Relevant bibliographies by topics / Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)

Academic literature on the topic 'Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 28 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)"

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Grant, Thomas D. "Annexation of Crimea." American Journal of International Law 109, no. 1 (January 2015): 68–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0068.

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The Russian Federation, by a municipal law act dated March 21, 2014, annexed Crimea, an area of Ukraine. This act followed armed intervention by forces of the Russian Federation, a referendum, and a declaration of independence in Crimea. Outside the context of decolonization, few claims of annexation following the use of force have been made during the United Nations era; this is the first by a permanent member of the Security Council against a United Nations member. The present article examines the annexation of Crimea in view of the legal arguments that the Russian Federation has articulated in defense of its actions. It then considers the international response and the possible consequences of nonrecognition.
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Rusnáková, Soňa. "Russian New Art of Hybrid Warfare in Ukraine." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 17, no. 3-4 (October 1, 2017): 343–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2017-0014.

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Abstract The main aim of this paper is to analyse the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. For the purposes of the paper, the theory of hybrid warfare was chosen as an analytical category. Throughout the paper, the concept of hybrid warfare is examined and applied on case study of Crimean annexation. Hybrid warfare, especially in connection with Russian actions in Crimea has been an intensely debated concept. There is an ongoing debate among scholars concerning the meaning of the concept, its existence and employment by the Russian Federation. This paper showed that the article of Valeriy Gerasimov – the incumbent Chief of the General Staff of the Russian Federation-invoked a new warfare strategy for the Russian Federation which was consequently for the very first time in its full spectre and effectivity employed on case of Crimean annexation in March 2014. Observing the application of the hybrid warfare in practice serves the purposes of countering its further potential application in post-Soviet space and Russian ‘near abroad’.
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Voronin, E. "“Atlantic Еxpansion” and International Legal Basis for Reunification of the Crimea with Russia." Journal of International Analytics, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 88–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2018-0-1-88-93.

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Transatlantic expansion in Europe in order to move NATO’s strategic positions to the borders of Russia together with the inspirited Washington-Brussels duo, the “Ukrainian crisis”, is the main destabilizing factor for the security in the European region. In context of preventing threats to the Russian Federation it should be perceived through the declaration of will by the people of the Crimea, who used their right for self-determination and for their future as part of the Russian state and return of the Crimea to Russian fatherland. The article includes “three groups” of international legal grounds for the reunification of the Crimea with the Russian Federation: territorial succession, secession (but not annexation) and a territorial title. Justification for a fully legal inclusion of the Crimea into Russia as a state of historical sovereignty, unlike Ukraine, which historically never existed as an independent state, without legal claim for the Crimea, which was part of the Ukraine due to an anticonstitutional voluntarism of the soviet ruling of that time.
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Kobierecki, Michał Marcin. "Russia and Its International Image: From Sochi Olympic Games to Annexing Crimea." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 18, no. 2 (December 30, 2016): 165–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ipcj-2016-0016.

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The aim of the article is to analyze the change of the Russian Federation’s international image in the light of two significant events: the Olympic Winter Games in 2014 in Sochi and the annexation of Crimea. According to the first hypothesis, one of the main aims for hosting the Olympic Games was to improve the international prestige of Russia. Shortly after the Olympics Russia increased its activity in Eastern Ukraine, which resulted in the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula. Therefore the article is also aimed to investigate whether by annexing Crimea Russia squandered the possible positive effects of hosting the Olympics in terms of its international image.
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Korotkyi, Tymur, Yevheniia Lukianchenko, and Nataliia Khendel. "The Crimea Declaration and Its Role in the De-Occupation of Crimea." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XX (2019): 638–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2019-40.

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The article analyses the role of the Crimea Declaration in the restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine. It is argued that unilateral acts of states are widespread in international relations. Violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, the annexation of Crimea is an encroachment not only on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. This is an infringement upon the fundamental principles of international law and the current international order. The article considers the point of view of the American diplomatic practice in relation to the Crimea Declaration. The Crimea Declaration is expressed in the form of a unilateral statement containing a protest regarding actions and their consequences, violating international law, by the direct recipient of the Declaration, namely, the Russian Federation. The Declaration is aimed at protecting the rights and interests of Ukraine, which is the common goal of the entire international community, and encourages its members to join this position. The Crimea Declaration fully corresponds to the definition and criteria of protest, which allows us to speak about the relevant international legal implications arising from the Declaration and other relevant acts of the United States that form a unified system. It is concluded that despite the fact that the Declaration contains general and framework provisions, it clearly reflects the US position regarding the condemnation of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, violation by Russia of fundamental principles of international law with regard to Ukraine, the non-recognition of the annexation of Crimea and its consequences, and the need for an expeditious de-occupation of Crimea. Keywords: the aggression of Russia against Ukraine, occupation of Crimea, Welles Declaration, Crimea Declaration, protest.
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Denysenko, Kseniia, and Olena Kovtun. "The Religious Freedom in Crimea During the Russian Occupation." Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne, no. 3 (September 15, 2021): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ssp.2021.3.1.

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The article deals with the problem of religious freedom in Crimea after the occupation of the Peninsula by Russian military forces in February 2014 and the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation. The subject matter of the study is religious freedom in Crimea during the Russian occupation since 2014. The systematic and the structural approach allow the authors to see the entire picture of religious freedoms violation on the Peninsula. The study hypothesizes that with the occupation and annexation of Crimea, Russia brought the collapse of the religious pluralism and freedom that Ukrainians had experienced since 1991. In this paper, the authors cover a wide range of issues such as torture of religious activists, destruction and the illegal seizure of religious property, persecution of Ukrainians on political and religious grounds, deportation of Crimea’s population to the mainland of Ukraine. The research establishes that the occupiers created unbearable conditions for religious freedom, the lives of many clergymen and believers appeared to be in great danger. Different religious communities, especially the representatives of the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (the OCU), Crimean Muslim Tatars, suffered significantly from applying Russia’s severe criminal and administrative requirements. The analysis allows seeing the complete picture of religious discrimination of different denominations and cruel religious persecution in the annexed Crimea beginning from February 2014 till nowadays.
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FRIS, Pavlo L., Ihor B. MEDYTSKYI, Yurii I. MYKYTYN, and Viktoriia V. SHPILIAREVYCH. "The Annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the Armed Conflict in Eastern Ukraine as a Crime of Aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 10, no. 1 (March 31, 2019): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v10.1(39).17.

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After the First World War, the international community gradually began to change their attitude to the question of the ‘legality’ of military conflicts. The article is devoted to the fact that the annexation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea by the Russian Federation and the ongoing anti-terrorist operation in the Eastern regions of Ukraine testify to the transformation of Ukraine into an object of geopolitical confrontation, the edge of the planned activities of other international actors aimed at achieving its ambitious objectives. The purpose of the research is the study of criminal manifestations in the territory, annexed by the Russian Federation the Autonomous Republic of Crimea (hereinafter-ARC) and in the zone of armed conflict in the East of Ukraine, for the further development of effective mechanisms to counter the phenomena of political crime. the stabilization of the situation in the country. The methodological framework of this study consists of a set of modern scientific methods, the use of which is objectively determined by the relevance and purpose of the objectives of the study. The authors of the study recommend to strengthen the international response to the occupation and annexation by the Russian Federation in Crimea and waging an armed conflict in the East of Ukraine.
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Hazizova, Olena. "CRIMEAN "KNOT" OF IDENTITIES: RUSSIAN ANNEXATION AND THE PROBLEM OF PRESERVING OF THE NATIONAL SINGULARITY OF CRIMEAN RESIDENTS." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 23 (2018): 25–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2018.23.4.

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The insufficient degree of common identity at the state level, the distinct regional character of axiological and ideological differences in the Ukrainian society, direct interference with the internal affairs and imposition of common identifications on the part of other subjects of international relations considerably aggravates the threat of separatism, leads to the increase of joint identification of citizens with other societies and their political interests, which can lead to the territorial disintegration of the country. The annexation of Crimea by Russia became a significant destabilizing factor in the region, which sharpened ethnopolitical controversies on the peninsula. The most ethnically dissatisfied are Crimean Tatars and ethnic Ukrainians, who experience constant discrimination due to their ethnic origin, language, and religion from the state authorities of Crimea and Russian Federation. According to the population census, conducted by the Federal Service of State Statistics, subordinate to the Russian power, the peninsula has observed a considerable decrease of the Ukrainian and Crimean Tatar population: 15.8% of Ukrainians and 10.6% of Crimean Tatars. Russians constitute the majority: 68.3% comparing to 58.3% in 2001. Different sociological studies in Crimea claim annexation to cause the intensification of regional tendencies. Thus, according to the 2016 poll, 35% of the citizens identified themselves, first of all, as Crimeans and not as the citizens of Russia, which considerably exceeds average Russian figures. This dynamics does not obviously fit the ideas of the “Russian World”; thus, the peninsula observes the implementation of the “soft deportation” policy of Crimeans, substituted by Russians. The official data state that during four years 178 thousand people have migrated to Crimea, the prevailing majority of them being Russians. Although Ukraine does not have opportunities for implementing the legislation developed in the time period of 2014–2018 for the regulation of Crimean ethnopolitical disputes on the occupied peninsula, the development and implementation of the de-occupation and reintegration strategy of Crimea is crucial for the protection of Crimean ethnic communities’ rights and restoration of the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "The Czech Republic in the “Sanctions War” of the EU against the Russian Federation." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 10 (July 28, 2022): 163–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2022.10.163-183.

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The purpose of the article is to study the position of the Czech Republic in the «sanctions war» of the European Union against the Russian Federation, the Czech state’s own initiatives regarding sanctions and its relations with Russia, as the country that will preside over the European Union until the end of 2022. The following tasks are solved in the article: the position of the Czech Republic regarding the introduction of sanctions against the Russian Federation since the annexation of Crimea is substantiated, occupation of part of the territory of Donbas, during the period of the Russian Federation’s undeclared war against Ukraine and during the large-scale war launched by Russia on February 24, 2022.; the evolution of the Czech Republic’s approaches to sanctions against the Russian Federation in 2014-2022 was studied.; the modern formation of relations between the Czech Republic and the Russian Federation is analyzed; it was determined that the majority of political parties and the society of the Czech Republic approve of the introduction of European Union sanctions against the Russian Federation. Retrospective, statistical, comparative, monitoring methods, systemic and functional methodological approaches were used for research in the article.
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Rabinovych, Maryna. "The Interplay between Ukraine’s Domestic Legislation on Conflict and Uncontrolled Territories and its Strategic Use of ‘Lawfare’ before Russia’s 2022 Invasion of Ukraine – A Troubled Nexus?" Review of Central and East European Law 47, no. 3-4 (December 22, 2022): 268–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15730352-bja10070.

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Abstract Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 can be seen as a culmination of eight years of its aggression against Ukraine, including its annexation of Crimea in March 2014 and the control of the two ‘People’s Republics’ in Donbas. Before the invasion, the Ukrainian authorities had actively expressed their politico-legal stance on the conflict, using lawfare against the Russian Federation, e.g. at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the International Court of Justice (icj), and the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea (itlos). In this context, the paper explores the interplay between Ukraine’s domestic legislation regarding the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s control of the People’s Republics in Donbas prior to the invasion, and Ukraine’s use of lawfare against Russia with a focus on policy and legal coherence. It is demonstrated that, while Ukraine’s lawfare strategy regarding Crimea had been in line with domestic legislation, Russia’s use of proxies in eastern Ukraine and the challenges of the Minsk peace process led to incoherence between Ukraine’s domestic laws and its use of lawfare. Though Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine is a game-changer, both for Ukraine’s domestic legislation and its use of lawfare, the analysis contributes to an understanding of the nexus between domestic and international law in Ukraine prior to the invasion and explores the implications such a nexus will have for Ukraine’s future lawfare against Russia, including the most recent icj case relating to the interpretation, application, and fulfillment of the 1948 Genocide Convention.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)"

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Partanen-Dufour, Rebecca. "How Russia Today supported the annexation of Crimea : A Study of the Media’s role in Hybrid Warfare." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-274378.

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Svanefalk, Niclas. "Avoiding geopolitical self-destruction in the 21st century: How pragmatic idealism accounts for Sweden's neutrality in regards to its actions following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-23718.

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This thesis intended to examine how the actions of Sweden, following the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea, fit within the international relations theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism, focusing on the actions of Sweden's foreign policy that impacted its neutrality policy. This thesis is built upon the pragmatic idealism theoretical perspective of international relations, and attempted to address how this perspective accounted for, or failed to account for the actions of Sweden in the face of the escalating Russian threat. The analysis herein is grounded in case study methodology. First, the thesis examined how Sweden-Russia relations evolved in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Second, the thesis examined how Sweden-NATO relations changed after the 2014-15 annexation of Crimea by Russia. In both cases, the paper analysed how the evolution of these relationships affected Sweden's neutrality, and how the evolution was consistent or not consistent with the “pragmatic” and “idealist” dimensions of the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism. The culmination of this paper drew an inference of the applicability of the perspective of pragmatic idealism to Sweden's application of neutrality to international relations. It concluded that Sweden's neutrality both prior to and following the invasion, as well as its subsequent actions, were in line with the theoretical perspective of pragmatic idealism.
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Krisch, Karin Stephanie. "The doctrine of the responsibility to protect and self-determination in the context of Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10210/13983.

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Books on the topic "Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)"

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Aggression against Ukraine: Territory, responsibility, and international law. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015.

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Karaulov, Andreĭ. Genot︠s︡id russkikh na Ukraine: O chem molchit Zapad. Moskva: Algoritm, 2015.

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Karatʹ karateleĭ: Khroniki russkoĭ vesny. Moskva: Knizhnyĭ mir, 2015.

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Shirokorad, A. B. Bitva za Krym: Roman-khronika. Moskva: AST, 2005.

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Bitva za Krym: Ot protivostoi︠a︡nii︠a︡ do vozvrashchenii︠a︡ v Rossii︠u︡. Moskva: Veche, 2014.

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"Krymskoe pravo", ili, I︠U︡ridicheskie osnovanii︠a︡ vossoedinenii︠a︡ Kryma s Rossieĭ. Moskva: Zert︠s︡alo-M, 2015.

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Rosefielde, Steven. Kremlin Strikes Back: Russia and the West after Crimea's Annexation. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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Kremlin Strikes Back: Russia and the West after Crimea's Annexation. Cambridge University Press, 2016.

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Rosefielde, Steven. Kremlin Strikes Back: Russia and the West after Crimea's Annexation. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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Rosefielde, Steven. Kremlin Strikes Back: Russia and the West after Crimea's Annexation. Cambridge University Press, 2017.

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Book chapters on the topic "Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)"

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Zhurzhenko, Tatiana. "Legislating Historical Memory in Post-Soviet Ukraine." In Memory Laws and Historical Justice, 97–130. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94914-3_5.

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AbstractThe decommunization laws adopted in Ukraine in 2015 provoked a number of concerns regarding the freedom of academic research and the potentially divisive effects of the new legislation on the Ukrainian society. The proponents of the decommunization laws, in turn, were referring to the Russian hybrid aggression and security concerns. This chapter addresses current controversies around the legislation of historical memory in war-torn Ukraine which is facing the difficult challenge of preserving both democratic freedoms and national sovereignty. The chapter offers a brief overview of the history of mnemonic legislation in Ukraine since national independence but focuses on the most recent developments in the aftermath of the Euromaidan and the annexation of Crimea by Russia.
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Wawrzonek, Michał. "The ‘Russian World’ and Ukraine." In Politics of the Russian Language Beyond Russia, edited by Christian Noack, 19–44. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474463799.003.0002.

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The chapter focuses on how the concept of the ‘Russian world’ gained currency in the Russian Federation during Vladimir Putin’s presidency, and how it generated a symbolic conflict in Ukraine through an amalgamation of spatial connections with historical memory and, above all, through linking the presence of the Russian language in Ukraine to questions of social and political identity. Discussing linguistic evidence of the Russian language’s persistence in the face of accelerating Ukrainization, the chapter discusses the clashes of Ukrainian and Russian state interests in the field of language promotion before and after the ‘Ukrainian crisis’ of 2013–14. It argues that, in the wake of the forced annexation of Crimea and armed intervention in the Donbas, Russia gambled and lost the social and cultural capital it had invested in Ukraine, and so unwittingly further depoliticised language policy.
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Socher, Johannes. "Russia, the Right to Self-Determination and Annexation." In Russia and the Right to Self-Determination in the Post-Soviet Space, 146–76. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192897176.003.0005.

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Chapter 4 is the last of three chapters analysing Russia’s post-Soviet state practice with regard to the right to self-determination. It shows how Russia (ab)used the right of peoples to self-determination as a pretext to justify territorial acquisitions by the threat and use of force, in particular in the context of Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, but also in its retrospect evaluation of the Soviet Union’s annexation of the Baltic states in 1940. Apart from a ‘referendum’, Russia’s main legal argument for the legality of Crimea’s incorporation into the Russian Federation was based on the reading that the Ukrainian Revolution had created an ‘extreme situation’ in which Crimea’s right to self-determination could not be exercised any longer in the constitutional framework of Ukraine. As in the cases of South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the claim of a right of secession had however no sufficient factual basis, although the underlying legal view—that the right of peoples to self-determination may confer a right of secession in ‘extreme situations’—was consistent with earlier state practice. ‘Crimea’ arguably marked a shift away from legal argumentation towards recourse to eclectic historical claims and restoration of hegemonic power, in which the right of peoples to self-determination continues to function as a central legal argument, but legal reasoning more generally loses its dominant position in the official justification of Russia’s state practice in the post-Soviet space.
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Yekelchyk, Serhy. "Russia’s Annexation of the Crimea and the War in the Donbas." In Ukraine. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/wentk/9780197532102.003.0006.

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What shared characteristics led the Crimean Peninsula and the Donbas region to become conflict zones? These two regions are not in immediate geographic proximity to one another. The Donbas, comprising Donetsk and Luhansk provinces, is Ukraine’s easternmost region, bordering on Russia in the north...
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Kolstø, Pål. "Crimea versus Donbas: Russian Nationalist Reactions." In Strategic Uses of Nationalism and Ethnic Conflict, 190–218. Edinburgh University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474495004.003.0009.

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This chapter analyses how the nationalist segment of the Russian public engaged in attempts to interpret and evaluate the fast-changing Ukrainian scene after the Euromaidan revolution and the Russian annexation of Crimea in 2014. Before the impact of the Crimean takeover could be fully digested, insurrections broke out in the Donbas, soon escalating into full-fledged war, with thousands of casualties. Images on Russian TV of maimed Russian-speakers and devastated East Ukrainian towns and hamlets made a tremendous impact on viewers in Russia who engaged in the classical Russian debate ‘Who is to blame’? The Crimean annexation was justified in the Kremlin by a novel – and fleeting – use of nationalist rhetoric. This rhetoric initially paid off well, boosting Putin’s popularity ratings to unprecedented levels and endearing him to virtually all Russian nationalists. Putin could present himself as the foremost defender of ethnic Russians abroad and of Russia’s national interests. However, despite the initial euphoria, the war in Eastern Ukraine proved to antagonise the nationalist segment of the Russian public which had been won over by the Kremlin only months earlier.
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Furgacz, Przemysław. "Reinforcement of the NATO Eastern Flank." In Analyzing Political Tensions Between Ukraine, Russia, and the EU, 153–79. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2906-5.ch008.

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After the landmark annexation of Crimea and eruption of hybrid war in the Donbas, some states that in the past used to be under Soviet domination began to ask their stronger NATO allies for increased military presence in the Alliance Eastern flank. The worsening security environment in the Eastern Europe, the fear against potential swift Russian incursion, the relative weakness of Eastern European armies, the significant strategic exposure of the Baltic states, these factors influenced the Alliance's decision to augment NATO military presence in the states bordering Russia. Actions like deployment of additional battalions, prepositioning of heavy military equipment, intensified joint multinational military drills are intended to reassure the most vulnerable NATO member states and to deter Moscow from taking too audacious and too assaultive measures. The author shortly describes the actions NATO has made since 2014 in order to strengthen its military presence in the Eastern flank with particular emphasis on U.S.-enhanced forward presence in the region.
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Furgacz, Przemysław. "Polish Policy Toward Ukraine After the Weighty Geopolitical Changes of the Dignity Revolution." In Analyzing Political Tensions Between Ukraine, Russia, and the EU, 108–29. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-2906-5.ch006.

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After the turbulent events in Ukraine of 2014 and 2015, the geopolitical and geoeconomic situation in the Central-Eastern Europe changed. Ukraine outrightly chose the pro-Western orientation. The Russian Federation, despite some minor success in the form of Crimea incorporation, lost a lot of its former influences in the Ukraine. Ukraine's rapid reorientation opened new possibilities and threats for Poland. Poland, as the biggest Western neighbour of Ukraine with enormous historical bonds with this country, is vividly interested in the developments taking placing there. The author presented in this chapter the most germane points of issue between Warsaw and Kyiv as well as their common interests. Furthermore, the author briefly presented how Moscow and Washington try to impact Polish-Ukrainian relations. Moreover, the prognosis of future evolution of mutual bilateral Polish-Ukrainian relations will be depicted in the chapter. The increasing economic bonds of two countries may portend closer relationships in the future.
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Yildirim, Zafer. "Russia's Role in the Unification Process of Ukraine to EU." In Handbook of Research on Social and Economic Development in the European Union, 435–54. IGI Global, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-1188-6.ch026.

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Ukraine's efforts to unite the EU since it gained independence caused some splits in the heterogeneous Ukrainian society. They induced discontent within the Russian Federation as well; because Russia considers itself the inheritor of the former United Soviet Socialist Republic. When Ukrainian President Yanukovych announced that the partnership treaty with the EU was suspended just before the due date for signing, a crisis broke out in Ukraine. Consequently, Yanukovych left the country. Russia reacted to the situation by invading Crimea. Moreover, the EU's Ukraine policy was not clear enough. The main objective of this study is to reveal if Russia was hindering Ukraine's integration to the EU or it was the motive for the process. There are different points of view on that matter. In this chapter, those points will be analyzed under the following subtitles: “Russian Politics of Ukraine”, “EU-Ukraine Relations”, and “EU-Russia Relations.”
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Uzunov, Vladimir V., Victor A. Chigrin, Elena G. Gorodetskaya, Vera A. Zakharova, and Oksana Y. Uzunova. "Socio-political and socio-economic Space of the Republic of Crimea: risks and prospects for development (based on study conducted by the team of the Crimean Branch of FCTAS RAS)." In Russia in Reform: Year-Book [collection of scientific articles], 425–43. Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russian Federation, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/ezheg.2020.19.

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The article summarizes the results of a study conducted by the team of the Crimean branch of the Federal Center of theoretical and applied sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2019 within the framework of the planned topic: “Regions in the social space of Russia: centripetal and centrifugal trends”. The Republic of Crimea is considered as a spatial, multi- ethnic and multi-religious formation, a feature of which is the process of entering the socio-economic, political and legal space of the Russian Federation. The socio-political space of Crimea is considered in the context of the problem of social interactions. It is the interaction of individual and / or collective agents that is the main source of reproduction and changes in the socio- political space. The study monitored the characteristics of the population of the Republic of Crimea entering the political and legal space of Russia, analyzed the main characteristics of the socio-political activity of demographic, ethnic, socio-professional and religious groups of the population of the Republic of Crimea, including their assessment of the political, economic and socio- psychological situation in Crimea. Given the multi-level elections to the State Council in Crimea, as well as to local self-government bodies, the aim of the study was also to study the main parameters of political and electoral behavior — political and electoral activity, certainty, stability and motivation of electoral choice, analysis of the formation of the electoral and legal culture of Crimeans, deformed during the years the peninsula was under the jurisdiction of Ukraine.
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Lindström, Nataliya Berbyuk, and Cheryl Marie Cordeiro. "Framing of National Image in a Climate of Socio-Political Uncertainty." In Advances in Electronic Government, Digital Divide, and Regional Development, 137–56. IGI Global, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-3264-4.ch006.

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The climate ripple of socio-political relations between countries can be seen to directly influence trading and international business relations. Discourse within the socio-political realms reflects in discourse within the economic realms. A common channel through which such perspectives are mediated between the political realms, corporate relations, and public opinion is the news media, both traditional and new, such as social media and Internet publishing. This chapter examines and compares how major business newspapers in Sweden, Dagens Industry (DI), and two business newspapers in Russia, Kommersant (Ъ-Газета - Коммерсантъ) and RBC (РБК) represent Sweden's national image between 2014-2015, a period of uncertain socio-political relations between Russia and the Nordic Eurasian states, in particular, Sweden, in the process of the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in 2014.
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Conference papers on the topic "Crimea (Ukraine) – Annexation to Russia (Federation)"

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Sümer, Kutluk Kağan. "The Economic Consequences of Sanctions against Russia after the Invasion of Russia in the Crimea." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01227.

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The US and EU have imposed economic sanctions on Russia over its annexation of Crimea from Ukraine. Russia's economy has been severely impacted not only by sanctions, which have isolated it from international business and trade, but from the falling oil price which has plummeted around 60 percent since June 2014, hurting its exports and revenues. As a consequence, Russia is expected to enter recession in 2015. The estimated impact of Russia’s ban on agro-food imports from the EU imposed in August 2014 is expected to be the highest in the Baltic's. These losses are undoubtedly painful, yet manageable (a trade decline bigger than 10% would obviously lead to greater losses). Economic conditions in Russia have deteriorated at a faster rate in recent months. Capital flight from Russia has accelerated, the ruble has depreciated by more than 50%, inflation has increased, and the Russian economy is projected to contract by 3.0% in 2015. The question is whether these losses are justifiable and will achieve the desired effects – to change Russia’s behavior in Ukraine, European Union, US, Turkey and beyond.
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