "EU Actorness with and within Southeast Asia in light of Non-traditional Security Challenges." Thesis, University of Canterbury. National Centre for Research on Europe, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/8015.
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Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia.
Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor.
To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework.
Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.
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Gravel, Martin. "Distances, rencontres, communications : les défis de la concorde dans l'Empire carolingien." Thèse, Paris 1, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/8846.
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À l’aube du IXe siècle, les Carolingiens prétendent imposer à l’Occident l’unité dans la foi et le culte. Cet idéal domine les pensées des empereurs qui se conçoivent comme protecteurs, législateurs et juges, mais aussi vicaires du Christ et recteurs de l’Église. De telles ambitions stimulent l’élaboration d’un gouvernement original.
Comme les conquêtes avaient composé une vaste mosaïque de populations, de cultures et d’intérêts, la concorde posait un grand défi. Pour y répondre, Charlemagne et Louis le Pieux ont fait des communications leur premier outil politique. Leur inventivité et leur efficience furent appréciables, mais elles n’ont pas suffi à leur gagner toutes les adhésions : la discorde s’est installée là où l’empereur ne parvenait pas à maintenir une relation forte avec les élites régionales. Les distances et les modalités des communications déterminaient la nature de leurs échanges, donc leurs limites et, de ce fait, le destin de l’Empire carolingien.
L’enquête aborde un vaste éventail documentaire : actes, capitulaires, correspondances, monnaies... Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux relations du pouvoir impérial avec les élites du sud-ouest de l’empire. Ses résultats dépendent d’un étayage complexe : dispositifs de représentation du pouvoir, conséquences politico-sociales des distances et des vitesses de déplacement, anthropologie de la rencontre et des relations à distance, étude des réseaux. Au-delà des considérations propres à l’histoire des VIIIe-IXe siècles, elle démontre l’intérêt d’aborder les réalités politiques prémodernes du point de vue des défis que présentent les distances géographiques, les rencontres et les communications.At the start of the 9th Century, the Carolingians intended to unite Western Europe in the Christian faith and cult. This ideal was central to the emperors’ thoughts, who considered themselves protectors, legislators and judges, even claiming to be the vicars of Christ and rectors of the Church’s institutions. Such ambitions led to the development of an original form of government. Since the conquests had composed a large mosaic of populations, cultures and interests, maintaining concord became a major difficulty for the Carolingian government. In rising to this challenge, Charlemagne and Louis the Pious made communications their foremost political tool. With inventiveness and efficiency they used communications as best they could, but it was not enough to establish long lasting unity : discordances built up where they were unable to maintain strong relations with the regional élite. Distances and means of communications determined the nature and limits of the exchanges between the political center and its peripheries, thus orienting the destiny of the Empire. This study tackles a wide variety of sources, including diplomas, capitularies, correspondences, coins... Among other things, it investigates the relations of the imperial government with the southwestern part of the Empire. The results are supported by a series of inquiries touching on representations of political authority, network studies, sociopolitical consequences of geographical distance and speed of communication, anthropological complexities of encounters and long-distance relations. Beyond the history of the 8th and 9th Centuries, it illustrates the necessity of approaching pre-modern political realities through the lens of geographical distances, meetings and communications.
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Rossodivito, Anthony M. "The Struggle Against Bandits: The Cuban Revolution and Responses to CIA-Sponsored Counter-Revolutionary Activity, 1959-1963." UNF Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/508.
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Following the 1959 victory of the Cuban revolution, the United States government along with the CIA and their Cuban émigré allies immediately undertook a campaign of subversion and terrorism against the Cuban revolution. From 1959 until 1963 a clandestine war was waged between supporters of the revolution and the counter-revolutionary organizations backed by Washington. This project is a new synthesis of this little-known story. It is an attempt to shed light on a little known aspect of the conflict between the United States government and the Cuban revolution by bringing together never-before seen primary sources, and utilizing the two distinct and separate historiographies from the U.S. and Cuba, concerning the clandestine struggle. This is the story of Cuba’s resistance to intervention, the organization of the counter- revolution, and finally how the constant defeat of CIA plots by the Cubans forced changes in U.S. strategy concerning intervention in Cuba and in other parts of the developing world that would have far-reaching and long-last effects.
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Bulhosa, Ana Maria Serrenho Nascimento. "Internship at the Permanent Portuguese Mission to the UN The UN and the Rohingya – a case study." Master's thesis, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/95004.
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O presente relatório diz respeito a um estágio de seis meses concluído na Missão
Permanente de Portugal junto das Nações Unidas (ONU) no âmbito de um Mestrado em
Ciência Política e Relações Internacionais da Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas da
Universidade NOVA de Lisboa. Durante a primeira parte do relatório é apresentada uma
descrição da estrutura da ONU, seguida de uma descrição do trabalho realizado durante todo
o estágio - metas, tarefas e o trabalho abrangido no nível do Conselho de Segurança e da
Assembleia Geral (Quarta Comissão). Segue-se a segunda parte do relatório, que se foca
num dos temas acompanhados durante o estágio – a crise dos Rohingya. Um possível crime
de atrocidade cometido contra a minoria étnica Muçulmana pelos Tatmadaw – as Forças
Armadas de Myanmar. Será providenciada um resumo das origens da crise, seguido do
papel das Nações Unidas na mesma, tendo como foque o Conselho de Segurança.
Finalmente, os mecanismos de controlo das Nações Unidas serão examinados, a fim de
determinar se a organização tem capacidade de impedir que a crise se agrave, e fazer aquilo
para que foi criada - “salvaguardar a paz e a segurança”.The present report concerns a six-month internship completed at the Permanent Mission of Portugal to the United Nations (UN) as part of a Master’s degree in Political Science and International Relations from the School of Social Sciences and Humanities of the Universidade NOVA de Lisboa. During the first part a description of the UN structure is given, followed by a description of the work done throughout the internship – goals, tasks and the work covered at the Security Council and General Assembly (Fourth Committee and Plenary) level. The second part of the report turns to an issue covered during the internship - on the Rohingya crisis. The crisis involves a possible atrocity crimes perpetrated against the ethnic Muslim minority, by the Tatmadaw - Myanmar’s military forces. A description of the crisis will be given, followed by a description regarding the United Nation’ role on the crisis, namely the Security Council. Finally, the United Nations’ mechanisms of control will be examine, in order to determine if the organisation has the power to stop or prevent the Rohingya crisis from escalating, and do what it was intended for - “to safeguard peace and security”.
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Sebego, Tebogo Zakia. "Developing a contextual approach to ecological mission." Diss., 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/20312.
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This thesis examines the role of Melodi Ya Tshwane Christian Youth Ministry (MyT CYM) in the context of what is increasingly observable environmental crisis with a view of developing a contextual approach to ecological mission. The research does not focus primarily on the environmental crisis itself except to note that its scope incorporates not only environmental issues, but has some important implications for social justice as well. The research recognises the role that MyT CYM must play as part of their contribution towards addressing the environmental crisis. Such a role is based not on a pragmatic response to the situation, but flows from the missional nature and theology of the church. Therefore, the missional church has an obligation to address this issue, through Christian mission that takes seriously the biblical call to care and preserve the integrity of creation. Finally, this research aims to assist MyT CYM to understand the theological basis for contextual action towards developing an appropriate ecological mission.Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
M. Th.(with Specialisation in Urban Ministry)
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Mindich, Jeffrey H., and 閔傑輝. "The Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited: Brinkmanship and Integrative Negotiation." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/32797596079686725374.
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碩士國立臺灣大學
國際企業管理組
96
On October 16, 1962 U.S. President John Kennedy was informed by U.S intelligence that the Soviet Union had placed offensive missiles on the island of Cuba. Kennedy called together a team of top officials, known as the Executive Committee, or ExComm, to consult on how to deal with what later came to be known as the Cuban Missile crisis. The ExComm contemplated a response with options that ranged from passive acceptance of the Soviet missile placement, to an all out invasion of Cuba, and some options in between. The crisis ended with a compromise between the nuclear-armed superpowers arrived at through negotiation whereby Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev agreed to dismantle and remove the missiles on Cuba, while Kennedy made a pledge of non-invasion against Cuba and a private promise to take nuclear Jupiter Missiles out of Turkey. Brinkmanship and integrative negotiation both played important roles in the resolution of the Cuban missile crisis. However, due to the dangers of uncontrolled escalation from brinkmanship, it was a complex process of integrative negotiation that ended the crisis and allowed both sides to benefit, and was not a Soviet capitulation as has often been portrayed. This thesis hopes to make a unique contribution to scholarship in this field by a thorough analysis of the integration of the various approaches to decision-making in the Cuban missile crisis, including game theory, decision analysis and negotiation analysis.
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Mindich, Jeffrey H. "The Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited: Brinkmanship and Integrative Negotiation." 2008. http://www.cetd.com.tw/ec/thesisdetail.aspx?etdun=U0001-3107200818195400.
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Hsu, Pofeng, and 徐柏峰. "Crisis Management: Case Study of the 1995-96 Missile Crisis in the Taiwan Strait." Thesis, 2001. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/70194561358261416572.
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Erb, Lisa Anne. "The Cuban Missile Crisis : was Kennedy's way the best way? /." 1989. http://digitalcommons.butler.edu/ugtheses/20/.
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DAIGLE, HAU CARALEE RAE. ""A Challenge and A Danger:" Canada and the Cuban Missile Crisis." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/6931.
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President John F. Kennedy’s announcement, on Monday 22 October 1962, that there were offensive missiles on the island of Cuba began the public phase of what would be remembered as the Cuban missile crisis. This Cold War crisis had ramifications in many other countries than just the Soviet Union and the United States. Due to the danger involved in this nuclear confrontation, the entire globe was threatened. If either side lost control of negotiations, an atomic war could have broken out which would have decimated the planet. As the direct northern neighbors of the United States and partners in continental defence, Canadians experienced and understood the Cuban missile crisis in the context of larger issues.
In many ways, Canadian and American reactions to the crisis were similar. Many citizens stocked up their pantries, read the newspapers, protested, or worried that the politicians would make a mistake and set off a war. However, this dissertation argues that English Canadians experienced the crisis on another level as well. In public debate and print sources, many debated what the crisis meant for Canadian-Cuban relations, Canadian-American relations and Canada’s place in the world. Examining these print and archival sources, this dissertation analyzes the contour of public debate during the crisis, uniting that debate with the actions of politicians. Prime Minister John G. Diefenbaker hesitated for two days before making a statement which fully committed Canada to a position which supported the American quarantine of Cuba, and shortly after the crisis, was defeated at the polls. This dissertation argues that understanding the Canadian reaction to and experience of the Cuban missile crisis necessitates an understanding of how different Canadians talked about and understood the actions of their leaders. The shifting terrain of memory also serves to demonstrate the manner in which this history is told and remembered in Canada. This dissertation, therefore, examines the intersections between this Cold War confrontation and Canadian identity in the postwar period.Thesis (Ph.D, History) -- Queen's University, 2011-12-23 09:01:36.5