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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Crime and the press – great britain'
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1
Akers, Caroline Gibson. "Nineteenth-century British crime rates." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610789.
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Davies, Matthew William. "Elected Police and Crime Commissioners : an experiment in democratic policing." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:72bf870f-4ce8-4cf6-9e5c-5564d4273100.
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In this thesis, I explore the ways in which Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) have met a declared policy intention to create greater democratic accountability around policing and crime. I conceptualise PCCs as a piece of a broader democratic puzzle and explore both how they have been positioned and shaped within the broader policing and crime nexus across England and Wales. In considering the positioning of PCCs, I use data from case studies and interviews with 32 (out of 41) PCCs to identify how they have begun to develop relationships with the public and local, regional and national partners. The findings suggest that with the exception of their abilities to join up local crime reduction services, PCCs occupy an awkward space - not local enough to be meaningfully representative of the public they serve, but not outwardly-facing enough to manage wider co-ordination of policing. Subsequently, I investigate the shape of the PCC model to deliver greater accountability by focusing on the ways in which PCCs have begun to envisage the role and develop relationships with other key stakeholders. Varied responses from PCCs across the country reflected the broad-ranging nature of the role, which in some cases appeared to undermine their ability to fully perform all aspects of the job. I argue that this became particularly accentuated in emerging relationships with chief constables and Police and Crime Panels, where the single PCC model exposes accountability to dangers of personalities and politics. I conclude by arguing that while many PCCs have facilitated various components of democratic accountability within the management of policing and crime-reduction services, the PCC model appears to be misplaced and misshaped to effectively complete the puzzle of democratic policing.
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Mason-Bish, Hannah. "Hate crime in Great Britain : Establishing, expanding and exploring a policy domain." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.499756.
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Morrison, Samantha Claire. "An examination of the familial homicide offence created by section 5 of the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004 and proposals for reform." Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. https://cronfa.swan.ac.uk/Record/cronfa42923.
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This thesis examines the criminal offence of familial homicide created by section 5 of the Domestic Violence, Crime and Victims Act 2004. This offence imposes liability on the defendant if he either caused or allowed the death of the victim, and it does not have to be shown which of these alternatives applies. The offence was created to respond to a loophole in the law under which if it could not be proven which of the defendants killed the victim, or that they were acting together to cause death, they could be acquitted. However, the offence created issues of its own. This thesis builds on the positive aspects of the offence in terms of convicting culpable defendants whilst addressing its weaknesses and the issues it creates for underlying criminal theory. The thesis discusses the theory regarding causation, omissions, mens rea, and accessorial liability which are all affected by the new offence. It also considers domestic violence as it is prevalent within this context. The two main changes to the law proposed by this thesis relate to causation and omissions liability. A more gradated law of causation is necessary, and thus a theory of direct and indirect causation is advanced. It also argues that a new personal association duty is needed, expanding the traditional exceptions to omissions liability. Regarding accessorial liability, this thesis argues that in situations where it is unclear who kills the victim and who allows his death, the familial homicide offence which blurs the distinction between the parties is appropriate because it ensures that culpable defendants are no longer escaping liability. However, where the role of each party is clear the law needs to be reformed. This thesis proposes, that the current approach towards mens rea and domestic violence should remain unchanged.
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Dean, Camille K. "True Religion: Reflections of British Churches and the New Poor Law in the Periodical Press of 1834." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1993. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc278395/.
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This study examined public perception of the social relevance of Christian churches in the year the New Poor Law was passed. The first two chapters presented historiography concerning the Voluntary crisis which threatened the Anglican establishment, and the relationship of Christian churches to the New Poor Law. Chapters 4, 5, and 6 revealed the recurring image of "true" Christianity in its relation to the church crisis and the New Poor Law in the working men's, political, and religious periodical press. The study demonstrated a particular working class interest in Christianity and the effect of evangelicalism on religious renewal and social concerns. Orthodox Christians, embroiled in religious and political controversy, articulated practical concern for the poor less effectively than secularists.
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Nanson, Steffanie Jennifer. "Fleet Street's dilemma : the British press and the Soviet Union, 1933-1941." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14303.
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British press opinion concerning the Soviet Union in the 1930s contributes to an understanding of the failed cooperation, prior to 1941, between the British and Soviet Governments. During the trial of six British engineers in Moscow in 1933, the conservative press jingoistically responded by demanding stringent economic action against the Soviet Union and possibly severing diplomatic cooperation. The liberal and labour press expected relations to improve to prevent similar trials of Britons in the future. Despite the strain in relations and ideological differences, between 1934 and 1935, Britain and the USSR worked for collective security. The quality conservative press was willing to support a closer relationship, though popular conservative newspapers remained anti-Soviet. The liberal and labour press, though hoping for more, expressed relief that Britain was improving relations with the Soviet Union. The Spanish Civil War led the conservative press to resume its non-collective beliefs and to become ideologically critical of the Soviet Union. The provincial conservative newspapers were the exceptions. Liberal and labour papers were annoyed with the British refusal to cooperate with the USSR over Spain and became disappointed by the Government's decision to support appeasement rather than collective action. While the British Government reviewed the benefits of collective security, the Moscow show trials damaged Britain's belief in the stability of the USSR. All papers realised there was something seriously wrong in the Soviet Union. The conservative press advocated avoiding cooperation with a country weakened by purging. The liberal and labour press, though concerned about the image of the USSR, realised that Britain required an East European ally and called for an improvement of existing relations. In 1939 nearly every newspaper demanded the British Government form an alliance with the USSR against Hitler's aggression and criticised both governments for wasting time. Condemnation of the Soviet Union's signing of the Nazi-Soviet pact and role in the partition of Poland was relatively limited as hope remained that Britain and the USSR would collaborate to defeat Hitler. However, the Winter War strained these hopes and led to intense press condemnation of the Soviet attack on Finland. Nevertheless, in July 1940 newspapers became interested in the emerging conflict of interests between Germany and the USSR. Despite criticism of Soviet expansion in Eastern Europe, the press accepted that Britain's security depended on the Soviet Union. All newspapers welcomed the alliance in 1941 and ignored ideological issues.
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Coffey, Rosalind. "The British press, British public opinion, and the end of Empire in Africa, 1957-60." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2015. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3271/.
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This thesis examines the role of British newspaper coverage of Africa in the process of decolonisation between 1957 and 1960. It considers events in the Gold Coast/Ghana, Kenya, the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, South Africa, and the Belgian Congo/Congo. It offers an extensive analysis of British newspaper coverage of Africa during this period. Concurrently, it explores British journalists’ interactions with one another as well as with the British Government, British MPs, African nationalists, white settler communities, their presses, and African and European settler governments, whose responses to coverage are gauged and evaluated throughout. The project aims, firstly, to provide the first broad study of the role of the British press in, and in relation to, Africa during the period of ‘rapid decolonisation’. Secondly, it offers a reassessment of the assumption that the British metropolitan political and cultural context to the end of empire in Africa was extraneous to the process. Thirdly, it aims to contribute to a growing literature on non-governmental metropolitan perspectives on the end of empire.
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Taylor, Howard. "The politics of crime in interwar England and Wales : with particular reference to some discontinuities with nineteenth century criminal justice policy." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 1997. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/11304/.
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This thesis seeks to place in a political context interwar developments in criminal justice policy. The first part takes issue with the dominant position of much of the traditional historiography that crime was not a political issue. Instead, it argues, both at a 'high' political level and at the level of 'low' politics, criminal justice was always intensely political. The second and third parts of the thesis seek to recontextualize the history of criminal justice between the nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries. In particular, statistical evidence is used to argue that criminal justice was supply-led and not demand-led. In other words crime, including murder, was budgeted and rationed by managers. Part II examines the connections between the public cost of prosecutions, the emergence of the new police, and the introduction of the new series of criminal statistics after the mid-nineteenth century. The final part of the thesis explores the effect escalating police costs and intense public parsimony had on criminal justice after the First World War. It argues that in a significant number of areas this period was fundamentally discontinuous with the earlier period. The conclusion raises basic issues concerning the methodology of some of the social sciences, the nature of British democracy, and suggests that a far more critical approach should be adopted by researchers towards official rhetoric and, in particular, towards official statistics.
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Watts, A. T. "The newspaper press in the town of Reading 1855-1980." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2585.
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The subject of this study concerns the history and development of the newspaper press in the town of Reading from 1855, the year of the repeal of the Newspaper Stamp Tax, until 1980. In particular the approach to this account of provincial press history has been primarily from the production viewpoint, in which the newspapers are seen as business enterprises, emphasis being placed on the patterns of ownership and processes of production rather than on readership and newspaper content.
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Belknap, Geoffrey David. "'From a photograph' : photography and the periodical print press 1870-1890." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609850.
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Dekavalla, Marina. "General elections in the post-devolution period : press accounts of the 2001 and 2005 campaigns in Scotland and England." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/2301.
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This thesis examines and compares newspaper coverage of the first two general elections after Scottish devolution, looking at both the Scottish and English/UK press. By considering the coverage of a major political event which affects both countries, it contributes to debates regarding the performance of the Scottish press within an arguably distinct Scottish public sphere as well as that of the press in England within a post-devolution context. The research is based on a content analysis of all the coverage of the 2001 and 2005 elections in seven Scottish and five English and UK daily morning newspapers, a critical discourse analysis of a sample of the coverage of the most mentioned issues in each campaign and a small set of interviews with Scottish political editors. As a framework for its analysis, this thesis focuses on theories of national identity and deliberative democracy in the media. It finds that the coverage of elections in the two countries has a similar issue agenda, however Scottish newspapers appear less interested in the UK aspect of the elections and include debates on Scottish affairs which are discussed in isolation, within an exclusively Scottish mediated space. These issues are constructed as particularly relevant to a Scottish readership through references to the nation, inclusive modes of address to the reader and the inclusion of exclusively Scottish sources, which contrast with the Scottish coverage of “UK” issues. This distinction between “Scottish” and “UK” topics emerges as the key differentiating factor in the discursive construction of election issues in the Scottish press, rather than that between devolved and reserved issues. Newspapers in England on the other hand, report on the two campaigns without taking into consideration the post-devolution political reality. These core questions are contextualized within the thesis by reference to relevant dimensions of Scottish culture and politics, and interpreted in the light of events since 2005.
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Garland, Ruth. "Between media and politics : can government press officers hold the line in the age of 'political spin'? : the case of the UK after 1997." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3463/.
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The aim of this study is to use the concept of ‘mediatization’ to inform a critical, grounded and fine-grained empirical analysis of the institutional dynamics that operate at the interface between government and the media in a liberal democracy. This thesis applies a novel theoretical and empirical approach to the familiar narrative of ‘political spin’, challenging the common assumption that government communications is either a neutral professional function, or an inherently unethical form of distorted communication. In May 1997, Labour came into power on a landslide, bringing into government its 24/7 strategic communications operation, determined to neutralise what it saw as the default right-wing bias of the national media. In the process, the rules of engagement between government and the media were transformed, undermining the resilience of government communications and unleashing a wave of resistance and response. Much academic attention to date has focused on party political news management, while the larger but less visible civil service media operation remains relatively un-examined and undertheorised, although some northern European scholars are exploring mediatization from within public bureaucracies. This study takes a qualitative approach to analyzing change between 1997 and 2014, through 16 in-depth interviews with former, largely middle-ranking, departmental government communicators, most of whom had performed media relations roles. This was a group of civil servants that had spent their working lives in close proximity to ministers during a time of rapidly increasing media scrutiny. These witness accounts were augmented by interviews with six journalists and three politically-appointed special advisers, together with a systematic analysis of key contemporary and archival documents. The aim was to provide insights into change over time within a shared policy and representational space that is theorised here as the ‘cross-field’, where media act as a catalyst for the concentration of political power. What can and does government communication in its current form contribute to the democratic ideal of the informed citizen?
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Ye, Weihua. "Women in the Assembly : representations of female Assembly Members in the Welsh press." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2014. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/71787/.
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This study highlights the significance of equal participation of men and women as central to the future health of politics and the democratic process in Wales. Following affirmative action taken by two major Welsh political parties, the National Assembly for Wales has been notable for the high level of female representation among its membership since the legislature was created in 1999. The large number of women in the Assembly is a unique phenomenon both politically and geographically. However, the question that remains unanswered is this: in spite of equal political representation in the Assembly, are men and women now treated equally and fairly by the Welsh press? This research is the first comparative study of press representations of men and women in a political institution that has an almost equal number of male and female representatives. It specifically attempts to examine how 12 Welsh newspapers portrayed female Assembly Members [AMs] during a three-month Welsh national election period as well as during a later three-month routine press coverage period. It draws on content and discourse analyses of the press coverage of over 3000 articles from about 1000 newspaper editions during the two periods studied. It is also based on data generated by in-depth interviews with 28 AMs from the current Assembly. This study shows that when there has been a relative equal participation of women in a political institution over a period, the gender issue initially remains noticeable and “business as usual”. However, over time, more complex media representations of male and female politicians have been observed and gender bias has gradually become less salient and controversial than before, both in colleagues’ perceptions of women politicians and in media representations, because gender parity has become a norm.
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Higgins, Roisin. "William Robertson Nicoll and the Liberal Nonconformist press, 1886-1923." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14853.
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William Robertson Nicoll (1851-1923) founded the British Weekly in 1886 to exploit the need for a Liberal Nonconformist newspaper. Nicoll became the most important editor of a Free Church journal in the Edwardian period. The British Weekly provided a regular focus for political Nonconformity and Nicoll was a primary raiser of the Nonconformist consciousness and shaper of the collective conscience. This thesis considers the role of newspapers as conduits of political thought. As distributors of information, newspapers had a definite role in setting the political agenda and this work considers the programme which Nicoll pressed at the British Weekly. The newspaper is also considered as a nexus of religious and financial considerations. The analysis provides an examination of the British Weekly from its foundation in 1885, placing it in political context and setting down the editorial agenda. Nonconformist concerns were threatened both by the political preponderance of Irish interests and by the extension of the franchise to working class voters more concerned with social than religious equality. This thesis therefore looks at Nicoll's alignment with the Liberal Imperialists because they would rid the party of its commitment to Home Rule and (less importantly) because they appeared to respond to the needs of the working class. In 1902 the British Weekly misplaced its national efficiency agenda and became prominent in the Passive Resistance campaign against the Education Act. The thesis examines the way in which the protest was used to energise political Nonconformity. The campaign brought Nicoll into contact with Lloyd George and this work explores the mutual benefits of this relationship and also the way in which Nicoll was compromised as a lobbyist by the association. This is the first comprehensive examination of the political nature of the British Weekly. It highlights the increasing complexity of reconciling religion and politics in the twentieth century as pressing social issues could not be repaired by Victorian moral crusades.
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Bahr-Evola, Amanda Jo. "Reading the Terror over Tea: Reflections of British Nationalism in the Guillotine's Blade, 1793-1795." OpenSIUC, 2010. https://opensiuc.lib.siu.edu/dissertations/239.
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The period of the French Revolution known as the Terror was a cataclysmic event for Ancien Regime Europe. Nearly every aspect of life was affected by the events which unfolded in France, forcing Europeans to confront the question of national identity through the context of the French Revolution. Nowhere was this phenomenon keener than in Great Britain, a traditional rival of France. Although in its infancy, a British national identity--as distinct from a English, Irish, Welsh, or Scot national identity--was already in existence. This new British identity was being shaped by forces such as a growing population, a reform movement within the Anglican Church, the drive for Empire, the increasing influence of the Industrial Revolution and the ensuing adjustment of the agricultural sector, and a steadily increasing middle class that demanded grater political participation. The French Revolution recast all of these issues and forced a reassessment of what it meant to be British, and, as such, was the chief stimulus for the development of British national identity as it changed from one based on political rights in the tradition of the Magna Carta to that of a bastion of order in the face of political radicalism. This study uses eighteenth century newspapers from across Britain to examine key events of the period of the Terror--the trial and execution of Louis XVI, the trial and execution of Marie-Antoinette, the murder of Marat, the execution of Madame Roland, and the fall of Maximilien Robespierre--in light of an evolving British national identity. The newspaper accounts of these reveal a composite British national identity consisting of the components of the reverence for the institutions of monarchy and the aristocracy, constitution/legal system, civilized society, commercial power, notions of chivalry, Christianity (Protestantism), the English language (represented by Shakespeare), and the notion of the French "other." This nationalism is also decisively male, propertied, and literate. This identity provided a foundation for future British activities such as the drive for imperial and industrial dominance in the nineteenth century.
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Glicklich, Jacob. "Gendering the other empire transnational imperial perceptions of Russia in the Victorian periodical press /." Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1239115485.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Akron, Dept. of History, 2009."May, 2009." Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed 8/2/2009) Advisor, Martin Wainwright; Faculty Reader, Shelley Baranowski; Department Chair, Michael Sheng; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.
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Harfield, Clive Geoffrey. "Process and practicalities : mutual legal assistance and the investigation of transnational crime within the EU from a UK perspective, 1990-2004." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2004. https://eprints.soton.ac.uk/194559/.
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Domestic criminal law helps define State sovereign identity. Over the past fifty years some criminality has become increasingly transnational in character. In the absence of a universal criminal code (as opposed to specified international crimes), States apply municipal law to prosecute offences of a transnational nature relying on mutual legal assistanceto secure evidence located outside the prosecuting State. A comparatively late contributor to the development of mutual legal assistance the UK now seeks to influence the work of the EU in developing a legal framework upon which to base mutual legal assistance and enhanced international law enforcement co-operation. The course of this developmentis outlined. This thesis examines through questionnaire and interview data, investigator and prosecutor experience of mutual legal assistance mechanisms in gathering of evidence from abroad for use at trial in England and Wales. Comparisons are made with data from an earlier survey of UK police (1996) and with an evaluation of mutual legal assistance administrative mechanisms within the EU (1999-2001) in order to identify changes in investigator experiences since the EU began to drive the strategic development of regional international law enforcement co-operation with the Treaty of Amsterdam and to assess whether politicians and administrators are delivering the solutions needed by investigators working across national borders. Set within the legislative context of the Criminal Justice (International Co-operation) Act 1990, the data indicate that neither this regime nor the emerging EU framework were addressing all practitioner concerns. Political responsesto the New York terrorist attacks of September 2001, which occurred during data gathering for this thesis, accelerated legislative construction in the UK and the EU. Updated to include discussion of these changes (some still not yet entered into force), the thesis now provides a benchmark against which to assess their impact in due course.
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Finney, Nissa Ruth. "Asylum seeker dispersal : public attitudes and press portrayals around the UK." Thesis, Swansea University, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.515729.
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Du, Bois Pierre Willem. "The role of newspaper websites in the British regional press with reference to South African realities." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/50185.
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Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The World Wide Web should become more important as technology advances. Because people use the Web differently to traditional media, media companies should investigate the new medium to fully reap its benefits and to understand its future impact on their revenue streams. British media companies have co-operated and invested heavily in the Internet for years and continue to do so through content portals, typically web sites for their newspaper titles. They initially did so to protect themselves from entrepreneurs who potentially threatened their classified advertising revenues with Web-only classified advertising directories. Classified advertising works better on the Web. A newspaper's website seems to have no adverse effect on its circulation. Via their websites, newspapers can reach and market to people who would otherwise not buy them. British advertisers are spending more on advertising online and on advertising in the regional press. Rapidly expanding Newsquest is the second-largest British regional publisher. Its management structure is hierarchial and it aggressively controls costs. Although the digital media department of Newsquest (London) has some flaws (notably when it comes to communication with other departments), its strategy is generally sound. Newsquest's newsrooms are multi-media and all journalists contribute to and maintain newspaper websites. Most of Newsquest's Internet revenue comes from charging classified advertisers more for uploading their adverts to the websites. The adverts are listed in Fish-t, a classified advertising database maintained by most UK regional publishers. Whereas Newsquest's regional policies are generally sound, national plans and software programmes are often not suitable for such a devolved corporation. Newquest's strategy of aggressive cost control by underpaying staff (and hence often not being able to retain top performers) jeopardises its classified advertising revenues, as the competition it faces on the Web is larger than in traditional circulation areas. Greater automation is necessary to bypass shortomings and errors made by low-performing staff. The Watford Observer's website is operated similarly to a free newspaper. Newsroom staff are encouraged to take ownership of it and emphasis lies on convincing online readers to buy The Watford Observer in print. The website plays an important role in marketing the newspaper and mainly generates profit by providing added value to advertisers. The newspaper's circulation has been falling for some time and some senior managers ascribe this to the Internet. By means of a home delivery system that allows people to subscribe to the printed newspaper online, circulation could be boosted through the website. The current subscriptions model is ineffective. With the exception of CaxtonlCTP, some major South African media companies with regional titles follow a pro-active newspaper website strategy. Although there is a critical mass of wealthy consumers and technological development is sufficient, government telecommunications policy and the telephone operator's monopoly seriously undermine Internet use and media companies' profits from it. As technology advances (portable, fold-up displays are not far off), newspaper content may in future be displayed exclusively online. This is problematic, as display advertising is ineffective on the Web. Newspaper publishers could acquire mobile telephone operators and Internet service providers to control these developments. Newspaper companies must (and many do) accept they need to be multimedia publishers in the future. South African media companies are forced to maintain low-key Internet operations until government telecommunications policy changes. Newsquest's online business model is an example what could potentially be achieved.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die web behoort belangriker te word soos tegnologie vooruitgaan. Omdat 'n mens dit anders gebruik as tradisionele media, behoort mediamaatskappye die nuwe medium te ondersoek om volle voordeel daaruit te trek en die volle impak daarvan op hullopende inkomste te verstaan. Britse mediamaatskappye het saamgespan en het jare lank in die Internet belê deur die handhawing van inhoudsportale en, meer spesifiek, koerantwebwerwe. Oorspronklik het hulle dit gedoen om hulself te beskerm teen entrepreneurs wat moontlik hul persoonlike advertensies met web-gebaseerde persoonlike advertensiegidse sou bedreig. Persoonlike advertensies werk beter op die web. 'n Koerant se sirkulasie blyk nie benadeel te word deur sy webwerf nie. Deur hul webwerwe kan koerante mense (ook vir bemarkingsdoeleindes ) bereik wat andersins nie die koerant sou koop nie. Britse adverteerders bestee meer aan aanlynadvertensies en adverteer toenemend m die streekspers. Newsquest groei vinnig en is die tweede-grootste Britse streeksuitgewer. Die maatskappy het 'n hiërargiese bestuurstruktuur en beperk agressiefbedryfskoste. Al het Newsquest (London) se digitale mediadepartement foute (veral wat kommunikasie met ander departemente betref), is strategie in die algemeen goed. Newsquest se nuuskantore is multimedia en alle joernaliste dra by tot die inhoud en onderhoud van koerantwebwerwe. Newsquest verdien sy meeste internet-inkomste deur meer te vra vir aanlyn-persoonlike advertensies op sy werwe. Advertensies word dan in Fish4, 'n persoonlike advertensiedatabasis, wat deur die meeste Britse streekskoerantuitgewers gebruik en versorg word, aangebied. Al is Newsquest se beleid op streeksvlak oor die algemeen goed, is nasionale planne en sagteware-programme baie keer nie toepaslik vir so 'n gedesentraliseerde maatskappy nie. Newsquest se strategie om agressief koste te beheer deur werknemers lae salarisse te betaal (en as gevolg daarvan dikwels nie top-presteerders te behou nie), stel sy persoonlike advertensie-inkomste in gevaar omdat die mededinging wat die maatskappy op die Internet in die gesig staar groter is as op tradisionele sirkulasie-areas. Groter outomatisering is nodig om tekortkomings en foute, wat deur sleg betaalde en onderpresterende werknemers veroorsaak word, te omseil. The Watford Observer se webwerf word soos 'n gratis koerant bestuur. Joernaliste word aangespoor om besit daarvan te neem en 'n klem word daarop geplaas om aanlyn-lesers te oortuig om die koerant te koop. Die webwerf speel 'n belangrike rol in die bemarking van die koerant en verhoog hoofsaaklik wins deur waarde by te voeg by persoonlike advertensies. Die koerant se sirkulasie val al vir geruime tyd en sommige senior bestuurders skryf dit toe aan die Internet. Deur 'n afleweringsdiens wat mense die moontlikheid gee om aanlyn in te teken vir die gedrukte koerant, kan sirkulasie egter deur die webwerf verbeter word. Die huidige intekenmodel in ondoeltreffend. Met die uitsondering van CaxtonlCTP volg sommige Suid-Afrikaanse mediamaatskappye met streekstitels 'n pro-aktiewe koerantwebwerf-strategie. Hoewel daar 'n voldoende aantal welvarende tegnologiese en verbruikersontwikkeling is, ondermyn die regering se telekommunikasiebeleid en die telefoonmaatskappy se monopolie ernstig Internetgebruik en mediamaatskappye se wins daaruit. Soos tegnologie vooruitgaan (byvoorbeeld draagbare, opvoubare skerms), mag koerantinhoud in die toekoms dalk uitsluitlik aanlyn aangebied word. Dit is problematies, omdat gewone advertensies ondoeltreffend op die web is. Koerantuitgewers mag dalk selfoonoperateurs en Internet-diensverskaffers aankoop om hierdie ontwikkelings te beheer. Suid-Afrikanse mediamaatskappye IS gedwing om lae vlak Internet-bedrywighede te handhaaf totdat die regering se telekommunikasiebeleid verander. Newsquest se aanlynmodel is 'n voorbeeld van wat bereik kan word.
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Hobbs, Andrew. "Reading the local paper : social and cultural functions of the local press in Preston, Lancashire, 1855-1900." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2010. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/1866/.
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This thesis demonstrates that the most popular periodical genre of the second half of the nineteenth century was the provincial newspaper. Using evidence from news rooms, libraries, the trade press and oral history, it argues that the majority of readers (particularly working-class readers) preferred the local press, because of its faster delivery of news, and because of its local and localised content. Building on the work of Law and Potter, the thesis treats the provincial press as a national network and a national system, a structure which enabled it to offer a more effective news distribution service than metropolitan papers. Taking the town of Preston, Lancashire, as a case study, this thesis provides some background to the most popular local publications of the period, and uses the diaries of Preston journalist Anthony Hewitson as a case study of the career of a local reporter, editor and proprietor. Three examples of how the local press consciously promoted local identity are discussed: Hewitson’s remoulding of the Preston Chronicle, the same paper’s changing treatment of Lancashire dialect, and coverage of professional football. These case studies demonstrate some of the local press content that could not practically be provided by metropolitan publications. The ‘reading world’ of this provincial town is reconstructed, to reveal the historical circumstances in which newspapers and the local paper in particular were read. Evidence from readers demonstrates the many ways in which they used the local press, both collectively and individually, including its use in sustaining local identities and sense of place. However, the local press was only one factor among many in the development and sustenance of local identities. The originality of the thesis lies in its introduction of empirical reading evidence into English newspaper history, its challenge to the taken-for-granted but problematic concepts of ‘local’ and ‘national’ newspapers in this period, its detailed study of the journalistic techniques used to capitalise on local patriotism, and its critique of many theories of nineteenth-century press history which have been based on a minority of the period’s newspapers, those published in London.
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O'Hara, David A. 1962. "English newsbooks and the Irish rebellion of 1641, 1641-1649." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=37801.
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The outbreak and continued progress of the Irish rebellion of 1641 played a significant role in the birth and development of domestic newsbooks in England between 1641--49. This thesis examines the manner in which these periodicals reported the insurrection to their readers. As relations between king and parliament deteriorated during the winter of 1641--42, the attention awarded to this uprising by these publications helped to ensure that Ireland became a popular concern. Weekly chronicles of Irish affairs continued unabated after the onset of civil war in England. Amid fears that Ireland could be utilized by Charles I in his struggle with Westminster, pro-parliamentary, and subsequently pro-royalist editors employed the rebellion as part of a propaganda war that accompanied armed conflict in all three Stuart kingdoms. Accordingly, this study suggests that a principle stratagem of the newsbooks was not necessarily to communicate news of Irish matters, but more often than not, their motivation lay in manipulating accounts relating to the rebellion in order to wage political combat in England.
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Peterson, Luke Mathew. "Contending discourses : Palestine-Israel in the print news media." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.610738.
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Peterson, Stephen. "Gladstone, religion, politics and America : perceptions in the press, 1868-1900." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/17262.
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This thesis examines American perceptions of William Ewart Gladstone in the religious and secular press from 1868 to 1900. The scope of the study encompasses his role as a Christian apologist and his engagement in public affairs where religion and politics converged. The opinions of Americans are examined in the general categories of evangelicals, Roman Catholics, secular news organs and to a lesser extent Unitarians and agnostics. Gladstone’s reputation in the United States is followed through much of the latter half of the nineteenth century, beginning shortly after the close of the Civil War when Americans in the North held him in disrepute for his impolitic acknowledgement of Southern nationhood. This thesis demonstrates that American opinions of Gladstone were transformed as they increasingly perceived him to be a champion of Liberal reform and religious liberty and, especially for conservative evangelicals, a stalwart defender of Christian truth and civilisation against the rising tide of modern secularism. It also suggests that a pervasive anti-Catholicism inspired many in the United States to support Gladstone’s political causes. Finally, this study demonstrates that Americans projected their own values and myths on to the statesman. For many, he came to embody their progressive worldview with respect to the spread of religious and political liberty.
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Nicholson, Bob. "Looming large : America and the late-Victorian press, 1865-1902." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. http://repository.edgehill.ac.uk/4164/.
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Widespread popular fascination with America, and an appreciation of American culture, was not introduced by Hollywood cinema during the early decades of the 20th century, but emerged during the late-Victorian period and was driven by the popular press. By the 1880s, newspaper audiences throughout the country were consuming fragments of American life and culture on an almost daily basis. Under the impulses of the so-called ‘new journalism’, representations of America appeared regularly within an eclectic range of journalistic genres, including serialised fiction, news reports, editorials, humour columns, tit-bits, and travelogues. Forms of American popular culture – such as newspaper gags – circulated throughout Britain and enjoyed a sustained presence in bestselling papers. These imported texts also acted as vessels for the importation of other elements of American culture such as the country’s distinctive slang and dialects. This thesis argues that the late-Victorian popular press acted as the first major ‘contact zone’ between America and the British public. Chapter One tracks the growing presence of America in the Victorian press. In particular, it highlights how the expansion of the popular press, the widespread adoption of ‘scissors-and-paste’ journalism, the development of transatlantic communications networks and technologies, and a growing curiosity about life in America combined to facilitate new forms of Anglo-American cultural exchange. Chapter Two explores how the press shaped British encounters with American modernity and created a pervasive sense of a coming ‘American future’. Chapter Three focuses on the importation, circulation, and reception of American newspaper humour. Finally, Chapter Four unpacks the role played by the press in the importation, circulation, and assimilation of American slang. It makes an original contribution to a number of academic disciplines and debates. Firstly, it challenges the established chronology of Anglo-American history; America gained a significant foothold in British popular culture long before the twentieth century. Moreover, this was not a result of a forcible American ‘invasion’ but a form of voluntary transatlantic exchange driven by the tastes and desires of British newspaper readers. Secondly, it argues that America’s presence in late-Victorian popular culture has been underestimated by historians who have focused instead on domestically produced culture, engagements with Western Europe, and the cultural dimensions of Empire. Whilst the full extent of America’s significance cannot be mapped out in one study, this thesis establishes the extent of America’s cultural presence and makes the case for its insertion into future Victorian Studies scholarship. Thirdly, this thesis contributes to the growing field of press history. It maps out connections between British and American newspapers, exploring how the press served to move information between the old world and the new. Finally, this project acts as an early example of born-digital scholarship; a study conceived in response to the development of digital archives. As such, it contributes to discussions on digital methodologies and debates within the field of Digital Humanities. In particular, it demonstrates that digitisation allows researchers to research and write do new kinds of history; to ask new questions, make new connections, and develop new projects – to do things that we couldn’t do before.
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Turner, Michael J. "The making of a middle class liberalism in Manchester, c.1815-32 : a study of politics and the press." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1991. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:77cd7bf3-0dec-4922-a73a-d71a8c9ec853.
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This thesis attempts to make a useful contribution to our picture of the development of early nineteenth-century provincial liberalism. It investigates various political, social and economic aspects of liberalism in Manchester and draws attention to the ideas and activities of a small and identifiable group of respectable reformers who were active in the town in the first half of the nineteenth century and who had a significant impact on local affairs. Much has been written about Victorian Manchester and about Manchester politics in the era of Chartism, the Anti-Corn Law League and the so-called 'Manchester School'. This thesis seeks to elucidate and explain some of the less explored developments which were antecedent to and shaped these later events and movements. The main avenue of inquiry is provided by the public careers of a 'small but determined band' of reformers (as they were called by one of their number, Richard Potter), men who involved themselves in numerous political campaigns and who also pioneered a new kind of political journalism in the provinces. Archibald Prentice and John Edward Taylor in particular made the newspaper a vital organ in the formation and direction of liberal opinion. These men represented prominent features of Mancunian liberalism in the years before parliamentary reform and incorporation, and the main concern of the thesis is to illustrate these features by investigating the principles and campaigns of this reformist vanguard. Attention is paid to the band's political and theological precepts and motivations, to the examples and encouragement provided by earlier Manchester reformers, to the key role of the local reformist press in the work of enlightenment and mobilisation, to the liberals' battles with Manchester's mainly Tory-Anglican ruling party on certain local government issues, to the band's involvement in campaigns and discussions relating to important social questions such as education, health and welfare, poverty and labour relations, to the band's participation in commercial campaigns and the movement against the corn laws, and to their views and activities on the central question of parliamentary reform. The most important primary sources for this study are to be found in Manchester. The newspapers are invaluable; there are also substantial collections of contemporary pamphlets and miscellaneous ephemera which provide essential information as well as the material necessary for an appreciation of the wider Manchester setting. Members of the band have left certain materials - correspondence, scrapbooks, lectures, books and pamphlets, reminiscences and personal records - which are of importance when used alongside their letters, articles and editorials in the local newspapers.
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Clement, Andrew. "An Integration of Discord: How National Identity Conceptions Activate Resistance to EU Integration in the Popular Press Discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/260121.
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The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Clement, Andrew A. "An integration of discord : how national identity conceptions activate resistance to EU integration in the popular press discourses of Poland, Spain and Great Britain." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2017. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/98850/.
Full textAbstract:
The EU has widened and deepened the single market over time according to a transactionalist discourse of common-interests in integration. This rationale holds that as amounts of cross-border movement increase, Member State populations should perceive the single market as beneficial, thus leading to the creation of an affective European identity. Instead, as consequences of integration have become more visible, resistance to the EU has become more pronounced, especially with relation to the Union's right of free movement of persons. This thesis argues that interest-based theories of integration ignore prospects for resilient national identities to influence the accordance of solidarity ties, so as to color interest perceptions within national public spheres. Combining the literature on European identity, moral panic and communication studies on news framing, it maintains that the popular news media provide a conduit through which these interest perceptions can be taken up through the tendency of news outlets to report events that deviantly threaten underlying identity conceptions. Through content analysis of 'popular' press in the UK, Spain and Poland, it seeks to show how the inane tendency of news to report events in terms of an identity-based narrative can serve to foment moral panic within national publics. Contrary to interest based theories of integration, the EU's discourse clashes with national identity. Disintegration may be posited as the 'proper stance' to be supported on the part of the public in news narrative, if threatening deviance caused by EU migration is to be resolved.
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Hoffman, Megan. "Women writing women : gender and representation in British 'Golden Age' crime fiction." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/11910.
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In this thesis, I examine representations of women and gender in British ‘Golden Age' crime fiction by writers including Margery Allingham, Christianna Brand, Agatha Christie, Ngaio Marsh, Dorothy L. Sayers, Josephine Tey and Patricia Wentworth. I argue that portrayals of women in these narratives are ambivalent, both advocating a modern, active model of femininity, while also displaying with their resolutions an emphasis on domesticity and on maintaining a heteronormative order, and that this ambivalence provides a means to deal with anxieties about women's place in society. This thesis is divided thematically, beginning with a chapter on historical context which provides an overview of the period's key social tensions. Chapter II explores depictions of women who do not conform to the heteronormative order, such as spinsters, lesbians and ‘fallen' women. Chapter III looks at the ways in which the courtships and marriages of detective couples attempt to negotiate the ideal of companionate marriage and the pressures of a ‘cult of domesticity'. Chapter IV considers the ways in which depictions of women in schools, universities and the workplace are used to explore the tensions between an expanding role in the public sphere and the demand to inhabit traditionally domestic roles. The thesis concludes with a discussion of the image of female victims' and female killers' bodies and the ways in which such depictions can be seen to expose issues of gender, class and identity. Through its examination of a wide variety of texts and writers in the period 1920 to the late 1940s, this thesis investigates the ambivalent nature of modes of femininity depicted in Golden Age crime fiction written by women, and argues that seemingly conservative resolutions are often attempts to provide a ‘modern-yet-safe' solution to the conflicts raised in the texts.
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Orneklint, Sanna. "Den polariserande politikern : En kvalitativ studie av hur Boris Johnson gestaltas i svensk och brittisk press." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för medier och journalistik (MJ), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91355.
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The aim of this bachelors thesis has been to examine and analyse the framing used when reporting about Boris Johnson in context with Brexit in both Swedish and British media coverage. The research questions examined in this study were: In what way is Boris Johnson framed in British and Swedish media coverage surrounding Brexit in his first three weeks as prime minister? What could explain the possible differences that occurs between the Swedish and British media coverage? I have in combination with a qualitative text analysis as well as framing theory and news valuation theory analysed material from four major news papers. Two news papers from Sweden, Dagens Nyheter and Aftonbladet. As well as two from Great Britain, The Guardian UK and The Sun UK. One of each county’s news paper focuses on qualitative and objective journalism and one from each country which can be regarded as a tabloid, evening paper, from these four news papers a total of 12 articles, three from each paper was selected. To arrive at my conclusion every article was analysed trough what frame, conflict, personification or elite person, Boris Johnson was portrayed as well as if the frames felt clear, subtle or well as if any frame could not be found in the text. Through the analysis I found the result to be that every article had personified Boris Johnson with Brexit, even if the article did not directly have a focus on the Brexit conflict. The personification is a constant backgrung trough every individual article. Secondly I found that the frames through which the newspapers portrayed conflict differed, depending from which country the news paper reported from. The Swedish news papers portrayed conflict through a broader perspective, having a stronger focus on Brexit as a concept whilst the British newspaper framed conflict in a much more detailed way. Focusing on more detailed topics with higher interest for the british population.
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Bourgeat, Emilie. "Penality, violence and colonial rule in Kenya (c.1930-1952)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:f33d9b21-f1b4-43cb-bb38-595e5989b931.
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Within the research field of colonial violence, scholars focused on wars of conquest or independence and tended to picture counterinsurgency campaigns as an exceptional deployment of state violence in the face of peculiar threats. In colonial Kenya, the British repression of the Mau Mau uprising of the 1950s has been the object of extensive and thorough analysis, contrasting with the lack of research on colonial punishment during the preceding decades. Yet the unleashing of state violence during the 1950s actually has a much longer history, lurking in the shadows of the criminal justice system that British powers introduced in the colony in the late nineteenth century. In contrast to previous scholarship, this study shows how ordinary colonial violence - although massively scaled up during the 1950s - was progressively normalised, institutionalised and intensified throughout the colonial experience of the 1930s and 1940s, laying the ground for the deployment of a counterinsurgency campaign against Mau Mau fighters.
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Ibekwe, Chibuko Raphael. "The legal aspects of cybercrime in Nigeria : an analysis with the UK provisions." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/22786.
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Cybercrime offences know no limits to physical geographic boundaries and have continued to create unprecedented issues regarding to the feasibility and legitimacy of applying traditional legislations based on geographic boundaries. These offences also come with procedural issues of enforcement of the existing legislations and continue to subject nations with problems unprecedented to its sovereignty and jurisdictions. This research is a critical study on the legal aspects of cybercrime in Nigeria, which examines how laws and regulations are made and applied in a well-established system to effectively answer questions raised by shortcomings on the implementation of cybercrime legislations, and critically reviews various laws in Nigeria relating or closely related to cybercrime. This research will provide insight into current global cybercrime legislations and the shortfalls to their procedural enforcement; and further bares the cybercrime issues in Nigeria while analysing and proffering a critique to the provisions as provided in the recently enacted Nigerian Cybercrime (Prohibition and Prevention) Act 2015, in contradistinction to the existing legal framework in the United Kingdom and the other regional enactments like the Council of Europe Convention on Cybercrime, African Union Convention on Cybersecurity and Personal Data Protection 2014, and the ECOWAS Directive on Cybercrime 2011.
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Crytzer, Sarah. "Comparing media coverage of the Gulf oil spill in the US and UK implications for global crisis communication." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4877.
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The following research is a content analysis of 114 articles written by the American and British news media outlets in the first month following the BP Gulf oil spill in April 2010. The goal of the research was to identify any dominant frames evident in the reports and to compare the two countries to see if there was a difference in the dominant frames used. Positive, negative, and neutral tones were also evaluated to determine if there was a difference between the countries. The results show that both countries reports predominantly used an ecology and action frame, while British media outlets also used an economic frame. Both countries reported with primarily a negative and neutral tone. The implications of these findings for crisis communication managers are discussed.ID: 030423416; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Error in paging: p. v is followed by p. iv i.e. vi].; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 47-54).
M.A.
Masters
Sciences
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Coudray, Pierre Louis. "Mourir à la guerre, survivre à la paix : les militaires irlandais au service de la France au XVIIIe siècle, une reconstruction historique." Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H010/document.
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Cette thèse est une étude chronologique de la présence militaire irlandaise en France sous l’Ancien Régime associé à une analyse du mythe de la Brigade Irlandaise au XVIIIe siècle. En s’appuyant sur des sources primaires, dont certaines sont inédites, les quatre premiers chapitres proposent un cadre historique de la communauté militaire irlandaise et de l’acculturation progressive, mais parfois difficile, de ses membres. Le premier chapitre se concentre sur les écrits de l’élite française et de la littérature populaire d’Angleterre face aux Irlandais lors de la « Guerre des trois rois », tandis que le deuxième se penche sur l’image des soldats irlandais dans la presse des deux côtés de la Manche à la même période. Le troisième explique comment ces hommes sont devenus au fil du temps une troupe reconnue par ses pairs dans l’armée royale, tandis que le quatrième explore les stratégies mises en place par les militaires irlandais et leurs familles pour intégrer la société d’accueil. Ces deux chapitres montrent également le déclin de la présence effective d’Irlandais dans la Brigade. La question de la mémoire de la bataille de Fontenoy est au coeur du cinquième et du sixième chapitre qui étudient minutieusement la part des Irlandais dans la journée du 11 mai 1745 et le rôle des écrits du XIXe siècle dans la naissance d’une identité militaire proprement irlandaise. L’étude se focalise sur des sources contemporaines des faits pour le premier et des documents anglais, français et irlandais datant du XIXe siècle pour le secondThis PhD is a chronological study of the military presence of Irishmen in Franceunder the Ancien Regime linked to an analysis of the myth surrounding the Irish Brigade in the18th century. Based on primary sources, some of which have been hitherto unpublished, the firstfour chapters propose an historical framework of the Irish military community and thesometimes difficult but progressive acculturation of its members. The first chapter focuses onthe writings of the French elite as well as popular literature from England about the Irish in the“War of the three kings”, while the second one is about the image of the Irish soldiers in thepress on both sides of the Channel during the same period. The third one explains how thesemen came to be recognised by their peers as a valuable unit in the French royal army and thefourth one explores the tactics used by Irish militarymen and their families to integrate intoFrench society. These two chapters also show the gradual decline of the actual presence ofIrishmen within the ranks of the Brigade. The question of the memory attached to the battle ofFontenoy is at the very core of the fifth and sixth chapters where the part played by Irishmenon the 11th of May 1745 is minutely studied. The birth of a distinct Irish military identity in19th century writings is also discussed. The study focuses on 18th century sources for the fifthchapter and 19th century sources from France, England and Ireland for the sixth
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Hauswedell, Tessa C. "The formation of a European identity through a transnational public sphere? : the case of three Western European cultural journals, 1989-2006." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/789.
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This thesis analyses processes of discursive European identity formation in three cultural journals: Esprit, from France, the British New Left Review and the German Merkur during the time periods 1989-92, and, a decade later, during 2003-06. The theoretical framework which the thesis brings to bear on this analysis is that of the European Public Sphere. This model builds on Jürgen Habermas’s original model of a “public sphere”, and alleges that a sphere of common debate about issues of European concern can lead to a more defined and integrated sense of a European identity which is widely perceived as vague and inchoate. The relevancy of the public sphere model and its connection to the larger debate about European identity, especially since 1989, are discussed in the first part of the thesis. The second part provides a comparative analysis of the main European debates in the journals during the respective time periods. It outlines the mechanisms by which identity is expressed and assesses when, and to what extent, shared notions of European identity emerge. The analysis finds that identity formation does not occur through a developmental, gradual convergence of views as the European public sphere model envisages. Rather, it is brought about in much more haphazard back-and-forth movements. Moreover, shared notions of European identity between all the journals only arise in moments of perceived crises. Such crises are identified as the most salient factor which galvanizes expressions of a common, shared sense of European identity across national boundaries and ideological cleavages. The thesis concludes that the model of the EPS is too dependent on a partial view of how identity formation occurs and should thus adopt a more nuanced understanding about the complex factors that are at play in these processes. For the principled attempt to circumscribe identity formation as the outcome of communicative processes alone is likely to be thwarted by external events.
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Presber, Ingrid Lucia. "Gypsies et Travellers au Royaume-Uni et leur image dans la presse entre 1997 et 2010." Thesis, Paris 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA030114.
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Les principaux stéréotypes relatifs aux Gypsies présents dans la presse britannique contemporaine sont fermement enracinés dans une perception historique homogène et persistante faite d’incompréhension envers cette communauté ethnique non-indigène, dépréciée et rejetée depuis près de six siècles. L’examen de l’histoire du peuple romani - à partir de la migration hors de l’Inde jusqu’à la tentative de génocide sur le continent européen entre 1933-1945 - permet d’éclairer l’attitude de la presse britannique envers la minorité romani (gypsy). On peut être frappé par la ténacité et la prégnance des préjugés et stéréotypes et l’évolution constatée pendant la période étudiée n’en est que plus significative. Le thème dominant demeure le mode de vie non-sédentaire qui déclenche l’hostilité envers les Gypsies et Travellers souvent présentés comme un groupe social marginal, soucieux de profiter d’un statut de minorité ethnique pour servir ses intérêts propres et sans offrir en retour une contribution à l’harmonie et à la prospérité de la société dans son ensemble. Mais l’antithèse - qui les présente comme victimes de préjugés ainsi que de lois inadaptées à leur héritage culturel - tend à prendre de l’ampleur. Une politique plus compréhensive adoptée par le gouvernement New Labour, dans le cadre de sa promotion de la diversité et du multiculturalisme, conjuguée avec une mobilisation des communautés gypsy et traveller (utilisant notamment les nouvelles technologies et s’appuyant sur les groupes de pression) ont permis de noter une amélioration récente du statut de ces minorités de tradition non-sédentaire et l’évolution concomitante de leur couverture par une partie de la presse reflète et renforce à la fois ce changement. Les progrès constatés dans la situation réelle des communautés gypsy et traveller et dans leur représentation médiatique demandent à être confortés mais ils semblent bien acquis et notamment être de nature à faciliter la résistance à la politique moins favorable menée par le gouvernement de coalition depuis 2010Gypsies (or Romanies) have been denigrated and rejected for nearly six hundred years and the consistent historical perception of stereotyping and misunderstanding of this non-indigenous ethnic community is perpetuated by the contemporary British press. Romani history, from migration out of India to the genocide in Europe in the 20th century and more contemporary events has set the backdrop against which contemporary society and the British press have adopted a tenacious and pervasive attitude of stereotyping and prejudice towards the Romani (Gypsy) minority, a trend which will be evident in the analysis provided by this thesis. The dominant theme is the non-sedentary lifestyle that has triggered the hostility of ‘respectable’ sedentary society against Gypsies as well as Travellers. The minority, marginalised groups can sometimes be portrayed as being intent on using their minority status for personal gains whilst not contributing to the harmony and prosperity of society as a whole. The antithesis, which seems to be gaining ground, presents them as victims of prejudice as well as of laws which are incompatible with their cultural heritage. The New Labour government adopted comprehensive policies to address the promotion of diversity and multiculturalism and, together with the mobilisation of the Gypsy and Traveller communities (notably aided by the use of new technologies and the support of pressure groups), there have been recent improvements of the status of these traditionally non-sedentary communities, and the simultaneous development of their coverage by a part of the press both reflects and reinforces this change. The British press has represented Gypsy and Traveller communities more favourably of late, with the progress and gains afforded by New Labour. Those gains must be consolidated and sufficiently robust to resist the less favourable policies of the coalition government since 2010
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Moloi-Siga, Kgothatso. "International media portrayals of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ : an analysis of British and American print media, 2004-2010." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71922.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The onset of democracy in South Africa in 1994 was accompanied by the rise in bids for, and the hosting of sports mega-events so as to accomplish national interests and goals. This was done with the purpose of rebranding the South African image to the international community through national and international campaigns that sought to highlight the country’s aspirant status as a rainbow nation and its pan-Africanist ideals. This study investigates how, as host for the 2010 FIFA World Cup™, South Africa was reported on by two international online media newspapers, The New York Times (United States of America (USA)) and the Guardian (United Kingdom (UK)). The aim is to address an understudied aspect of South Africa’s hosting of the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ by reflecting systematically on the tone and content of international media portrayals of the event, both before and during the tournament. The study has two focuses. Firstly, it considers the motives for South Africa’s bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™. Secondly, it appraises the content and nature of reporting in the two overseas newspapers. The study uses a mix of secondary and primary sources, which include academic journals, books, websites, newspaper articles and government and the FIFA websites. The findings of this study suggest that the bid to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup™ was based on the country’s positive experience from hosting previous sports mega-events. Additionally, South Africa wanted to showcase its commercial maturity, its development of physical infrastructure, and the presence of human skills. The motives underpinning the bid aimed at dispelling and challenging international misconceptions of the African continent. The novelty of an African country bidding to stage and hosting a sport mega-event such as the FIFA World Cup™ resulted in the country gaining extensive international media coverage from The New York Times and the Guardian. The qualitative and quantitative content analysis from these two newspapers yielded some commonality and recurrence of words such as: “stadium”, “tickets”, ‘vuvuzela”, “crime”, and “security”. The differences between the two newspapers were minimal, supporting the liberal-pluralist theoretical claim that the media acts as an agenda setter, and in line with the Marxist theory of the ideological role of the media. Media coverage of sports mega-events is important and influential in determining the way in which the host country is branded, and future studies are necessary to address the
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die koms van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het gepaard gegaan met die toename in tenders en die gasheerskap van megasportgebeure om nasionale belange en doelwitte te bereik. Die doel was die herposisionering van die Suid-Afrikaanse beeld in die internasionale gemeenskap deur middel van nasionale en internasionale veldtogte wat daarna gestreef het om die land se reënboognasiebeeld en sy pan-Afrikanistiese ideale te beklemtoon. Hierdie studie ondersoek hoe Suid-Afrika, as gasheer vir die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker, deur twee internasionale aanlynmediakoerante, The New York Times (Verenigde State van Amerika) en die Guardian (Verenigde Koninkryk) uitgebeeld is. Die doel is om die meer onverkende aspekte van Suid-Afrika se gasheerskap onder oë te neem, en voorts om sistematiese peiling te doen van die toon en inhoud van internasionale media-uitbeeldings van die sport gebeurtenis. Die studie het twee fokuspunte. Eerstens word ondersoek ingestel na die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied. Tweedens beoordeel dit die inhoud en aard van verslaggewing in die twee oorsese koerante. Die studie gebruik ’n mengsel van sekondêre en primêre bronne, insluitend akademiese tydskrifte, boeke, webwerwe, koerantberigte en die regering en FIFA se webwerwe. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie beklemtoon dat die motiewe van Suid-Afrika se bod om die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker aan te bied, gegrond was op die bewese positiewe prestasierekord wat die land as gasheer in vorige megasportgebeure opgebou het. Voorts wou Suid-Afrika sy kommersiële volwassenheid, die ontwikkeling van fisiese infrastruktuur, en die teenwoordigheid van mensvaardighede ten toon te stel. Die motiewe vir die bod was ook daarop gemik om internasionale wanopvattings oor die Afrika-vasteland uit te daag en uit die weg te ruim. Die ongekendheid van die aanbied van ’n megasportgebeurtenis soos die FIFA Wêreldbeker deur ’n Afrikaland, het daartoe gelei dat die land uitgebreide internasionale mediadekking in The New York Times en die Guardian geniet het. Die kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe inhoudontleding het getoon dat daar ’n mate van gemeenskaplikheid en herhaling van woorde was, soos: “stadium”, “tickets”, “vuvuzela”, “crime” en “security”. Die verskille tussen die twee koerante was minimaal en ondersteun liberaal-pluralistiese teorie wat die media as ’n agenda steller uitwys. Dit ondersteun ook Marxistiese teorie oor die ideologiese rol van die media. Mediadekking van megasportgebeure is belangrik en invloedryk in die bepaling van die manier waarop die gasheerland as handelsmerk voorgestel word, en toekomstige studies is nodig om die onderbestudeerde aspekte van die 2010 FIFA Wêreldbeker ™ te ontleed. Dit sluit onder andere in, ontleding van die langtermyn ekonomiese, politieke en maatskaplike nalatenskappe van so ’n gebeurtenis.
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Schröder, Benjamin. "Händler und Helden." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/20089.
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Die Dissertation untersucht mittels Lokalstudien die Massendemokratie der Zwischenkriegszeit im Medium der Praxis von Wahlkämpfen. Sie argumentiert, dass die britische Demokratie bereits in den 1920er Jahren in deutlich stärkerem Maße als die deutsche nach den Prinzipien eines politischen Marktes funktionierte. Während in der hiesigen politischen Kultur Wähler als Individuen von den Parteien umworben wurden, standen sie sich in Deutschland als Großgruppen und feste Anhängerschaften der Parteien als Gegner - und Feinde - entgegen. Das gab der demokratischen Auseinandersetzung in der Weimarer Republik ein kriegerisches Gepräge, im Kontrast zum pragmatisch-spielerischen Umgang mit Konflikt in Großbritannien. Erklären lässt sich dieser Unterschied aus den Traditionen der Eingewöhnung politischer Partizipation in beiden Ländern im Verlauf des 19. Jahrhunderts, die der „Politik“ in Deutschland ein deutlich höheres Gewicht im sozialen Miteinander mitgab als in Großbritannien. Das letztendliche Scheitern der Weimarer Republik an dieser Attributierung des Politischen mit Bedeutung und des Konflikts mit Ernsthaftigkeit, wirft die Frage auf, ob die moderne Demokratie für ihr Bestehen ein gewisses Maß an Gleichgültigkeit benötigt.The thesis uses local contexts to study mass democracy in the inter-war period in the medium of electioneering practice. It argues that British democracy already followed the logic of a political market in the 1920s, to a much higher degree than was the case in Germany. Whereas parties wooed voters as individuals here, they were rather seen as part of big social groupings in German political culture, standing off against each other as opponents - and as enemies. This gave democratic contests in the Weimar Republic a war-like character, which stood in contrast to the pragmatic and playful way of dealing with conflict in Britain. The difference is explained by the traditions of how political participation had been learned throughout the 19th century in both countries, where the German path had resulted in 'politics' weighing much more heavily on social relations than was the case in Britain. The eventual failure of the Weimar Republic due to the attribution of meaning to everything political, and due to the seriousness of conflict, begs the question of whether modern democracy, to persist, requires a certain amount of disinterest among the electorate.
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Stein, Rachel Sarah. "Re-composing the Global Iberian Monarchy through the Lisbon Press of Pedro Craesbeeck (1597-1632)." Thesis, 2017. https://doi.org/10.7916/D85Q51TW.
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This dissertation investigates the role of the printing press in the global Iberian Monarchy of the Union of Crowns (1581-1640), when the Portuguese empire was annexed to Spain’s. I argue that the book printer Pedro Craesbeeck and the authors and editors who published works treating America, Africa, and Asia at his Lisbon house used the printing press to attempt to alter the Iberian Monarchy’s commercial and political composition. Pedro Craesbeeck reconfigured the printing industry of Iberian Europe by building a global publishing hub in Lisbon that attracted editorial projects from all over the monarchy while drawing business away from competitors in cities like Madrid, Antwerp, and Seville. Writers and publishers symbolically rearranged the two Iberian empires’ lines of administration, tying Spanish America to Lisbon and Portuguese Asia to Madrid through a variety of textual and material operations. These agents of the Iberian book trade wielded the printing press as a mechanism to ‘re-compose’ the global monarchy they inhabited, exploiting the flexibility of a multi-territorial, multi-jurisdictional state while working within and around the limitations imposed by the institutions of Church and Crown.
Pedro Craesbeeck’s press gives us stories of global linkages and disconnections forged in productive tension. This thesis makes a crucial contribution to studies of early modern globalization, which have tended to focus on tracking connections and circulations rather than dynamics of reconfiguration and redistribution. The dissertation also problematizes longstanding views of the printing press as a top-down tool of the Habsburg monarchs by showing that this technology enabled subjects to participate in the monarchy’s construction according to their individual designs. The dissertation makes these claims by closely analyzing the textual and material contents of printed histories, hagiographies, treatises, reports, and poetry in Spanish and Portuguese alongside archival documentation in those languages and Latin, as well as large sets of bibliographical data. Among the canonical works that occupy a prominent place in the dissertation are Mateo Alemán’s Segunda parte de la vida de Guzmán de Alfarache, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega’s La Florida del Inca and Comentarios reales, Luís de Camões’s Os lusíadas, Fernão Mendes Pinto’s Peregrinaçam, and Diogo do Couto’s Décadas da Ásia. I also bring to light a range of little-known works: a hagiography of an ascetic in New Spain, a treatise on the corruption of the Caribbean pearl trade, and a discourse on the short-lived Portuguese takeover of Pegu (current-day Bago, Myanmar), to name a few. By building a corpus of study out of Pedro Craesbeeck’s press, I put into dialogue texts rarely read together due to linguistic and national disciplinary divides. The categories of Spanish, Portuguese, peninsular, and colonial literature, history, and culture dissolve, giving way to a global Iberian perspective.
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Čermák, Robin. ""Bouncing Czech (energický Čech /nekrytý šek): Causa Robert Maxwell na britské mediální a ekonomické scéně"." Master's thesis, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-298575.
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The diploma thesis deals with the personality of Robert Maxwell, his biography, his taking effect on the British media and political scene. The thesis follows also Maxwell's book distribution, founding its first publishing house and several newspapers which he owned. The thesis contains information not only about the Robert Maxwell's personality but also about the historical context his times in Great Britain and focuses on the historical aspect of the media field, business and politics.
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Kim, Nam-Doo. "Making news out of Al-Jazeera: a comparative content analysis of American and British press coverage of events and issues involving the Arab media." Thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2916.
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Morin-Gagnon, Renaud. "La presse française et l’adhésion de la Grande-Bretagne à la CEE : des refus à l’acceptation (1961-1973)." Thèse, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/12473.
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À la suite de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, l’Europe est affaiblie et divisée. Les horreurs de la guerre amènent les Européens à repenser leur cohabitation et l’idée d’une Europe, unie par des liens économiques et politiques forts, germe dans l’esprit des Européens. Ils créent alors la CECA en 1951 puis, sept ans plus tard, la Communauté économique européenne. Puisque cette dernière aura du succès, certains pays européens, dont la Grande-Bretagne, demandent à la rejoindre. La France d’alors, sous la présidence de Charles de Gaulle, s’oppose à cette demande d’adhésion à deux reprises, en 1963 et en 1967. Il faut attendre l’arrivée de Georges Pompidou à l’Élysée pour que Londres intègre la CEE. L’élargissement de la Communauté est un évènement important; il a un impact direct sur le rôle de la France en Europe et dans le monde. Il a également une incidence certaine sur le rôle de l’Europe dans le monde bipolaire de l’époque, ainsi que sur ses relations avec l’allié américain.
La presse des pays concernés suivra ces évènements avec intérêt, telle la presse quotidienne française, qui commente abondamment les décisions prises par son gouvernement. Le présent mémoire, qui étudie certains journaux d’importance à la lumière des ouvrages d’érudition et des sources primaires, analyse thématiquement la position de journaux français de diverses tendances politiques sur la politique française au cours des trois demandes.Following the Second World War, Europe was divided and weak. The horrors of war forced Europeans to rethink how to co-exist and the idea of a united Europe with strong economical and political ties grew among them. The ECSC was created in 1951 and then, seven years later, the European Economic Community. When the latter succeeded, some European countries, like Great Britain, asked to join. France, and its president Charles de Gaulle, objected to the British application on two occasions, in 1963 and in 1967. London had to wait for the arrival of a new French president, Georges Pompidou, to be officially accepted in the EEC. The enlargement of the Community was an important event because it had an impact on France’s role in Europe and in the world. It also influenced Europe’s role in the then bipolar world and on its relations with the United States. The national press of the countries involved covered the events surrounding the enlargement with interest. The French daily press commented on them at length. Using both historical studies and primary sources, this thesis thematically analyzes the views of French newspaper of different political horizons on French policy surrounding the three British applications.
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Bajerová, Adéla. "Mediální obraz Československa v britském tisku 1918 - 1922." Master's thesis, 2019. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-393509.
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This diploma thesis deals with the reception of the newly established Czechoslovakia by the British press from 1918 to 1922. My task was to find out how often and in what context did Czechoslovakia appear in the press and what was the difference between the image of the republic in each newspaper. Secondarily, my task was to evaluate the success of the Czechoslovak propaganda in Britain. The thesis consists of two parts. The first part presents the context of the emergence of Czechoslovakia, Czechoslovak-British diplomacy aims and cultural propaganda in the given period. One chapter is dedicated to the history of the British press and includes profiles of the journals examined. The practical part incorporates both quantitative and qualitative analysis. Four broadsheets in total were analysed; The Times, The Manchester Guardian, The Daily Telegraph and a Sunday newspaper The Observer. Quantitative content analysis of The Times was used to determine the frequency, the length and the interest of the mentions of Czechoslovakia as well as the theme of the articles. Based on the quantitative analysis, sample time periods were selected for the qualitative section. The qualitative analysis further deepens the quantitative part and presents the explicit and implicit attributes that Czechoslovakia was...
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Lagrange, Catherine. "La perception du boulangisme par la presse britannique." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/19099.
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Au cours de la deuxième moitié des années 1880, la vie politique française est marquée par l’émergence du boulangisme. Ce mouvement contestataire éphémère, qui se forme autour du général Boulanger, rassemble aussi bien des membres de la gauche que de la droite grâce à un programme qui se résume principalement au slogan «Dissolution, constituante, révision». En s’opposant au régime parlementaire des républicains modérés, le boulangisme menace la Troisième République et suscite également des craintes à l’échelle européenne, alors qu’on appréhende qu’une victoire du «général Revanche» n’entraîne, volontairement ou non, une nouvelle guerre européenne.
Ce mémoire vise à approfondir les connaissances sur la perception du boulangisme hors France en analysant le contenu de quatre journaux britanniques (le Birmingham Daily Post, le Manchester Guardian, le Scotsman et le Times) qui ont été choisis afin d’assurer une représentation géographique et politique. Les deux premiers chapitres abordent la perception de l’impact du boulangisme sur la scène européenne et sur la scène politique française, alors que le dernier chapitre s’attarde à l’image que se fait la presse britannique du général Boulanger comme individu. Ce qui se dégage de cette analyse est une perception principalement négative du boulangisme.During the second half of the 1880s, French political life was marked by the emergence of Boulangism. This short-lived anti-establishment movement formed around General Boulanger gathered members of both the Left and the Right thanks to a program mainly summed up in the slogan «Dissolution, constituante, révision». By opposing itself to the parliamentary regime of the Moderate Republicans, Boulangism threatened the Third Republic and also aroused fears throughout Europe as it was apprehended that a victory from the «général Revanche» would lead, willingly or not, to a new European war. This thesis’ aim is to increase the knowledge about the perception of Boulangism outside of France by analysing the content of four British newspapers (the Birmingham Daily Post, the Manchester Guardian, the Scotsman and the Times) which were chosen as to offer a geographical and political representation. The first two chapters tackle the perception of the impact of Boulangism on the European scene and the French political scene, while the last chapter covers the British press’ image of General Boulanger as an individual. What emerges from this analysis is a mostly negative perception of Boulangism.
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Lin, Chen-Yu. "Öffentliche Videoüberwachung in den USA, Großbritannien und Deutschland." Doctoral thesis, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-0006-B3C4-7.
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Sweetman, Roseanne Lopers, and Jonathan Chaplin. "Perspective vol. 16 no. 5 (Oct 1982)." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251289.
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Smith, Tamara Leanne. "Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2010-05-921.
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In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War.
Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined.text