Journal articles on the topic 'Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)'
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1
Grant, Thomas D. "Annexation of Crimea." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (January 2015): 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0068.
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The Russian Federation, by a municipal law act dated March 21, 2014, annexed Crimea, an area of Ukraine. This act followed armed intervention by forces of the Russian Federation, a referendum, and a declaration of independence in Crimea. Outside the context of decolonization, few claims of annexation following the use of force have been made during the United Nations era; this is the first by a permanent member of the Security Council against a United Nations member. The present article examines the annexation of Crimea in view of the legal arguments that the Russian Federation has articulated in defense of its actions. It then considers the international response and the possible consequences of nonrecognition.
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Rusnáková, Soňa. "Russian New Art of Hybrid Warfare in Ukraine." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2017): 343–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0014.
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Abstract The main aim of this paper is to analyse the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. For the purposes of the paper, the theory of hybrid warfare was chosen as an analytical category. Throughout the paper, the concept of hybrid warfare is examined and applied on case study of Crimean annexation. Hybrid warfare, especially in connection with Russian actions in Crimea has been an intensely debated concept. There is an ongoing debate among scholars concerning the meaning of the concept, its existence and employment by the Russian Federation. This paper showed that the article of Valeriy Gerasimov – the incumbent Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation-invoked a new warfare strategy for the Russian Federation which was consequently for the very first time in its full spectre and effectivity employed on case of Crimean annexation in March 2014. Observing the application of the hybrid warfare in practice serves the purposes of countering its further potential application in post-Soviet space and Russian ‘near abroad’.
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Voronin, E. "“Atlantic Еxpansion” and International Legal Basis for Reunification of the Crimea with Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-1-88-93.
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Transatlantic expansion in Europe in order to move NATO’s strategic positions to the borders of Russia together with the inspirited Washington-Brussels duo, the “Ukrainian crisis”, is the main destabilizing factor for the security in the European region. In context of preventing threats to the Russian Federation it should be perceived through the declaration of will by the people of the Crimea, who used their right for self-determination and for their future as part of the Russian state and return of the Crimea to Russian fatherland. The article includes “three groups” of international legal grounds for the reunification of the Crimea with the Russian Federation: territorial succession, secession (but not annexation) and a territorial title. Justification for a fully legal inclusion of the Crimea into Russia as a state of historical sovereignty, unlike Ukraine, which historically never existed as an independent state, without legal claim for the Crimea, which was part of the Ukraine due to an anticonstitutional voluntarism of the soviet ruling of that time.
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Kobierecki, Michał Marcin. "Russia and Its International Image: From Sochi Olympic Games to Annexing Crimea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0016.
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The aim of the article is to analyze the change of the Russian Federation’s international image in the light of two significant events: the Olympic Winter Games in 2014 in Sochi and the annexation of Crimea. According to the first hypothesis, one of the main aims for hosting the Olympic Games was to improve the international prestige of Russia. Shortly after the Olympics Russia increased its activity in Eastern Ukraine, which resulted in the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. Therefore the article is also aimed to investigate whether by annexing Crimea Russia squandered the possible positive effects of hosting the Olympics in terms of its international image.
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Korotkyi, Tymur, Yevheniia Lukianchenko, and Nataliia Khendel. "The Crimea Declaration and Its Role in the De-Occupation of Crimea." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 638–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-40.
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The article analyses the role of the Crimea Declaration in the restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is argued that unilateral acts of states are widespread in international relations. Violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea is an encroachment not only on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. This is an infringement upon the fundamental principles of international law and the current international order. The article considers the point of view of the American diplomatic practice in relation to the Crimea Declaration. The Crimea Declaration is expressed in the form of a unilateral statement containing a protest regarding actions and their consequences, violating international law, by the direct recipient of the Declaration, namely, the Russian Federation. The Declaration is aimed at protecting the rights and interests of Ukraine, which is the common goal of the entire international community, and encourages its members to join this position. The Crimea Declaration fully corresponds to the definition and criteria of protest, which allows us to speak about the relevant international legal implications arising from the Declaration and other relevant acts of the United States that form a unified system. It is concluded that despite the fact that the Declaration contains general and framework provisions, it clearly reflects the US position regarding the condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, violation by Russia of fundamental principles of international law with regard to Ukraine, the non-recognition of the annexation of Crimea and its consequences, and the need for an expeditious de-occupation of Crimea. Keywords: the aggression of Russia against Ukraine, occupation of Crimea, Welles Declaration, Crimea Declaration, protest.
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Denysenko, Kseniia, and Olena Kovtun. "The Religious Freedom in Crimea During the Russian Occupation." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2021.3.1.
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The article deals with the problem of religious freedom in Crimea after the occupation of the Peninsula by Russian military forces in February 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. The subject matter of the study is religious freedom in Crimea during the Russian occupation since 2014. The systematic and the structural approach allow the authors to see the entire picture of religious freedoms violation on the Peninsula. The study hypothesizes that with the occupation and annexation of Crimea, Russia brought the collapse of the religious pluralism and freedom that Ukrainians had experienced since 1991. In this paper, the authors cover a wide range of issues such as torture of religious activists, destruction and the illegal seizure of religious property, persecution of Ukrainians on political and religious grounds, deportation of Crimea’s population to the mainland of Ukraine. The research establishes that the occupiers created unbearable conditions for religious freedom, the lives of many clergymen and believers appeared to be in great danger. Different religious communities, especially the representatives of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (the OCU), Crimean Muslim Tatars, suffered significantly from applying Russia’s severe criminal and administrative requirements. The analysis allows seeing the complete picture of religious discrimination of different denominations and cruel religious persecution in the annexed Crimea beginning from February 2014 till nowadays.
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FRIS, Pavlo L., Ihor B. MEDYTSKYI, Yurii I. MYKYTYN, and Viktoriia V. SHPILIAREVYCH. "The Annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the Armed Conflict in Eastern Ukraine as a Crime of Aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v10.1(39).17.
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After the First World War, the international community gradually began to change their attitude to the question of the ‘legality’ of military conflicts. The article is devoted to the fact that the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the ongoing anti-terrorist operation in the Eastern regions of Ukraine testify to the transformation of Ukraine into an object of geopolitical confrontation, the edge of the planned activities of other international actors aimed at achieving its ambitious objectives. The purpose of the research is the study of criminal manifestations in the territory, annexed by the Russian Federation the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (hereinafter-ARC) and in the zone of armed conflict in the East of Ukraine, for the further development of effective mechanisms to counter the phenomena of political crime. the stabilization of the situation in the country. The methodological framework of this study consists of a set of modern scientific methods, the use of which is objectively determined by the relevance and purpose of the objectives of the study. The authors of the study recommend to strengthen the international response to the occupation and annexation by the Russian Federation in Crimea and waging an armed conflict in the East of Ukraine.
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Hazizova, Olena. "CRIMEAN "KNOT" OF IDENTITIES: RUSSIAN ANNEXATION AND THE PROBLEM OF PRESERVING OF THE NATIONAL SINGULARITY OF CRIMEAN RESIDENTS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 23 (2018): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2018.23.4.
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The insufficient degree of common identity at the state level, the distinct regional character of axiological and ideological differences in the Ukrainian society, direct interference with the internal affairs and imposition of common identifications on the part of other subjects of international relations considerably aggravates the threat of separatism, leads to the increase of joint identification of citizens with other societies and their political interests, which can lead to the territorial disintegration of the country. The annexation of Crimea by Russia became a significant destabilizing factor in the region, which sharpened ethnopolitical controversies on the peninsula. The most ethnically dissatisfied are Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians, who experience constant discrimination due to their ethnic origin, language, and religion from the state authorities of Crimea and Russian Federation. According to the population census, conducted by the Federal Service of State Statistics, subordinate to the Russian power, the peninsula has observed a considerable decrease of the Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar population: 15.8% of Ukrainians and 10.6% of Crimean Tatars. Russians constitute the majority: 68.3% comparing to 58.3% in 2001. Different sociological studies in Crimea claim annexation to cause the intensification of regional tendencies. Thus, according to the 2016 poll, 35% of the citizens identified themselves, first of all, as Crimeans and not as the citizens of Russia, which considerably exceeds average Russian figures. This dynamics does not obviously fit the ideas of the “Russian World”; thus, the peninsula observes the implementation of the “soft deportation” policy of Crimeans, substituted by Russians. The official data state that during four years 178 thousand people have migrated to Crimea, the prevailing majority of them being Russians. Although Ukraine does not have opportunities for implementing the legislation developed in the time period of 2014–2018 for the regulation of Crimean ethnopolitical disputes on the occupied peninsula, the development and implementation of the de-occupation and reintegration strategy of Crimea is crucial for the protection of Crimean ethnic communities’ rights and restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "The Czech Republic in the “Sanctions War” of the EU against the Russian Federation." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 10 (July 28, 2022): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.10.163-183.
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The purpose of the article is to study the position of the Czech Republic in the «sanctions war» of the European Union against the Russian Federation, the Czech state’s own initiatives regarding sanctions and its relations with Russia, as the country that will preside over the European Union until the end of 2022. The following tasks are solved in the article: the position of the Czech Republic regarding the introduction of sanctions against the Russian Federation since the annexation of Crimea is substantiated, occupation of part of the territory of Donbas, during the period of the Russian Federation’s undeclared war against Ukraine and during the large-scale war launched by Russia on February 24, 2022.; the evolution of the Czech Republic’s approaches to sanctions against the Russian Federation in 2014-2022 was studied.; the modern formation of relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation is analyzed; it was determined that the majority of political parties and the society of the Czech Republic approve of the introduction of European Union sanctions against the Russian Federation. Retrospective, statistical, comparative, monitoring methods, systemic and functional methodological approaches were used for research in the article.
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Rabinovych, Maryna. "The Interplay between Ukraine’s Domestic Legislation on Conflict and Uncontrolled Territories and its Strategic Use of ‘Lawfare’ before Russia’s 2022 Invasion of Ukraine – A Troubled Nexus?" Review of Central and East European Law 47, no. 3-4 (December 22, 2022): 268–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10070.
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Abstract Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 can be seen as a culmination of eight years of its aggression against Ukraine, including its annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the control of the two ‘People’s Republics’ in Donbas. Before the invasion, the Ukrainian authorities had actively expressed their politico-legal stance on the conflict, using lawfare against the Russian Federation, e.g. at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the International Court of Justice (icj), and the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea (itlos). In this context, the paper explores the interplay between Ukraine’s domestic legislation regarding the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s control of the People’s Republics in Donbas prior to the invasion, and Ukraine’s use of lawfare against Russia with a focus on policy and legal coherence. It is demonstrated that, while Ukraine’s lawfare strategy regarding Crimea had been in line with domestic legislation, Russia’s use of proxies in eastern Ukraine and the challenges of the Minsk peace process led to incoherence between Ukraine’s domestic laws and its use of lawfare. Though Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine is a game-changer, both for Ukraine’s domestic legislation and its use of lawfare, the analysis contributes to an understanding of the nexus between domestic and international law in Ukraine prior to the invasion and explores the implications such a nexus will have for Ukraine’s future lawfare against Russia, including the most recent icj case relating to the interpretation, application, and fulfillment of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Russia Domination Policy: Implementation of Military Operation in Ukraine (2014 � 2015)." Insignia Journal of International Relations 4, no. 02 (November 9, 2017): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/1.ins.2017.4.02.665.
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AbstrakFederasi Rusia merupakan aktor global yang menerapkan kebijakan tegas terhadap Ukraina. Guna mencapai tujuan politik nasional Rusia yang dikendalikan dari Moskwa, melalui operasi militer di tahun 2014, didefinisikan bagaimana negara tersebut berperilaku. Melalui kombinasi operasi militer dan non-militer, Rusia secara perlahan memperoleh kekuasaan melalui aneksasi Krimea. Efektivitas metoda ini dipergunakan untuk menentukan strategi perang Rusia saat ini. Dengan demikian menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri dan kebijakan pertahanan Rusia dari tahun 2000 hingga 2013 yang memiliki ketergantungan pada lingkungan strategis Ukraina terhadap Rusia, dan kepentingan nasional Rusia pada Ukraina. Fokus utama penelitian ini adalah pencapaian tujuan politik Rusia dalam operasi militer yang dilaksanakan di Ukraina dan menganalisa komponen keamanan nasional Rusia yang signifikan mempengaruhi interaksi konflik asimetrik.Kata-kata kunci: keamanan nasional, tujuan politik, operasi militer, perilaku negara
AbstractRussia Federation as global actor applied its policies towards Ukraine remains assertive. In pursuing state�s political objectives from Moscow, the escalation of military operation in 2014 defined as the way on how the state behaves. By means of the combination of military and non-military measures on the conduct of operation, Russia is now slowly regaining its power through the annexation of Crimea. The effectiveness of this method determines to be Russia�s strategy on contemporary warfare. Thus, it explains how Russian foreign and defense policy from 2000 to 2013 that depend on surrounding strategic environment of Ukraine to Russia, and the national interests of Russia to Ukraine. The main focus of this research is on the achievement of Russia�s political objective in its military operation in Ukraine and analysis on Russia�s national security components that are significantly influence the interaction of this asymmetric conflict.Keywords: national security, political objectives, military operations, state�s behavior
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Koszel, Bogdan. "The European Union and the conflict in Ukraine (2014–2018)." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 1 (March 15, 2020): 75–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2020.1.4.
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The author has analyzed the European Union’s policy towards Ukraine and put forward a thesis that, in view of Russia’s opposition and the lack of progress in internal reforms, Ukraine has no immediate prospects of EU membership. Although Ukraine has been granted political and financial support in the aftermath of the Russian aggression (annexation of Crimea and war in Donbas), the extent of bilateral cooperation is limited to the signing of an Association Agreement and the abolition of the visa requirement for Ukrainian citizens. Economic sanctions against Russia symbolize the unity of EU member states, but remain the only instrument that can stop the neo-imperial intentions of the Russian Federation. This study employs the methods of systemic, institutional and legal analysis and the decision method.
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Zhelezniak, Mykola, and Oleksandr Ishchenko. "Occupation or annexation of Crimea? (based on Ukrainian encyclopedias)." Entsyklopedychnyi visnyk Ukrainy [The Encyclopedia Herald of Ukraine] 14 (December 15, 2022): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.37068/evu.14.6.
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In this article, Ukrainian encyclopedias are studied in order to show how they describe the capture of Crimea by the Russian Federation. The authors focus on terms describing the act of aggression of the RF against the Ukrainian peninsula, such as “annexation” and “occupation”. The fact is that there is still no terminological clarity among scholars, therefore, it is not easy to interpret both the events of spring 2014 and the political and legal consequences of these events. The fact is also that scholarly studies of these problems are a contribution to the formation of the policy for Ukrainian Crimea de-occupation. Results of the article show that in some encyclopedias the terms “annexation” and “occupation” are actually used interchangeably, referring to the Russian invasion of Crimea and the capture of this territories by RF. In others, differences in the meaning of these concepts are presented: the occupation of Crimea is called a violation of the territorial integrity of Ukraine by the RF; the annexation of Crimea is the illegal annexation of the occupied territories by the RF.
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Orzechowski, Marcin, and Janusz Jartyś. "Annexation of Crimea and federalization of Donbas as the exemplification of hybrid warfare in Ukraine. Implications for Poland." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 18, no. 1 (December 2020): 61–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2020.1.4.
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In the article, the authors attempted to analyze the actions of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine. The research goal was to justify the hypothesis that in the case of Ukraine, the neo-imperial expansionist strategy in the post-Soviet area is implemented through the deconstruction of statehood as a result of a hybrid war. The authors try to answer the following questions: what consequences can such actions have for Poland and is there a real threat from Russia for the countries of Central Europe? As a result of the analysis, the authors managed to obtain affirmative answers to the above questions.
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TURANSKIY, Mykola, and Andriy KHARUK. "Russia's hybrid war and the annexation of Crimea through the eyes of Polish researchers." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 12 (2019): 194–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2019-12-194-204.
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The article covers annexation of the Crimean peninsula in the framework of the hybrid war of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in the works of Polish researchers. Emphasizes the key role of the information component of the hybrid threat. The methodological basis is the principles of historical knowledge – science, complexity, objectivity, which determine the analysis of scientific publications in connection with socio-political and socio-economic events. On the basis of consideration of the works of domestic and Polish scientists, the peculiarities of the Russian information-psychological operation on the incorporation of the Crimean peninsula were analyzed, attention was paid to the facts of distortion of events and manipulation of the consciousness of society. The author aims to analyze the current and future paradigm of the development of the military-political situation in Ukraine and Europe. Prospects for further research should be aimed at supplementing the knowledge about the totality of factors of various influences of Russia on the countries of the post-Soviet space, as well as on the course of events in the territory of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, identifying the tendencies of Russian information-psychological expansion and counteracting it in the context of information security. The works of Polish researchers confirm that the tendency of increasing the role of the information resource of the state and its strategic importance in the overall system of defense potential is now clearly visible. In 2014, it was a common mistake of most scientists and experts to believe that only Ukraine is the target of hybrid attacks, however, after five years of hybrid aggression, it becomes clear that the hybrid war "in Russian" there is against the western countries also. The subject of the hybrid Kremlin attacks is European democracies, and Moscow's goal the destruction of within European and Euro-Atlantic unity. Poland plays an important role in supporting the EU's policy of maintaining sanctions on Russia, which is a key instrument to deter further escalation of hybrid actions against Ukraine. There was an urgent need for scientific research of problems relating to information and psychological confrontation, propaganda technologies and counter-propaganda. Given the relevance and practical importance of these issues, further research is advisable to carry out in the direction of development of complex materials on the history of hybrid wars, with a significant emphasis on the consideration of information-psychological operation on the annexation of the Crimea. Keywords hybrid war, russian expansion, information influence, annexation, Crimea, propaganda.
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Pendse, Liladhar R. "Collecting and preserving the Ukraine conflict (2014-2015): a web archive at University of California, Berkeley." Collection Building 35, no. 3 (July 4, 2016): 64–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/cb-04-2016-0006.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to highlight the web-archiving as a tool for possible collection development in a research level academic library. The paper highlights the web-archiving project that dealt with the contemporary Ukraine conflict. Currently, as the conflict in Ukraine drags on, the need for collecting and preserving the information from various web-based resources with different ideological orientations acquires a special importance. The demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the emergence of independent republics were heralded by some as a peaceful transition to the “free-market” style economies. This transition was nevertheless nuanced and not seamless. Besides the incomplete market liberalization, rent-seeking behaviors of different sort, it was also accompanied by the almost ubiquitous use of and access to the internet and the internet communication technologies. Now 24 years later, the ongoing conflict in Ukraine also appears to be unfolding on the World Wide Web. With the Russian annexation of Crimea and its unification to the Russian Federation, the governmental and non-governmental websites of the Ukrainian Crimea suddenly came to represent a sort of “an endangered archive”. Design/methodology/approach The main purpose of this project was to make the information that is contained in Ukrainian and Russia websites available to the wider body of scholars and students over the longer period of time in a web archive. The author does not take any ideological stance on the legal status of Crimea or on the ongoing conflict in Ukraine. There are currently several projects that are devoted to the preservation of these websites. This article also focuses on providing a survey of the landscape of these projects and highlights the ongoing web-archiving project that is entitled, “the Ukraine Crisis: 2014-2015” at the UC Berkeley Library. Findings The UC Berkeley’s Ukraine Conflict Archive was made available to public in March of 2015 after enough materials were archived. The initial purpose of the archive was to selectively harvest, and archive those websites that are bound to either disappear or change significantly during the evolution of Crimea’s accession to Russia. However, in the aftermath of the Crimean conflict, the ensuing of military conflict in Ukraine had forced to reevaluate the web-archiving strategy. The project was never envisioned to be a competing project to the Ukraine Conflict project. Instead, it was supposed to capture complimentary data that could have been missed by other similar projects. This web archive has been made public to provide a glimpse of what was happening and what is happening in Ukraine. Research limitations/implications Now 24 years later, the ongoing conflict in Ukraine also appears to be unfolding on the World Wide Web. With the Russian annexation of Crimea and its unification to the Russian Federation, the governmental and non-governmental websites of the Ukrainian Crimea suddenly came to represent a sort of “an endangered archive”. The impetus for archiving the selected Ukrainian websites came as a result of the changing geopolitical realities of Crimea. The daily changes to the websites and also loss of information that is contained within them is one of the many problems faced by the users of these websites. In some cases, the likelihood of these websites is relatively high. This in turn was followed by the author’s desire to preserve the information about the daily lives in Ukraine’s east in light of the unfolding violent armed conflict. Originality/value Upon close survey of the Library and Information Sciences currently published articles on Ukraine Conflict, no articles that are currently dedicated to archiving the Crimean and Ukrainian situations were found.
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Mashevskyi, Oleh, and Vitalii Liulka. "CRIMEA IN THE COORDINATES OF HISTORY: SCIENTIFIC SEMINAR OF THE DEPARTMENT OF MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY HISTORY OF FOREIGN COUNTRIES, EDUCATIONAL PROGRAM ORIENTAL STUDIES." European Historical Studies, no. 21 (2022): 141–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.21.10.
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Ukrainian Autonomous Republic of Crimea and then launched a war on Ukrainian territory in Donbass. Since then, the efforts of the Ukrainian state and society, the vast majority of the world community are aimed at restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine, punishing Russia for its aggressive actions, compensating our state for the damage caused by this invasion. Thus, the research, coverage of the history and modernity of the Crimean issues are one of the most urgent tasks of the Ukrainian scientific and expert community. The Center for the Study of the History of the Turkish and Crimean Tatar Peoples of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of the Faculty of History has a number of international scientific conferences, scientific and methodological seminars, round tables, exhibitions and presentations. Therefore, it is quite natural that the head of this Center, Associate Professor Oleh Romanovych Kupchyk, initiated a number of scientific and methodological seminars “Crimea in the coordinates of history.” It is noteworthy that this initiative arose and began to be implemented during the period of mass concentration of Russian troops on the Ukrainian borders and in fact in the most temporarily occupied Crimea, for a further attack on Ukraine, which eventually took place on February 24, 2022. The first scientific seminar was opened on May 20, 2021 by Inna Stepanets, Candidate of Geographical Sciences, Vice-Rector for Scientific and Pedagogical Work (Humanitarian Affairs) of the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. The first section of this scientific event “Crimea in European / World History” opened with reports by Professor of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of the Faculty of History Nataliia Gorodnia and Head of the same department, guarantor of the Bachelor educational program American Studies and European Studies (with in-depth study of foreign languages) Oleh Mashevskyi, who considered the US position on Russia’s actions in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea in February-March 2014 and, accordingly, the problem of annexation of Ukrainian Crimea by the Russian Federation in the policy of US Presidents B. Obama and D. Trump. In today’s world, the countries of the East are becoming increasingly geopolitically important, given their economic, demographic, and political potential. Therefore, the involvement of these states in the pro-Ukrainian policy of resisting Russian aggression, sanctioning the Kremlin, and supplying Ukraine with modern weapons is of paramount importance. Associate Professor of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, guarantor of the Educational Program Oriental Studies of the Bachelor level Makar Taran in his reports discussed in detail the contexts of Crimea for China’s foreign policy after 2014. Oleh Kupchyk, Associate Professor of the Department of Modern and Contemporary History of Foreign Countries of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Guarantor of the Oriental Studies Educational Program of Master level, spoke about the position of the Republic of Turkey on the annexation of the Ukrainian Crimea by the Russian Federation. The reports of the second section “Crimea in the history of Ukraine” were quite interesting, first of all, which cover Crimean issues in the history of Ukraine in a global context. After an active discussion of Crimean issues in the history of Ukraine and the international context, which was joined by the President’s representative in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea Anton Korynevych, it was decided to publish a collection of scientific papers on the results of this scientific forum and hold a second thematic scientific seminar on Crimean issues in autumn 2021.
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Olszanecka, Natalia. "The Ruling Elite in Russia: Continuity or Change?" Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 12, no. 1 (September 24, 2021): 165–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/pw.6468.
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The third Vladimir’s Putin presidential term (2012-2018) was a significant period for the Russian Federation political security. Social protests, the annexation of Crimea, conflicts in eastern Ukraine and Syria, as well as economic sanctions and the deepening Russian isolationism - these are just some of the problems that Russian authorities had to face to ensure political stability. The aim of this article was to examine the changes and conflicts that occurred within President Putin’s inner circle between 2012 and 2018. The research was conducted according to content analysis method. It revealed that in 2012-2018 the attempts to weaken the decision-making power elite as a whole failed.
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Luschaj, Volodymyr. "Geopolitical Imperial Interests of Russia as the Threat to Independence and State Sovereignty of Eastern Europe’s Peoples and Countries (on the Example of Hungary and Ukraine)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 26 (November 27, 2017): 529–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2017.26.529.
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The article carries out a comparative analysis of events of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, on the one hand, and the Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimea, the war of occupation being waged by the Russian Federation in the east of modern Ukraine, on the other hand. The author stresses that in both cases the imperial states, in the mid-twentieth century - USSR, in the early twenty-first century - The Russian Federation, demonstrate an example of interfering in the internal governance of the other State, with the broad involvement of secret services and military units.
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Wallace, Stuart, and Conall Mallory. "Applying the European Convention on Human Rights to the Conflict in Ukraine." Russian Law Journal 6, no. 3 (August 30, 2018): 8–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2018-6-3-8-78.
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The“annexation” of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the ongoing conflict in Eastern Ukraine have resulted in widespread human rights abuses. Both Ukraine and the Russian Federation are signatories to the European Convention on Human Rights and the Convention should apply within the territory and to the conflict. However, recent applications to the European Court of Human Rights reveal a great deal of confusion over which State bears responsibility for protecting human rights in different parts of Ukraine. This article seeks to shine a light on this problem presenting a deep analysis of the European Court of Human Rights’ jurisprudence and discussing how it applies to both the conflict in Eastern Ukraine and “annexed” Crimea. It addresses salient issues such as responsibility for the actions of non-state actors and armed groups in Eastern Ukraine and whether the legality of the “annexation” has any bearing on the human rights obligations of each State. The article presents a detailed critique of recent judgments from the European Court of Human Rights arguing that the jurisprudence of the Court has created a bewildering degree of complexity and uncertainty as to the obligations of each State and discussing the practical implications of this uncertainty.
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Graney, Kate. "Tatarstan: Adjusting to life in Putin's Russia." Nationalities Papers 44, no. 1 (January 2016): 1–3. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2015.1103723.
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A little-noted but interesting aspect of the Russian annexation of Crimea in March 2014 was Vladimir Putin's government's attempt to enlist officials from the Republic of Tatarstan to smooth the transition of Crimea back to Russian rule. It makes sense — the Crimean and Volga Tatars are ethnic, linguistic, and religious kin, and both trace their history of statehood back to the Golden Horde successor khanates of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The Crimean Khanate maintained its independence far longer than Kazan was able to; while the defeat of Kazan in 1552 marked the beginning of the expansion of the modern Russian Empire under Ivan IV, the Crimean Khanate retained some form of autonomy until nearly the end of the eighteenth century. During the ensuing years, the fortunes of the two peoples and their states reversed yet again; Tatarstan emerged from Soviet rule as a powerful actor determined to make the new Russian Federation truly a federal state in practice as well as on paper (in part by invoking the heritage of the Kazan Khanate). In contrast the Crimean Tatars, never having recovered demographically or politically from their forced exile to Central Asia by Stalin during World War II, struggled to establish some form of cultural and political autonomy as part of a newly independent Ukraine.
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Ingelevič-Citak, Milena. "Russia Against Ukraine Before the European Court of Human Rights. The Empire Strikes Back?" Polish Political Science Yearbook 51 (2021): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202206.
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In July 2021, Russia submitted its first inter-state complaint against Ukraine to the European Court of Human Rights. It was an unexpected and intriguing step of the Russian government, especially since many of the presented allegations are linked to the events that initiated the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Referring to the hostilities that began in 2014, the international community was, in principle, unanimous in assessing who the aggressor was. The focus of this research is the strategy of the Russian Federation in its recently initiated legal battle before the Strasbourg Court. This paper presents an attempt to outline the possible motives for taking such a step. Moscow's position on this case is particularly puzzling, as some of the allegations concern the Crimean Peninsula, widely recognized under international law as territory occupied by Russia. In spite of that, doubt arises about the strategic objectives of the Russian authorities in the conflict with Ukraine; the question is whether the actions taken by Russia fall within the scope of its previous strategy or if there has been a new turn in the matter. The first part of this paper outlines the background of the given conflict, the second details Russian policy after the annexation of Crimea, and the third, which is crucial for the formulating of conclusions, presents considerations on Russia's possible motivation and goals in filing a complaint to the European Court Human Rights. The research was conducted mainly based on the merits of the complaint, the statements of the representatives of Russia and Ukraine in the matter, the author's observations, and practitioners' considerations.
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Kondratenko, O. Yu. "UKRAINE–RUSSIA: FORMAT OF GEOECONOMIC AND GEOPOLITICAL CONFRONTATION." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 144 (2020): 4–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2020.144.1.4-22.
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The article reveals challenges and prospects of Ukraine in the conditions of transitive world order crisis in Eastern European context. The issue of strengthening national security and protection of the territorial sovereignty of the post-Soviet countries and Eastern European countries in connection with the aggression of Russia and the occupation of part of the Ukrainian territories has been mainstreamed. The confrontation between Russia and the post-Soviet countries is a conflict of two civilizational systems, the struggle of two opposing worldviews and paradigms of a new world order. It has been proved that Russia’s Eurasian integration projects were aimed at attracting Ukraine and maintaining it in the sphere of Russia’s geo-economic and geopolitical influence. The creation of integration associations in the post-Soviet space is intended to become one of the instruments of revival of the Eurasian empire, in particular at the expense of the destruction of the national economy and the sovereignty of Ukraine. A key result of the Revolution of Dignity was the signing of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU which destroyed Russia’s strategy to engage Ukraine in the Eurasian integration area. It is confirmed that after the Russian Federation’s unsuccessful actions to involve Ukraine in Eurasian integration structures through the use of managed pro-Kremlin power, Moscow abandoned this option and switched to a scenario under which the strategy of fomenting and supporting separatism in the south-eastern regions of Ukraine was implemented. The strategy to create a pseudostates on the territory of Ukraine in one way or another involves the issues of infrastructure and transit of Russian energy resources to the European Union. The formation of Novorossiya at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty also included support from individual EU Member States to accelerate the construction of energy infrastructure bypassing Ukraine as a failed state. The annexation of Crimea became a non-standard geostrategic step in Russia, which led to the violation of the border of the sovereign state for the first time since the end of World War II. In general, the Crimea is an important sacred phenomenon and a geostrategic asset for the Russian Federation. Given the opening of new military bases in Belarus, the preservation of the Russian military contingent in Transnistria and the Donbas, as well as the creeping geopolitical displacement of Ukraine from the Black and Azov Sea, the latter automatically finds itself in a kind of geopolitical “garrotte” while losing access to the sea. In the end, Russian aggression aimed at destabilizing Ukraine also had internal political significance for Russia, since Europeanization of Ukraine and its political and economic success would become a new geopolitical trend and would call into question the effectiveness of the authoritarian regime of Russia and other post-Soviet countries. All this would become a clear example for the Russian society of the positive consequences of the democratic transformations of the great Orthodox state. However, while the Russian Federation has achieved some tactical advantages in Ukraine, thereby slowing its rapprochement with the EU and NATO, designing instability strategically prevents any involvement of Kyiv in Eurasian integration projects, further alienating it from Russia, making Ukraine more pro-Western and anti-Russian. Keywords: Ukraine, foreign policy, national security, Russian Federation, Eastern Europe, ODED-GUAM, Baltic-Black Sea Commonwealth
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Martynov, Andriy. "THE EVOLUTION OF THE POLICY OF THE EUROPEAN UNION REGARDING THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR (2014–2022)." European Historical Studies, no. 23 (2022): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2022.23.2.
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The problems of forming a common foreign policy of the European Union are caused by the difficulties of reconciling national interests and the dynamics of adapting the common policy to the chaos of international relations. In the early 1990s, the common foreign policy of the European Union suffered a fiasco in the Balkans during the disintegration of the former Yugoslavia. Russia expected that the example of the EU’s excessively sluggish reaction to the annexation of Crimea and the start of a «hybrid war» against Ukraine would provide an opportunity to annex the entire territory of Ukraine. The purpose of the article is to study the cause-and-effect relationships that influenced the actual formation of the European Union’s common policy aimed at protecting democracy in Ukraine against Russian aggression. The European Union was critical of the annexation of Crimea and the start of Russia’s «hybrid war» against Ukraine. But at that time, the conviction of the European elites prevailed that it was possible to appease the Russian Federation, even at the cost of concessions to Ukraine and at the expense of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity. The so-called “Minsk Agreements” worked for this. Even Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election and the information campaign for the British referendum on leaving the EU in 2016 could not convince European elites of the opposite. The Russian Federation consistently crossed «red lines» until it made the mistake of deciding that the EU was «ripe» for a Russian attempt to change the government in Ukraine and deprive it of its sovereignty. The Kremlin was counting on its «fifth column» in the countries of the European Union. Only Hungary fulfilled these expectations. But in the matter of assistance for the defence of Ukraine, the European Union refused the principle of veto. This does not prevent Hungary from blocking the allocation of EU macro-financial assistance to Ukraine at the time of writing this article. The most radical supporters of Ukraine in the EU remain the Baltic countries, the countries of the «Visegrad bloc» with the exception of Hungary. Russian aggression helped Sweden and Finland to reconsider their traditional neutral policy and to get as close as possible to joining NATO. In October 2022, again without the participation of Hungary, the European Union launched a military training mission for the Armed Forces of Ukraine. Russian aggression against Ukraine, instead of splitting the European Union, contributed to the consolidation of the common foreign and security policies of the European Union. But this does not mean that the Russian Federation will stop putting pressure on the «weak links» in the European Union system.
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Jusufaj, Dr Sc Elvina. "The Kosovo Precedent in the Secession and Recognition of Crimea." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 1 (June 30, 2015): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i1.20.
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Crimea’s secession from Ukraine and its annexation to the Russian Federation invoked Kosovo precedent, in its declaration of independence, as an argument for secession. The territorial referendum in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, only five days after the declaration of independence, was an attempt to justify the secession based on the right to selfdetermination of the people of Crimea. It is overwhelmingly considered illegal and its outcome has not been accepted and recognized by states, regional and international organizations. The comparative elements of statehood and secession between Kosovo and Crimea are reflected through analyzing the declarations of independence, international recognition and Russia’s role as a third-state factor in external selfdetermination. Essential distinctions are highlighted. Kosovo is widely acknowledged and accepted a sui generis case. Its declaration of independence came as result of a long monitored comprehensive process; not to legitimize the right for self-determination but as the final option for stability and peace in the region. Crimea seceded in violation of international law through the use of force. While Kosovo is a democratic, multi-ethnic new state and recognized by 107 states, the secession of Crimea and its annexation to the Russian Federation is considered illegal and endangers the existing international order.
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Nasikivska, V. M. "THE CHURCH AS AN ELEMENT OF “SHARP POWER” OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." International and Political Studies, no. 35 (November 10, 2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2022.35.259105.
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The article analyses the essence of the term “sharp power” and deals with the role of “sharp power” in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation. First of all, the article focuses on the activities of the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP) and the role they play as an elements of Russia’s “sharp power” directed against Ukraine. During the war that Russia wages in the territory of Ukraine the main function of the Russian Orthodox Church is to justify aggression in the eyes of Orthodox believers. The ROC resorts to spreading disinformation and constructing myths that are intended to serve as argumentation for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. One of such myths is a false statement about Ukrainians and Russians being the same people, which is being actively spread by the ROC and the Russian leadership. Although the official statements of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate, which is canonically and administratively subordinated to the ROC, are more cautious, but, as demonstrated in the article, it has been promoting pro-Russian narratives among Orthodox believers for years. It was spreading disinformation about Russia’s annexation of Crimea and Russia’s aggression in the Donbas region and making efforts to create a favourable image of Russia among Ukrainians. The article analyses the changes in the UOC-MP official position that have taken place after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. The article particularly assesses the statement made by the Council of the UOC-MP in May 2022 about its decision on the “complete independence and self-sufficiency” and break with the ROC. The article argues that this decision is manipulative and purely declarative and did not bring any changes into the status of the UOC-MP. The article concludes by emphasising the importance of informing the Ukrainian society about the dangers of the Russian church “sharp power”, which is especially relevant during the war the Russia wages against Ukraine not only on the battlefield but also in the information realm.
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Koliastruk, Olha. "Ukrainians and Russians Identity and the View on the Neighbor." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 38 (December 2021): 62–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-38-62-69.
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The aim of the article is to study the problem of relations between Ukraine and the Russian Federation after the proclamation of Ukraine's independence. The authors focus on the process of identity formation in the newly created states and on how identity has influenced the perception of the neighboring people in Ukraine and Russia. The research methodology is based on a combination of general scientific and special-historical methods with the principles of objectivity, historicism, systematicity, scientificity and verification. The scientific novelty of the work is that, using the achievements of both domestic and foreign scholars and the achievements of sociological science, the authors offer their own view on the problem of interstate relations, analyzing them in terms of forming a view of the neighboring state through the prism of national identity. Conclusions. Ukraine and the Russian Federation had different views on the common historical legacy of being in the Soviet state. If for Ukraine the Soviet experience was full of problems related to the planting of the Soviet identity, which, in turn, ignored the needs of the national Ukrainian identity, or openly instrumentalized the Ukrainian national identity for the needs of the state. Therefore, having started the process of state building, the greatest successes in Ukraine were achieved by those politicians who focused on the civic Ukrainian identity. The process of «nationalization» in Ukraine has been ambiguously perceived in different regions. Russia was characterized by considerable sentiment after the Soviet era, which was based on the idea of the greatness of the Soviet state, which to some extent reflected the desire of Russian elites and society to restore this greatness. In this context, Ukrainian independence was perceived as an extremely hostile phenomenon for Russia. Warming up the imperial and nationalist sentiments of Russian society, the Russian government successfully created an image of Ukrainian statehood as a dangerous phenomenon and used this image in the annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of war against Ukraine in Donbas.
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Andrishko, Oleh. "Coalescence with component -nash in Ukrainian internet issues." Philological Review, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 6–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.31499/2415-8828.1.2022.257905.
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Development and enrichment are constant processes of language. Not an exception, and Ukrainian, whose vocabulary is constantly increasing. This happens both at the expense of neologisms, changes in the lexical meaning of the word, etc., and with the help of occasionalisms. Unfortunately, new words do not appear only in peacetime and are not always associated with positive concepts, word play, rich imagination of the author. Increasingly, we are witnessing the fact that occasionalisms form their own world, the Orwellian newspeak, that is, they have a propagandistic, manipulative connotation, especially if its creators are representatives of the moscow authorities. The events in Ukraine during 2014–2019 (the brazen annexation of Crimea by russia, the formation of the «dnr», the «lnr», attempts to join the federation all south and east of Ukraine, which caused resonance in the civilized world, albeit insufficient, including the energy dependence of the leading states from russian gas) have led to considerable social changes, including in the field of philology and journalism. One of the neologisms that became active in various texts related to the russo-Ukrainian war was the word Krymnash, whose appearance is related to the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by russia, which makes its meaning different in the texts depending on the parties to the conflict. If for russia it is a matter of pride, a desire to assert their dubious geopolitical successes, then Ukrainians use words with a similar component in an exposing, satirical context. Neologisms related to the debunking of moscow myths are especially powerful when representatives of the federation appropriate territories or persons that concern them only indirectly. The token Krуmnash has become a model for the construction of the turn out to be the case, considered at these statistics: name geographic regions, continents, islands, seas, rivers etc.; countries; surnames of famous people. It is important to find out about the productiveness of the word model, who will continue, the basis for the new name, approved in a lexical-syntactic way. Keywords: word formation, lexical-syntactic way, Krymnash (Crimea is our), language of mass-media, occasionalisms.
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Davidenko, Alexandr. "29-ти летие начала гибридной агрессии РФ против Республики Молдова в Приднестровье (1992 год) в сравнении с началом аналогичной гибридной агрессии РФ против Украины в Крыму и на Донбассе (2014 год) / 29th anniversary of the beginning of the hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the Republic of Moldova in Transnistria (1992) in comparison with the beginning of a similar hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine in Crimea and Donbass (2014)." PLURAL. History, Culture, Society 9, no. 2 (November 20, 2021): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37710/plural.v9i2_7.
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The hybrid aggression of the Russian Federation against the independent Republic of Moldova in the Transnistrian region in 1992 (Pridnestrov‘ye), and the Ukrainian point of view to that mentioned aggression. The year 2014, the beginning of the aggressive hybrid war of the Russian Federation against independent Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea, and the occupation of parts of the territory of Ukrainian Donetsk and Luhansk regions (Donbass). A common the problem for the World is the lack of a real-world counter mechanism similar to hybrid aggression, stopping such conflicts and resolving them.
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Możgin, Wiktor. "Wojna kulturowa między Rosją a Ukrainą. Sposób na osłabienie rosyjskiego kulturowego imperializmu." Politeja 19, no. 3(78) (November 25, 2022): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.19.2022.78.02.
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CULTURAL WAR BETWEEN RUSSIA AND UKRAINE: A WAY TO WEAKEN RUSSIAN CULTURAL IMPERIALISM
The imperial plans of the Russian Federation towards Ukraine at the end of February 2022 passed to the next stage and took the form of a full-scale war, which covers not only the military, political, economic, but also cultural spheres. The author of this article, starting from this assumption, presents an analysis of the war between Russia and Ukraine from the cultural and anthropological perspective. He refers to the so-called the phenomenon of the “small-Russian nature” of the Ukrainian nation, which, starting from the times of the Russian Empire, influenced the perception of Ukrainians as being secondary to Russians. This situation didn’t change even after Ukraine regained its independence in 1991. Only the events on the Maidan in Kiev, the annexation of Crimea and the invasion of Donbas caused a change in cultural vectors. Ukraine began to forge its own national cultural identity, completely breaking away from what was Russian. The full-scale war, unleashed at the end of February, significantly sharpened this rhetoric, additionally underpinned by the policy of cultural sanctions applied by the West. Therefore, the aim of this article is to present the Russian-Ukrainian cultural war, the consequence of which is the process of shaping an independent Ukrainian cultural awareness.
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Tykhonenko, Iryna, Oleksandr Trygub, Tetiana Bohdanova, and Oleksandr Shevchuk. "Ukraine’s security and Pakistan’s security: mechanisms to overcome threats." Cuestiones Políticas 40, no. 75 (December 29, 2022): 581–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.4075.35.
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The sphere of security plays an important role in the domestic and foreign policy of states. In this regard, the object of the study were security threats that determine stability in Ukraine and Pakistan. The authors used the method of comparative analysis to draw parallels between the security of Ukraine and Pakistan and identify possible ways to improve it. It is concluded that, both Ukraine and Pakistan are quite geopolitically distant, have different histories and state-building processes, but are affected by traditional and "non-traditional" security threats. Definitely, the main unifying factor for the states is the antagonistic or "enemy" state - India for Pakistan and Russia for Ukraine, which becomes a catalyst for the formation of national identity and unity of society. The conflicts in Pakistan (Kashmir, Baluchistan and Pashtunistan) and Ukraine (war in Donbass, illegal annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation) have had common consequences and mechanisms for overcoming them, which are implemented in the context of the internal and state policy of both Kiev and Islamabad.
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SZYMANKIEWICZ, Radosław. "KIEV-MOSCOW CRIMEA CONFLICT." Journal of Science of the Gen. Tadeusz Kosciuszko Military Academy of Land Forces 184, no. 2 (April 2, 2017): 98–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.4901.
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Security is understood as a certain state of confidence, the lack of threat and the awareness that the fundamental values of the state, including, among others, existence, survival and development, are preserved and represent the objective of the security policy of each government and state . The lack of these values may exert an adverse impact on its development. The activities of the competent organs of the state, creating such policy, should be purposeful and aimed at its implementation and they should also contribute to its formulation on the international arena . The security of Ukraine, as a result of actions taken by the separatist forces, was put to a great test and the annexation of Crimea slightly redefined the European security environment and resulted only in the imposition of sanctions and diplomatic pressure on Russia. Today, it is difficult to predict the scenario for future developments in Ukraine. It would seem that the chances are 50/50 that the conflict will be resolved. So, the question remains, what will Vladimir V. Putin, President of the Russian Federation, do? Will the pressure exerted by almost the entire world lead to the stabilisation of the situation in Donbass or will it result in the escalation of the conflict and the seizure of further areas, with, perhaps, Kiev included? However, the escalation of the conflict seems to be very unlikely, although it certainly would arouse nationalistic euphoria in the Russian society, as the imposed sanctions, the economic situation and losses that would be suffered by the Russians will prevent such escalation. If Putin decided to go war with Ukraine, he would have to take account of the determined opposition of the world superpowers and even greater sanctions, which the Russian economy might not be able to cope with. The paper contains the information about the genesis of the conflict in Ukraine and attempts to present the objectives of operations in the Kiev-Moscow conflict.
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Garncarz, Jakub, Kacper Igielski, and Mateusz Mierzejewski. "Agriculture in Poland in the context of trade restrictions between the European Union and the Russian Federation in 2010-2018." Problems of Economics and Law 2, no. 1 (July 3, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2667.
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The economic sanctions imposed by the European Union in March 2014 on the Russian Federation were caused by Russia's unlawful annexation of Crimea, which exploited the political crisis in Ukraine. In response, Russian President Vladimir Putin issued a decree on August 7 prohibiting the importation of selected groups of agri-food commodities from countries that previously imposed sanctions. The article focuses on an attempt to describe the effects of the introduced trade restrictions on the functioning of the agricultural market in Poland. Spectral analysis, simple regression and comparative methods were used for the study. The study showed that the trade restrictions introduced had the character of structural changes in the export and import of Polish products, but did not significantly contribute to the functioning of the market itself. The trade restrictions introduced have contributed to a significant reduction in trade between Russia and Poland in 2014-2016 however, there is a gradual improvement in trade relations with Russia, the value of both imports and exports is steadily increasing with each subsequent year.
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Hai-Nyzhnyk, Pavlo. "Russian-Ukrainian War — War for Life (2014—2022): Periodization." Ukrainian Studies, no. 1(82) (May 31, 2022): 51–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.1(82).2022.255750.
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The article periodizes and describes the Russian-Ukrainian war of 2014–2022 in the author’s concept. Seven periods of this great war of Ukrainians for their own statehood, for the right for existence of the Ukrainian nation, for life are marked and covered. Within each of the periods, not only significant military events are mentioned but also political (diplomatic) aspects, which also influenced the state of military-political events in general and the Russian-Ukrainian confrontation and the war in particular. For example, it is noted that the occupation and illegal annexation of Crimea by Russia in 2014 is nothing but an act of military aggression against the state of Ukraine, a historical and legal falsification, and an international crime of the Russian Federation.It is emphasized that this war is both all-encompassing and destructive, civilizational and existential in nature. Its goal on the part of the Russian Federation is the destruction of the state of Ukraine and the entire Ukrainian people, and therefore it can and should be defined as a total war. However, it is not national liberation, as Ukraine was not a colony, occupied or enslaved by Russia, and therefore there was nothing to get rid of. Instead, the Ukrainian people rose up for a just patriotic war for their statehood and their right to life.It is emphasized that the Russian-Ukrainian war, behind its scenes, goes beyond the bilateral conflict and shows clear signs of a general crisis of the world security system, which will lead to a chain of global changes of planetary significance.
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Manurung, Hendra. "Russia Sovereignty and Regional Security: The Asymmetric Conflict of the Russian Federation Military in Ukraine (2014)." Verity: Jurnal Ilmiah Hubungan Internasional (International Relations Journal) 9, no. 18 (January 5, 2018): 36. http://dx.doi.org/10.19166/verity.v9i18.773.
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<p><span class="TextRun SCXW110227096" lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW110227096">The Russia Federation is global actor in applying strict policies against the Ukraine. In pursuing the state’s political goals </span></span><span class="TextRun SCXW110227096" lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW110227096">from</span></span><span class="TextRun SCXW110227096" lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW110227096"> Moscow</span></span><span class="TextRun SCXW110227096" lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW110227096">, the escalation of military operations in 2014 defined the way the state behaves. Through a combination of military and non-military operations, Russia is now slowly regaining its power through the annexation of the Crimea. The effectiveness of this method is used to determine Russia’s contemporary warfare strategy. <span id="result_box" lang="en"><span>It thus explains how Russia's foreign policy and defense policy from 2000 to 2013 has dependence on Ukraine's strategic environment on Russia, and Russia's national interest in Ukraine.</span></span> The main focus of this </span></span><span class="TextRun SCXW110227096" lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW110227096">paper </span></span><span class="TextRun SCXW110227096" lang="EN-US" xml:lang="EN-US"><span class="NormalTextRun SCXW110227096">is on the achievement of Russia’s political objectives in its military operation in Ukraine and analysis on Russia’s national security components that significantly influence the interaction of this asymmetric conflict.</span></span><span class="EOP SCXW110227096" data-ccp-props="{"201341983":0,"335551550":6,"335551620":6,"335559739":200,"335559740":276}"> </span></p><p>BAHASA INDONESIA ABSTRAK: Federasi Rusia merupakan aktor global yang menerapkan kebijakan tegas terhadap Ukraina. Guna mencapai tujuan politik nasional Rusia yang dikendalikan dari Moskwa, melalui operasi militer di tahun 2014, didefinisikan bagaimana negara tersebut berperilaku. Melalui kombinasi operasi militer dan non-militer, Rusia secara perlahan memperoleh kekuasaan melalui aneksasi Krimea. Efektivitas metoda ini dipergunakan untuk menentukan strategi perang Rusia saat ini. Dengan demikian menjelaskan bagaimana kebijakan luar negeri dan kebijakan pertahanan Rusia dari tahun 2000 hingga 2013 yang memiliki ketergantungan pada lingkungan strategis Ukraina terhadap Rusia, dan kepentingan nasional Rusia pada Ukraina. Fokus utama penelitian ini adalah pencapaian tujuan politik Rusia dalam operasi militer yang dilaksanakan di Ukraina dan menganalisa komponen keamanan nasional Rusia yang signifikan mempengaruhi interaksi konflik asimetrik.</p>
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Nahorna, О., and Y. Dovhaliyk. "The relevance of the modern interpretation of the norm on treason." Analytical and Comparative Jurisprudence, no. 5 (December 30, 2022): 341–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2788-6018.2022.05.63.
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The article is devoted to the consideration of treason as one of the crimes which encroach on the elements of Ukraine's national security.
There is a fairly significant danger to the national safety of Ukraine because of annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol from Ukraine by the Russian Federation and because the aggressor state dared a full-scale invasion eight years after the beginning of the Russian-Ukrainian war. So, criminal liability for crimes against the foundations of national security of Ukraine is of particular importance, because these crimes are the most dangerous encroachments on social relations that ensure state sovereignty, territorial integrity, inviolability and defense capability of the state, state security of Ukraine and its constitutional order.
In the article, the authors focused on the issue of formation and development of the normative definition of the crime "treason" and responsibility for this crime. Emphasis is placed on the legal acts, which codified the concept of treason, researched and analyzed the different approaches of the legislator to the definition of treason as a crime formed over the centuries.
The authors considered and characterized the elements of the crime: object, subject, objective and subjective aspects of treason as a crime against the foundations of national security of Ukraine, as well as specific features of these elements. In addition, the authors focused on different approaches of scientists to determination of the elements of the crime of "treason" provided for in Article 111 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine.
Emphasis is placed on changes made to the Criminal Code of Ukraine which relate to the strengthening of responsibility for crimes against the foundations of national security of Ukraine, in particular for treason, under the conditions of martial law, the authors found out that the purpose of these changes is to ensure fair punishment of persons who encroach on the safety of the state in the conditions of martial law.
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Stetsyuk, Andriy, and Yurii Todosiichuk. "Lessons of soviet-finnish wars for Ukraine." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 33-34 (August 25, 2017): 179–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2016.33-34.179-186.
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The article aims to compare the course of Soviet-Finnish wars and modern Russian-Ukrainian conflict, set the main factors and determine perspectives of its resolving.
Taking into account the historical distance the course of Soviet-Finnish wars of 1939-1940 and 1941-1944 is firstly revealed. Henceforth analysis of Soviet-Finnish and Russian-Ukrainian conflict is conducted, which led to the conclusion about heredity of character of the Russian Federation policy and its adaptation of Soviet instruments and methods of expansion to modern reality. Herewith the main factors of international and political life are defined, which determined success of Kremlin aggression against Helsinki and affect the course of Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Finally, the authors single out main integral and international (strategic and tactical) factors of decision-making for realization of the Finnish scenario in Ukraine and perspectives of resolving Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
Keywords: Soviet-Finnish war, Russian-Ukrainian conflict, annexation of Crimea, the USSR and Russian Federation external policy, Kremlin aggression, hybrid war, temporally occupied territories
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Задорожній, О. В. "МІЖНАРОДНО-ПРАВОВИЙ ПРИНЦИП НЕПОРУШНОСТІ КОРДОНІВ У ЄВРОПІ ТА АГРЕСІЯ РОСІЙСЬКОЇ ФЕДЕРАЦІЇ ПРОТИ УКРАЇНИ." Наукові праці Національного університету “Одеська юридична академія” 14 (May 22, 2019): 42–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32837/npnuola.v14i0.313.
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Стаття присвячена аналізу юридичного змісту основного принципу міжнародного права непорушності кордонів у Європі та кваліфікації дій Російської Федерації стосовно України починаючи з лютого 2014 року як порушення цього основоположного принципу міжнародного права. У результаті аналізу анексії Автономної Республіки Крим та агресивних дій Російської Федерації на Сході України доведено, що Росія у своїй діяльності стосовно України с порушником цього та інших основних принципів міжнародного права.
The paper analyzes the legal content of the basic principle of international law inviolability of borders in Europe and the qualification of the Russian Federation regarding Ukraine since February 2014 as a violation of this basic principle of international law. In analyzing the annexation of the Crimean Autonomous Republic and the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation to the East of Ukraine prove that Russia in its activities concerning Ukraine is an infringer of this and other fundamental principles of international law.
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Shevchenko, Nataliya. "Latin American and the Caribbean countries approaches to the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014." American History & Politics: Scientific edition, no. 12 (2021): 104–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2021.12.10.
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The aim of this article is to study the positions of the leading states of the Latin American region and the Caribbean on the issue of Ukraine’s territorial integrity in the context of the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014. The research methodology is based on the principle of historicism and problem-chronological and integrated approaches, comparative and analytical methods, which helped to trace the positions of the states of the region on this issue when voting for the UN General Assembly resolution on the territorial integrity of Ukraine of March 27, 2014 and to determine internal and external factors that might affect them. The scientific novelty of the study is based on the fact that for the first time in the Ukrainian historical science the author conducted a comprehensive analysis of the positions of the LAC states on this issue. Obtained results will help our Ministry of Foreign Affairs in shaping Ukraine’s strategy in this region, including in the context of the implementation of the «Crimean Platform». Conclusions: In their attitude to the territorial integrity of Ukraine, the LAC countries were divided into several regional groups. Mainly the countries of the Pacific Alliance and some states of Central America and the Caribbean supported the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation was supported by the main members of the Bolivarian Alliance (ALBA) – Bolivia, Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua. The members of the regional association MERCOSUR and part of the English–speaking states of the Caribbean have shown «restrained» positions. The «Crimean precedent» has become not only a «challenge» for regional security, but also a «challenge» at the global level. This showed that the LAC countries, which for the past several decades in a multipolar world have tried to position themselves in the international arena as states that do not recognize the division into «spheres of influence» during the Cold War and build their relations on the basis of equal partnership, in fact have demonstrated not just solidarity with the Russian Federation, but the recognition of its sphere of geopolitical influence in Ukraine and, more broadly, in the post–Soviet space and in Eastern Europe. And this, in turn, could potentially lead to attempts to restore «spheres of influence» in other parts of the world, including the Western Hemisphere itself.
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Kondratenko, O. "EURASIAN ECONOMIC UNION – NEW GEOPOLITICAL PROJECTOF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION." ACTUAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 1, no. 127 (2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2016.127.1.42-56.
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The essence of integration transformations taking place recently in Eurasia where the leading role belongs to Russia as a regional power. A peculiar result was the creation of the post-Soviet reintegration Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) in January 2015 This alliance is another integration project in Russia, designed to finally consolidate its influence in Eurasia, and in the long run turn into a powerful center of political and economic influence multipolar world. Create EEU were in during acceleration transformation of the world order growth in the context contradictions between the major geopolitical players. The final shift towards Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic structures has caused a crisis in its relations with Russia, which led to the annexation of the Crimea and escalated into armed confrontation with Russia supported puppet republics of the DPR and the LPR. Support local armed conflict and the deployment of a hybrid war was the reaction of the foreign Kyiv choices that ultimately negated Ukraine’s participation in the Eurasian integration structures. Aggravation Ukrainian crisis caused cautious traditional participants Eurasian integration – Belarus and Kazakhstan, which are increasingly trying to pursue an independent geopolitical game in its relations with the EU and China, which does not enhance EEU. The cooling of relations with Russia its allies traditional, multiplied by the loss of the prospects of Ukraine to EEU significantly weakens the new Eurasian organization and makes its future uncertain.
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Marczuk-Karbownik, Magdalena. "Ukraina w polityce zagranicznej Kanady po zakończeniu zimnej wojny." Rocznik Instytutu Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 20, no. 4 (November 2022): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36874/riesw.2022.4.11.
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The following analysis aims to indicate the position of independent Ukraine in Canada’s foreign policy after 1991. For the following reasoning, it is also important to present how bilateral relations evolved and how Canada reacted for the events in Ukraine after the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in March 2014. The numerous Ukrainian minority and the influence of the Ukrainian lobby on the process of shaping Ottawa’s foreign policy are the main arguments explaining Canada’s involvement in Central and Eastern Europe. The research methods used in the text are the descriptive method as well as the decision-making and content analysis methods.
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HERCIU, Alexandru, and Vitalii BEZUHLYI. "THE PHYSIOGNOMY OF MILITARY ACTIONS IN AN OPERATING ENVIRONMENT DEFINED BY HYBRID THREATS." STRATEGIES XXI - Command and Staff College 17, no. 1 (August 10, 2021): 55–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-2028-21-05.
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Abstract: This paper's theme comes from the necessity for an in-depth analysis of the phenomenon called "hybrid warfare" that seems to have returned today with the inducement of the crisis in Ukraine in early 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. In this sense, starting from the assuption that the hybrid threat mix has the "potential" to change the paradigm of warfare, and Romania could be the target of such approaches, we set out to understand this type of war and identify possible prevention countermeasures.
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POPKO, Serhii. "THE INFLUENCE OF RUSSIAN MILITARY AGGRESSION ON THE INTENSIFICATION OF COOPERATION BETWEEN NATO AND UKRAINE (2014 – 2018)." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 68–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-68-77.
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The military-political aspects of cooperation between Ukraine and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2014 – 2018 were examined, the alliance's support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders, and the military-political organization's readiness to further develop political dialogue and practical cooperation were emphasized. The specifics of the relations between Ukraine and NATO in the circumstances of the modern Russian-Ukrainian war are analyzed, the priority tasks of bilateral relations, their influence on ensuring the national security of Ukraine and stability in Central and Eastern Europe, in general, are determined. The accent is placed on the fact that the events of 2014 (Revolution of Dignity, the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula by the Russian Federation, support for separatist movements in the eastern regions of Ukraine, etc.) consolidated Ukrainians. According to surveys, the vast majority of Ukrainians, for the first time since Ukraine's independence, advocated for our country's membership in NATO. It is noted that the leadership of the North Atlantic Alliance strongly condemned the invasion of Russian troops into the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and, during 2014-2018, provided systemic assistance to Ukraine through various programs of the Trust Funds. The dynamic of the military-political dialogue between Ukraine and NATO in recent years is considered. The author emphasizes the need to implement by the higher authorities those measures that will ensure Ukraine's membership in the North Atlantic Alliance as soon as possible is emphasized. Keywords NATO, Ukraine, military-political dialogue, Russian-Ukrainian war, national security.
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Panchenko, Iryna. "Problems of delimitation of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 365–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.20.
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The article gradually considers the negotiation process between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the delimitation of theSea of Azov and the Kerch Strait from 1991 to the present. It was established that according to the map of the inter-republican borderbetween the Ukrainian SSR and the Russian SSR, and according to the division of maritime waters on the basis of international law,Russia should get a smaller part of the Sea of Azov. That is why Russia was not interested in the rapid establishment of a state borderon water. It was advantageous for Russia to delay the negotiation process on this issue and use the Sea of Azov on the same terms asbefore the collapse of the USSR.The article also focuses on numerous attempts of Ukrainian diplomats to achieve legal certainty in the delimitation of the Sea ofAzov and the Kerch Strait. A total of 36 rounds of border talks about the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, held from 1996 to 2012under the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, showed that Russia was ready to delimit the Sea of Azov only onits own terms but not on the basis of international maritime law.After the annexation of Crimea, a new round of relations begins regarding the division of the Black Sea. Russia acted quicklyand in March 2014 announced a tender for a construction project of a bridge that would connect mainland Russia and the CrimeanPeninsula, which at that time had already been illegally incorporated into the Russian Federation. Moscow has stated that the KerchStrait should be fully controlled by them, as both shores are Russian.In 2016, Ukraine filed a lawsuit against Russia in the Hague Arbitration Court for breaking the UN Convention on the Law ofthe Sea in the Black and Azov Seas and in the Kerch Strait. For today we don’t know what decision will be made by the Hague tribunal,but there is reason to believe that the chances for winning of Ukraine are high.The problem of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait has no simple solution. For today the only option is to wait for a decisionof the Arbitration Tribunal. Only on its basis Ukraine will be able to achieve the best strategy of the relations with Russia on the delimitationthe Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait.
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Panchenko, Iryna. "Problems of delimitation of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 3 (November 10, 2020): 365–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.3.2020.67.
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The article gradually considers the negotiation process between Ukraine and the Russian Federation on the delimitation of theSea of Azov and the Kerch Strait from 1991 to the present. It was established that according to the map of the inter-republican borderbetween the Ukrainian SSR and the Russian SSR, and according to the division of maritime waters on the basis of international law,Russia should get a smaller part of the Sea of Azov. That is why Russia was not interested in the rapid establishment of a state borderon water. It was advantageous for Russia to delay the negotiation process on this issue and use the Sea of Azov on the same terms asbefore the collapse of the USSR.The article also focuses on numerous attempts of Ukrainian diplomats to achieve legal certainty in the delimitation of the Sea ofAzov and the Kerch Strait. A total of 36 rounds of border talks about the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait, held from 1996 to 2012under the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, showed that Russia was ready to delimit the Sea of Azov only onits own terms but not on the basis of international maritime law.After the annexation of Crimea, a new round of relations begins regarding the division of the Black Sea. Russia acted quicklyand in March 2014 announced a tender for a construction project of a bridge that would connect mainland Russia and the CrimeanPeninsula, which at that time had already been illegally incorporated into the Russian Federation. Moscow has stated that the KerchStrait should be fully controlled by them, as both shores are Russian.In 2016, Ukraine filed a lawsuit against Russia in the Hague Arbitration Court for breaking the UN Convention on the Law ofthe Sea in the Black and Azov Seas and in the Kerch Strait. For today we don’t know what decision will be made by the Hague tribunal,but there is reason to believe that the chances for winning of Ukraine are high.The problem of the Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait has no simple solution. For today the only option is to wait for a decisionof the Arbitration Tribunal. Only on its basis Ukraine will be able to achieve the best strategy of the relations with Russia on the delimitationthe Sea of Azov and the Kerch Strait.
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Dąbrowski, Paweł. "Rozstrzyganie spraw o udzielenie ochrony międzynarodowej obywatelom Ukrainy w świetle koncepcji alternatywy ochrony wewnętrznej w kraju pochodzenia." Polski Rocznik Praw Człowieka i Prawa Humanitarnego, no. 9 (April 18, 2019): 59–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/prpc.3704.
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The annexation of Crimea by Russian Federation and hostilities on Eastern Unkraine clearly marked Polish asylum system. Above six thousands citizens of Ukraine, whose place of origin mainly was region of Donbas and Crimea, lodged asylum applications in Poland over the years 2014-17. Most of their cases were considered as an unfounded by Polish authorities in the light of internal flight alternative (IFA) concept due to territoral scope of military hostilities in country of origin. The article is focused on accuracy of this concept to Ukrainian cases. The crucial point is so called „rationality test” of IFA which result is often not obvious, what is particularly connected with bad material situation of internal displaced people in Ukraine, among others poverty, unemployment and difficulties with finding some flat. The author analyzes the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights in similiar cases.
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Krasnodemska, Iryna. "Formation and Development of Ethnic Ukrainians in Crimea (End of the 18th — Beginning of the 21st Century) in Domestic Historiography." Ukrainian Studies, no. 3(80) (October 28, 2021): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.3(80).2021.241577.
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The article describes the state of scientific research on the history of the formation of the Ukrainian community in Crimea in the late 18th – early 21st century, which appeared in the 1990s – early 2000s, when, after the revival of its autonomy, there was a breakthrough in research on various aspects of Crimean history, and written at a new, higher level on the principles of historicism, objectivity, alternativeness. It is the post-Soviet period that is characterized by extensive scholarly discussions on the history of Crimea and the prospects for its development. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of works, which comprehend the debatable issues of the common historical destiny of Ukraine and Crimea, debunk the myths of “originally Russian Crimea”, highlight the problems of solving the Crimean question in 1917–1920, chronology of P. Bolbachan’s campaign, proclamation of Crimean republics in 1918–1921, the Bolsheviks pursuing a policy of indigenization in the Crimea, the famine of the 1920s–1930s and repression on the peninsula, as well as guerrilla warfare during World War II. The author claims that after 1991, hundreds of academic monographs and articles appeared, dozens of dissertations were defended, and a number of academic conferences on various areas of Crimean history were held.It is established that there is no comprehensive study of the formation of the community of Ukrainians in Crimea at the end of the 18th – beginning of the 21st century. Scarcely studied is the sociopolitical, demographic, economic situation of Ukrainians on the peninsula during the collapse of the Russian Empire and the existence of national and quasi-state formations on its territory, as well as the policy of Crimean regional governments towards Ukrainians and the policy of UPR and Ukrainian State governments regarding the protection of Ukrainians in Crimea, its state affiliation, etc. A comprehensive analysis is required for the policy of Ukraine towards the Ukrainian ethnic community of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol in 1991–2014, as well as the occupation policy of the Russian Federation after 2014, which led to discrimination against Crimean Ukrainians and the threat of assimilation of some of them. The annexation of Crimea, which took place in violation of the Constitutions of Ukraine and the ARC, laws of Ukraine and universally recognized international legal norms, rights and freedoms of Ukrainian citizens living in Crimea, was a pre-arranged special operation, information and propaganda policy being one of its key components. Currently, the problems of the emergence and overcoming of pro-Russian identity in Crimea at the present stage and the development of ways to optimize the system of public administration and national security of Ukraine are insufficiently studied.
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Nikiforenko, Volodymyr. "Modern Threats to the National Security of Ukraine Related to Incomplete Legal Formalization Process of Ukrainian State Border." Cuestiones Políticas 39, no. 68 (March 7, 2021): 866–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.46398/cuestpol.3968.56.
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The border issue has become particularly urgent for Ukraine since 2014 with the beginning of military aggression by the Russian Federation, the illegal annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the city of Sebastopol, as well as the temporary occupation of the part of Ukraine's sovereign territory in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. The problem of the legal formalization of the Ukrainian-Russian state border requires closer examination in the context of complex relations between two states. This article seeks to analyze the current situation of legal formalization of the Ukrainian state border with neigh bouring countries and highlights the main threats to Ukraine's national security arising from the incomplete process of formalizing the Ukrainian state border with the Russian Federation. It was revealed that the incomplete process of legal formalization of the state border threatened to lose the state part of sovereignty, territorial integrity in sovereign territory. It is concluded that there is a potential threat of escalation of border conflicts and military clashes in Ukraine's border regions, as well as at Ukraine's borders, and the spread of extremist, terrorist, and separatist demonstrations on Ukraine's state border.
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Saira Nawaz Abbasi and Gul e Hina. "Russian Foreign Policy in Eurasia and Re-Sovietisation of Ukraine under Putin." Progressive Research Journal of Arts & Humanities (PRJAH) 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2021): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.51872/prjah.vol3.iss1.78.
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This research study analyzes Putin's leadership and its efforts for Russianresurgence as a great power. In its desire to achieve its great power statusback; Russia has formed a more assertive foreign policy. Hence, it deemednecessary for Russian policy makers to re-Sovietize its former republics togain its desired objectives. Ukraine appears to be an important state for thecontemporary grand strategy of the Russian Federation. The annexation ofCrimea in 2014, have certain key drivers, such as the large ethnic Russianpopulation with the real grievances that had created instability, which madeRussia step in and intervene. Putin desired to enhance Russia’s internationalstature and deterring Western involvement in its sphere of influence. Russia'sforeign policy goals under Putin have been formulated upon the militaryadventures of the country, especially in its near abroad to engage the postSoviet periphery in geo-economic and geo-political ties with the RussianFederation. Putin seems determined to achieve a central position for Russiaby using his political ideology and leadership as a source of his vertical powerto affluence in the new geostrategic and economic pole of Eurasia. This studyhighlights Putin's keen interest in the former republic of Ukraine that holds avital position that escalated after annexing Crimea while consideringUkraine's importance in the geopolitics of Eurasia simultaneously.
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Garczewski, Krzysztof. "Miejsce i rola Federacji Rosyjskiej w austriackiej „polityce wschodniej”." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 26 (September 28, 2018): 11–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2018.26.01.
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The article analyses the attitude of the Republic of Austria towards the Russian Federation in the context of the contemporary ‘eastern policy’ pursued by this central European state. It focuses on events following Russia’s annexation of Crimea and the outbreak of war in eastern Ukraine in 2014. In recent years, Vienna has tried to play the role of an intermediary in talks between Moscow and Kiev. Despite the confrontational attitude of Russia in eastern Europe, the Austrian government undertook a number of activities to further deepen relations with Russia, considering mainly economic issues. However, these actions have contributed to the weakening of the European Union’s common foreign and security policy. The article also draws attention to the positions of the main political parties towards Russia, primarily in the context of the elections to the National Council, which took place in October 2017. The author also indicates the controversial activities of members of the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), who formed a government coalition at federal level with politicians from the Austrian People’s Party (ÖVP), which was also important in the context of the relationship between Vienna and Moscow. He shows the most important differences and similarities between the Austrian and German ‘eastern policies’.