Academic literature on the topic 'Crimen sacrilegii'

In articulo thesis statuitur et propugnatur, quod in iure poenali canonico profanatio Eucharistiae uti sacrilegium semper habehatur. Aestimatio illa in iure canonico antiquo vigebatur et in novo Codice Iuris Canononici anno 1983 promulgate, in can. 1367, receptum est. In iure poenali Romano, profanatio de qua agitur, etiam ad crimina sacrilegii praefinebat (C. Th. 16, 2, 31 = C. J. 1, 3, 10). Codex poenalas Reipublicae Poloniae ex anno 1932 hoc delictum inter violationes rerum ad cultum divinum pertinentium adnumerabat (art 173). Codex poenalis polonicus autem anno 1969 promulgatus crimen hoc uti violatio affectuum ad cultum sacrum pertinentium tractabatur (art. 198).

The article deals with the history of relations between the Orthodox Church and the state and society. The importance of the religious component as a factor that played one of the key roles in the relationship between the state and society in Russia in the 19th — early 20th centuries is emphasized. The history of the development of responsibility for crimes against faith is traced. Particular attention is paid to this type of religious crime as sacrilege. The definition of “sacrilege” is given as a property encroachment directed at sacred or consecrated objects, as well as at church property. A detailed description of this type of crime is given and, using examples of judicial precedents of the law enforcement practice of the Russian Empire of the 19th century, its features are shown. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that it traces the evolution of the concept of “sacrilege” in Russian legislation of the 19th — early 20th centuries and determines the main trends in the field of law enforcement in relation to these crimes. It is proved that, despite the all-Russian tendency to gradually mitigate punishments for committing many religious crimes at the beginning of the 20th century, mitigation of responsibility in relation to sacrilege did not happen.

The offence of embezzlement of public funds – peculatus – is an interesting research subject due to the Roman legislator’s original approach to the issue of the classification of types of criminal offences (crimina). The paper aims to present Roman regulations concerning peculatus from the perspective of the methods of classifying its features as adopted by the compilers, taking into account both the normative contents of original laws (created by the original authors of these laws), as well as those added by later legislative factors: emperors, the senate and jurisprudence. The study of the Julian law on embezzlement of public funds may be conducted following the Justinian’s title Ad legem Iuliam peculatus et de sacrilegis et de residuis (Dig., 48, 13). Peculatus was the basic type of the offence of embezzlement of public funds. In the time of Augustus, two separate types of the offence isolated from peculatus, which were sacrilegium (probably within one law - lex Iulia peculatus) and embezzlement of a specific kind of money, i.e. pecunia residua (probably within a separate law - lex Iulia de residuis). Despite being quite precisely defined by the law, the type of the offence of embezzlement of public funds must have raised doubts when it came to applying the law, in cases where the act the offender was charged with came close to theft (crimen furti) or forgery (crimen falsi).

La ordenación del pensamiento de los penalistas occidentales constituye una incidencia del fenómeno receptor del Derecho Civil y el Derecho canónico. Entre sus representantes más egregios figura Julio Claro de Alejandría, perteneciente a la escuela de la madurez de los prácticos e introductora en España de una etapa de reflexión y progreso. Una fase superadora de los adelantos de los comentaristas iniciales de las fuentes romanas y del esfuerzo subsiguiente de los postglosadores. El análisis alfabético de los delitos, al que preceden algunas consideraciones generales y una clasificación, comprende el adulterio, el asesinato, la falsificación en sentido amplio, la fornicación, el incesto, la injuria, el crimen de lesa majestad, el juego, el parricidio, el perjurio, el rapto, el sacrilegio, la simonía, la sodomía y el estupro. Las ediciones manejadas han dado lugar a que, no obstante la densidad descriptiva del texto latino y la detención que requiere extraer del mismo ciertas formulaciones y principios, se adquiera una noticia razonable de cómo –atenta a los flujos de la recepción– la obra de Julio Claro de Alejandria señala el punto de inflexión entre la atención al cuadro de los elementos históricamente significativos y las adiciones doctrinales que provocó su advenimiento.

Anatomical dissection remains an integral part of most medical schools’ curricula, and in order to meet their educationalneeds, schools turn to a mixture of donated and unclaimed bodies. However, the procurement of bodies foranatomical dissection has not always been a simple task. The history of the cadaver supply in the United States, asin many other countries, is a story of crime, punishment, and legal dilemmas. The method by which medical schoolsobtain cadavers has affected not only anatomists and medical students, but all members of society. Methods of procurementthrough the centuries have been able to change only along with concurrent changes in societal perceptionsof death and dissection. An appreciation of this history and these societal changes may benefit students in theirstruggles to come to terms with how their cadavers were obtained and how society has granted them the privilegeto dissect a fellow human’s body.

This paper attempts a reconstruction of Aeschylus’ satyr-play Heralds. As the myth of Erginus’ heralds and their mutilation by Heracles is shown to be unconvincing on many grounds, it explores the possibility that the satyrs turned up or out as ‘heralds’, i.e. ‘sacrifice attendants’, in the Eleusinian preliminary sacrifice, sought by Heracles (polluted by the slaughter of the Centaurs) before his descent to Hades. To complete this conjectural picture, the potential topicality of such a plot is emphasised in relation to the genos of Ceryces and of Callias (II), who in the 480s was able to avoid ostracism. Moreover, a tragic trilogy is conjecturally set out as revolving around Ixion’s marriage, crime, purification, sacrilege, and around his son Pirithous (stepbrother to the Centaurs) joining the Calydonian boar hunt and thus having to do with Meleager (a figure linked, in many ways, to Heracles). As to topicality, it is suggested that the trilogy would thus cast a negative light on Thessaly. Finally, Aristophanes’ Clouds may contain allusions to this (hypothetical) tetralogy, and the so-called Dike-fragment may belong to Heralds.

Profanations of sacral places in pre-partition Poland happened quite often, though these times are described infrequently, as times dominated by religion and religious culture. Burglaries to churches, theft of vessels, reliquaries, books, vestments, altar-linen, valuables adorning miraculous images were treated as sacrilege and punished ruthlessly, but still there were a lot of thieves. On Sunday 6 July, 1647 students of parish school in Sucha Beskidzka used the absence of priests of the local cloister and the rector of the school, and they entered to the church, and then they got to the sepulchral crypt of the founders and they stripped their coffins from silver-sheet metals as well as they stole valuable objects from them. For the crime they were sentenced to death which was finally changed into public torture and exile. The synthetic description of the event was left in the parish register by priest Stephen Ranatowicz, who was later a superb chronicler and historic writer. Reminding of the event today, after the lapse of 371 years, may seem little useful for history, science and cultures of the whole country, but for regional history, especially for those who are interested history of Sucha Beskidzka and the family of Komorowski, counts in Liptów and Komorów, creators of the suski dominion, builders of the local castle and church, may be an interesting contribution.

La presente ricerca di dottorato, dal titolo «I beni degli dei. Considerazioni sul regime giuridico delle res sacrae e religiosae», ha lo scopo di indagare il regime giuridico delle res divini iuris. In particolare, l’ambito di ricerca mira a lumeggiare la condizione di appartenenza, rispettivamente, dei beni degli dei superi e degli dei Mani, nonché la gestione a cui i medesimi erano sottoposti, con un approccio diacronico volto a ricomprendere la riforma del regime classico dovuta alla transizione, avutasi nell’età tardoantica, dalla religione tradizionale romana al cristianesimo. Con riferimento alle res sacrae, si è proceduto a una ricognizione delle fonti giuridiche e letterarie concernenti il rapporto di pertinenza di codesti beni dedicati alle divinità celesti, oltre che degli orientamenti dottrinali nel tempo sedimentatisi sull’argomento. In seguito, si è tracciato l’ambito di estensione del sacrum, chiarendo gli effetti del rituale della consecratio per lo ius civile. Una volta delimitati i confini della species in esame, si è posta l’attenzione sui passi dei gromatici, in particolare Frontino, concernenti il vincolo di appropriazione dei fondi sacri, prospettando una conclusione volta a disconoscerne la presunta titolarità in capo alla civitas, sostenuta con decisione da Theodor Mommsen, avanzando bensì l’ipotesi che fosse riconosciuto un legame potestativo tra gli dei e le cose a loro dedicate, con l’assegnazione della gestione delle stesse agli organi cittadini. Ipotesi che troverebbe conforto nel regime giuridico desumibile dai passi del Digesto in ordine all’assoluta esclusione delle res sacrae dai rapporti patrimoniali e commerciali tra cives; oltreché nella distinzione, testimoniata soprattutto dalle fonti epigrafiche, tra i beni destinati agli dei (instrumentum) e quelli riservati alle funzioni di culto (ornamentum): una bipartizione che sottintendeva una diversità nel regime di circolazione delle res, dipendente dal loro diverso grado di afferenza al sacro. Esclusa pertanto sia una proprietà pubblica sui beni divini iuris, sia la loro inclusione tra le res nullius, si è cercato di rintracciare i limiti dei poteri gestori esercitati dai rappresentanti della civitas, di ampiezza variabile a seconda che le res sacrae rientrassero nell’una o nell’altra sottospecie. Il tutto dopo aver individuato nuovi argomenti a sostegno della proprietà degli dei: un regime di appropriazione connaturato ai principi della religione tradizionale romana, eclissatosi con il sopraggiungere del cristianesimo. Infatti, a seguito del mutare della religione ufficiale dell’impero, si è assistito al riconoscimento della personalità giuridica alla Chiesa, la quale ha assunto non soltanto la titolarità dei beni di sua pertinenza, ma anche la relativa amministrazione: potere, quest’ultimo, accentuatosi con l’affievolirsi del carattere extracommerciale dei medesimi beni ecclesiastici. Quanto alle res religiosae, le copiose fonti giuridiche sul tema hanno consentito un’analisi più approfondita del regime giuridico goduto dai beni destinati agli dei dell’oltretomba: sicché sono stati trattati, da un lato, i requisiti sottesi allo iustum sepulchrum; dall’altro lato, i rimedi elaborati dai giureconsulti per i casi di illecita sepoltura. Inoltre, si è cercato di individuare i limiti soggettivi e spaziali del religiosum, analizzando anche il significato rivestito dai rituali funebri nella società romana. Del resto, la condizione di separazione delle res religiosae dagli usi umani si riverberava anche sulla considerazione delle stesse per lo ius civile, la quale assumeva una conformazione comune alle res sacrae, che si manifestava nella esclusione da ogni situazione dominicale e possessoria, nonché nella sottrazione al commercium. Condizione di distacco che informava non solo il diritto sul sepolcro, ma anche il diritto al sepolcro: il cosiddetto ius sepulchri, che secondo l’idea sostenuta in primis da Carlo Fadda – avversata nel corso della ricerca – sarebbe rientrato, senza alcuna limitazione, nello ius humanum. Il riferimento alla ratio della dicotomia tra sepulchra familiaria e sepulchra hereditaria, poi, ha permesso sia di circoscrivere la sfera dei legittimati attivi all’esperimento dell’azione a tutela del sito funerario (l’actio sepulchri violati); sia di avanzare un’ipotesi sul fondamento giuridico delle multe sepolcrali. La conclusione raggiunta ha permesso di delineare lo statuto del religiosum come simmetrico a quello del sacrum, scorgendo quindi l’affidamento del dominio sulle relative res agli dei Mani e l’esercizio dei poteri gestori da parte della civitas: un assetto che pare confermato dalle numerose autorizzazioni pubbliche richieste ai privati in materia funeraria e dal divieto alla sfilata delle maschere funebri raffiguranti i colpevoli di gravi crimini. Un regime, quello tratteggiato, che si dissolve nel periodo tardoantico, quando scompare il culto delle divinità ctonie e, di conseguenza, il sepolcro perde ogni aggancio con il trascendente, divenendo una res idonea all’esercizio dei poteri di appropriazione e di disposizione da parte dei cives.
The present doctoral research, titled «I beni degli dei. Considerazioni sul regime giuridico delle res sacrae e religiosae», has the aim of focusing on the legal framework of res sacrae and res religiosae, studying in particular the right of property and the administration of entities dedicated to dii superi and dii Manes. It also considers the late antiquity reform, due to the transition from the Roman traditional religion to the Christianity. With reference to res sacrae, it collects legal and literary texts and their interpretations about the condition of corporeal entities dedicated to Gods. Then, it defines the legal concept of sacrum, explaining the effects of the consecratio ritual in the ius civile system; examining the texts written by land surveyors, in particular Frontinus, concerning the property of sacred fields. The conclusion rejects Theodor Mommsen’s thesis about public property, affirming the theory based on Gods’ property and public administration on sacred things. This theory is confirmed by Digest’s abstracts about the banning of the res sacrae from trade. Another argumentation is based on epigraphical texts, that show the distinction between the entities dedicated to the Gods (called instrumentum) and the entities used for rituals (called ornamentum). The instrumentum is composed of not saleable entities, while the ornamentum is composed by saleable ones. Moreover, it focuses on the administration duties of res sacrae employed by magistrates. All the above mentioned thesis confirms the argumentation of Gods’ capacity to own an estate, like temples, sacred woods and gifts to the deity. This legal framework disappears during the Christianity, when the Roman Empire recognizes the Church as a legal person, which practices property as well as administration on sacred entities. With reference to res religiosae, it becomes easier, with the increase of legal texts, to analyse deeper their legal framework, so as to clarify the conditions of the iustum sepulchrum and the solutions created by Roman jurists in case of illegal burial. The dissertation, moreover, defines the concept of religiosum, the borders of the grave, the subjects that can be buried and the role taken by the burial rituals in that of the Roman society. Under the ius civile perspective, the res religiosae are similar to the res sacrae, as entities that can’t be used or sold. This condition of separation from the societas hominum doesn’t allow the legal right to use the grave nor the factual ability to use the same and, as a consequence, makes the ius sepulchri not saleable. Once the difference between sepulchra familiaria and sepulchra hereditaria has been studied, it becomes easier to identify the subjects who are able to begin legal action in defence of the grave (called actio sepulchri violati) and to express a theory about private burial penalties. In conclusion, it demonstrates that the legal system treats the res religiosae and the res sacrae in a similar way, recognizing their right of property to the Gods and their administration to the magistrates. The above mentioned legal situation disappears during the Christianity, when the cult of the Gods of the afterlife vanishes. In this way, the grave loses its metaphysical meaning, becoming a res that can be owned and administrated by the cives Romani.

The sanctuary of Loreto, one of Italy’s most renowned pilgrimage destinations, was built to house the relic of the Virgin Mary’s childhood home, but many pilgrims directed their prayers instead to the shrine’s cult image, a Marian statue with a dark appearance. In the late sixteenth century, a time of Catholic reform, many devotees attributed the sculpture’s color to the residue from candle smoke, despite the fact that this departed from reformers’ strict rules of liturgical decorum. The perception of the Virgin of Loreto’s blackened surface as simultaneously sacred and sacrilegious returned agency to the artwork itself. The statue’s sooty accretions suggested negligence and cried out for restoration, but they also defended the cult of images in early modern Catholicism.