Journal articles on the topic 'Credit cards Security measures Standards'

The object of the study is the relations arising during the functioning of the national legal mechanism for ensuring cybersecurity. The subject of the study is presented by regulatory legal acts and sources of "soft law" of Thailand, which establish requirements for information systems of the financial and banking sector. Using the example of the second economy in Southeast Asia - Thailand, the role of the financial regulator of the state – the Bank of Thailand (Bank of Thailand, BOT) in ensuring cybersecurity of the financial and banking sectors is described. The features of the legal status of the Bank of Thailand, determining the coordinating role in the institutional mechanism for ensuring cybersecurity, are highlighted. The key documents of the financial regulator that form the regulatory mechanism for ensuring cybersecurity in Thailand are examined. The powers of the financial regulator of Thailand are distributed among three bodies. The Bank of Thailand controls commercial banks, financial companies, credit institutions, asset management companies, electronic payment services and credit card companies. The Securities and Exchange Commission oversees securities transactions, while the Insurance Commission oversees the activities of insurance companies. Ensuring information security is entrusted to the Bank of Thailand, which is authorized to create a risk management system for financial institutions in order to ensure their stability. To this end, it adopts regulations that establish security standards for three types of information systems: general, serving electronic payments and serving electronic payment cards. Noteworthy is the requirement for information system operators, when concluding a service agreement, to determine the rights of internal and external auditors, as well as an official of the Bank of Thailand to verify transactions and control the service provider. The financial regulator determines the status of service providers of particularly important payment systems, charging them with the obligation to develop security measures for information systems, depending on the types and complexity of their own services.

This paper analyses relevant IT governance and security frameworks/standards used in IT assurance and security to propose an integrated framework for ensuring effective PCI DSS implementation. Merchants dealing with credit cards have to comply with the Payment Card Industry Data Security Standards (PCI DSS) or face penalties for non-compliance. With more transactions based on credit cards, merchants are finding it costly and increasingly difficult to implement and interpret the PCI standard. One of the top reasons cited for merchants to fail PCI audit, and a leading factor in data theft, is the failure to adequately protect stored cardholder data. Although implementation of the PCI DSS is not a guarantee for perfect protection, effective implementation of the PCI standards can be ensured through the divergence of the PCI standard into wider information security governance to provide a comprehensive overview of information security based not only on security but also security audit and control. The contribution of this paper is the development of an integrated comprehensive security governance framework for ‘information security’ (rather than data protection) incorporating Control Objectives for Information and related Technology (COBIT), Information Technology Infrastructure Library (ITIL) and ISO 27002.

The development of market financial system in Poland was determined to a large extent, globally operating processes of the situation on the financial markets and the processes of adaptation to the normative standards and technological European Union. As part of anti-crisis measures leading central banks, Anglo-Saxon and European financial system have launched a high-budget system, interventionist assistance programs. Finally, the cost of rescuing the financial system was thrown to the proverbial John Doe ie. Most numerous segment of bank customers. Currentlyperformed research carried out in previous years, interventionist government programs to rescue the anti-crisis measures of the key players of the economy from bankruptcy financial and activation of demand, investment, production and liquidity in the credit market. In terms of development-oriented activities of government intervention, the European Central Bank continues to apply mild monetary policy of low interest rates in order to improve liquidity in the financial system and offering cheap money for the development of pro-investment share of credit of commercial banks operating in the European Union.

Іintroduction. Despite the fact that a significant number of scientific publications by well-known Ukrainian authors are devoted to the issues of legal regulation of credit obligations, at the same time separate studies of banking legislation requirements on "acceptability of collateral" have not been conducted in Ukrainian civil science in recent years. This, taking into account the gradual alignment of banking legislation of Ukraine with the standards of Basel III, and Directive 2002/47 / EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 6 June 2002 on financial collateral mechanisms, necessitates such scientific research. The aim of the article. On the basis of the analysis of the legislation of Ukraine, the legislation of the European Union, scientific advances in the sphere of civil law and banking legislation, in the context of the analysis of the banking legislation of Ukraine, it is safe for creditors. In order to achieve this goal: 1. Conduct an analysis of civil and legal species for the protection of crops for the subject of іх possible delivery to “acceptable safety” and vrahuvannya banks when opening a credit card. 2. Significantly "quasi-security", as viewed by the banking legislation in the form of "acceptable security" for credit cards. 3. Zdіysniti analysis of the approaches to the legislation of the EU in the field of protection from credit denominations. Results. The methodological basis of the study is general scientific and special legal methods of scientific knowledge. In particular, the dialectical method, the method of analysis and synthesis, the comparative law method, the functional method, the modeling method, etc. Conclusions. First, the banking legislation does not consider as "acceptable collateral" such types of collateral as penalty, surety, deposit, retention. Secondly, the banking legislation considers as "acceptable collateral" not only those specified in Part 1 of Art. 546 of the Civil Code of Ukraine types of security for performance of obligations (pledge, right of trust ownership, guarantee), and other types of security for performance of obligations provided by law or contract (reserve letter of credit, performing the function of financial guarantee, guarantees of public entities, guarantee payment), but also contractual constructions which do not concern types of maintenance of performance of obligations (repo agreements). Thus, the banking legislation considers collateral in credit operations from the economic point of view, according to which "acceptable collateral" is only such liquid collateral that guarantees the rapid recovery of the property of the creditor bank, which suffered damage due to default or improper performance of the counterparty loan obligation, as well as "quasi-collateral", if such is referred by banking legislation to "acceptable collateral". Third, the existence of rules in the banking legislation on the acceptability of collateral in no way affects the right of banks to use any type of collateral provided by law or contract, if the application of such is possible in credit relations, taking into account the legal nature of the relevant types. software. Fourth, the set of regulations of the National Bank of Ukraine on the acceptability of collateral can be considered as an institution of banking law, which includes as rules of civil law governing the types of collateral, other rules of contract law governing other "quasi-collateral" contractual constructions, as well as public-law special norms of banking legislation, which establish additional regulatory requirements for banks to ensure credit operations and calculate credit risk.

The purpose of the article is to study the basics of financial security of banking with the identification of threats, their systematization into a single classification to determine ways to increase the financial security of the banking sector. Theoretical bases of financial security of banks are substantiated. The approaches are generalized and the concept of "financial security of the bank" is defined. The main components of the bank's financial security have been formed and the classification of internal and external threats to the banking security system has been carried out. Measures have been identified to prevent external and internal threats to Ukraine's banking sector, which should be developed with minimal resources and time to achieve the desired result. The banking sector of Ukraine (operating banks) for the period 2016–2020 is analyzed, which indicates a tendency to decrease (by 42), and the number of banks with 100% foreign capital increased by 6. To properly assess the level of financial security of Ukrainian banks, the main performance indicators for the period 2016–2020 were studied and it was established that: the banks' assets increased by 18.5% to UAH 1,532,671 million; customer lending decreased from 80% to 68%; return on assets increased by 6.04% and in 2020 amounted to 5.23%, improving the efficiency of banks in 2020 by 1.52. The dynamics of the regulatory capital adequacy ratio, the dynamics of credit risk ratios of banks and the dynamics of financial results of the banking sector of Ukraine are analyzed. Measures to increase the level of financial security of banks, based on the unification of the core indicators of banking and their methodology of calculation according to international standards, which will strengthen legal protection of creditors, maintain low inflation and a stable exchange rate, create a favorable investment climate.

This study was focused on evaluating the factors influencing the decision of customers of GCB bank on the adoption of e-banking. The study used a descriptive design where a structured questionnaire was administered to 351 customers of five selected GCB bank branches in the Kumasi Metropolis using convenient sampling technique. Data was analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) version 20 software. It was identified that although people have knowledge about e-banking, their focus on using it is a bit questionable. For instance, customers are much more conversant in the use of SMS banking and ATM as compared to their conversant use of credit cards, internet banking and phone banking. In terms of the useful features of e-banking that necessitates its adoption by customers, e-banking was seen as convenient, easily accessible, easy to use, useful, advantageous and highly secured. However, issues of inadequate education, huge security issues, high illiteracy, network failure, inadequate governmental policies and slow response from the bank are possible in curtailing the frequent adoption of the services by customers of the bank. Therefore, the management of the bank should put in structures and measures to make the e-banking platforms adopted by the bank more user friendly for customers to subscribe to the products.

The development of the economy directly depends on the state of the banking system, financing and servicing of enterprises by banking institutions. A prerequisite for this is to ensure a stable financial position of banks, which is the main task of both their owners and the regulator of the banking sector. In transition economies with poorly developed financial markets, in most cases, banks are the only institutions that form the necessary information for financial intermediation, provide diversification of financial resources, reduce the level of risk of financial activity, and promote the implementation of leading standards of corporate governance. Even in economically developed countries, banks remain centers of financial and economic activity, while taking a special place among financial institutions as instruments of making credit investments, creating savings and ensuring payments. In addition, stability is extremely important given the functions of financial intermediation, the provision of cash flow, customer satisfaction in financial services, the efficient allocation of credit resources and the maintenance of financial discipline among borrowers. In transition economies with poorly developed financial markets, in most cases, banks are the only institutions that form the necessary information for financial intermediation, provide diversification of financial resources, reduce the level of risk of financial activity, and promote the implementation of leading standards of corporate governance. Even in economically developed countries, banks remain centers of financial and economic activity, while taking a special place among financial institutions as instruments of making credit investments, creating savings and ensuring payments. In the article, the directions of improvement of the mechanism of state regulation of anti-crisis management by the economic security of banking institutions of Ukraine are systematized by systematizing the main measures, which are united in the main directions, in particular such as: the period of implementation; by the entities that implement them; on the mechanisms of implementation; by types of banking activity.

In today’s technological world, it is common for corporations and individuals alike to enjoy and exploit the benefits of cloud computing. These advancements, however, come with a price as the modern technological age continues to grow. By its very nature, the normal course of business has changed drastically. From private entrepreneurial websites to conglomerates like Amazon, Inc., making purchases online has never been easier. Rather than traveling to your products, consumers today simply create an account with a certain business, enter personal credentials, provide a credit or debit card number for the transaction, and give an address for the shipment of their newly owned product. As a way to facilitate this course of business, it is normal for online venders to utilize their consumer’s information and store it for future use in the event that the consumer would like to purchase again. Due to the storing of valuable information onto the cloud, an increasing number of online security breaches via hacking from unauthorized individuals has occurred. This has led to multiple areas of contention between state laws and regulations, the businesses found therein, along with their valuable stored information and the use of the cloud itself. This Note aims to fill the gaps between the legal and the constantly changing technological world. Since valuable personal property is at stake when consumer information is stored in online databases, it is imperative that laws offering protection provide adequate safeguards to those most at risk. In filling these gaps, this Note first explains the use of cloud computing, including cloud variations and the essential components to these online databases. Second, this Note delves into an in-depth analysis of Federal Trade Commission v. Wyndham Worldwide Corporation, a recent FTC (Federal Trade Commission) case that has provided uncertainty in the cybersecurity world. Third, this Note identifies the gray areas from Wyndham that remain in question as well as provides a foundation of existing case law to shed light on the topic. Fourth, this Note proposes a change in the FTC’s current proceedings to provide a rule that identifies specific cybersecurity measures to obtain adequate protections in the event of cyber attacks.

Modern globalization and integration processes, introduction of the latest information technologies, competition in the banking sector, increasing of foreign banking capital share, lack of comprehensive legal regulation of banking activities, lack of development of Ukrainian financial markets, tense criminal challenges lead to new threats to financial security of the banking sector in general and of individual banks in particular. In turn, the efficient functioning of the banking system is impossible without maintaining high level of financial security of each commercial bank. The aim of the research is deepening the theoretical and methodological foundations of commercial bank financial security assessing and to development practical recommendations for improving its level. The subject of the research is theoretical and methodological principles and practical aspects of analysis and assessment of bank financial security level . The methods of the research: logical and meaningful method, method of comparison, method of analysis and synthesis, method of expert estimation, method of coefficients, integral method, etc. The hypothesis of the research. The investigation of the current state of a bank's financial security should be conducted in several stages: questioning of typical (external and internal) threats to the bank's financial security; express analysis of commercial bank financial security level; calculation of the integral index of bank financial security level. The statement of basic materials. The survey conducted typical external and internal threats to bank financial security, the results of which showed that the investigated bank is protected from external threats to financial security by 60% (9 points out of 15 possible) and from internal threats by 100% (15 points out of 15 possible). In the second stage of the process of financial security research, express analysis of financial security was carried out on the bases of the coefficients method, which includes four groups of basic banking indicators: bank financial stability indicators, bank business activity indicators, bank liquidity indicators, efficiency of bank activity indicators. The results of the rapid financial security diagnostics showed that in 2014-2015 the bank had low level of financial security, and in 2016-2018 it was sufficient. In addition, the integral financial security index of the bank is calculated, including the following indicators: financial and economic standards, credit and deposit dollarization, banking performance (ROA, ROE), profitability indicators and others. Integrated financial security indicators show that the highest level of financial security was in 2016, and in 2018 it was sufficient. It also proposes measures to enhance various components of the bank's financial security, the practical implementation of which will improve the efficiency of managing of banking institution financial security. The originality and practical significance of the research is development an approach to assessing commercial bank financial security and implementation it on the example of Raiffeisen Bank Aval. Conclusions and perspectives of further research. The approach to the assessment of the financial security level is proposed, which involves carrying out the evaluation in several stages, namely, the questioning of external and internal threats to bank financial security, express analysis of the financial security level of a commercial bank and calculation of an integral indicator of bank financial security level, which makes possible to assess the bank financial security level. It also proposes measures to enhance various components of the bank's financial security, the practical implementation of which will improve the efficiency of managing of banking institution financial security. As part of the further study it is planned to evaluate the effectiveness of the proposed measures of bank financial security level increasing.

A general assessment of the state of small business, the business environment, unfavorable conditions and opportunities for its development has been carried out. The analysis of the decrease in the rating of ease of doing business in international comparisons is presented. The features of the state and prospects of Ukraine in the Eastern Partnership are revealed in the context of the policy of supporting small and medium-sized businesses. The directions of the European Union’s financial assistance to Ukrainian entrepreneurship are revealed. Attention is focused on strengthening European aid during the COVID-19 pandemic. The directions of activities created within the framework of assistance from the European Union – the Office for the Development of Small and Medium Enterprises, the Office for the Promotion of Ukraine’s Exports, the Ukrainian Foundation for Standards, and the Office for Effective Regulation are disclosed. The possibilities of presenting Ukrainian goods and services, which are unique and competitive, to foreign markets are revealed. The need for the development of certain types of creative industries with an emphasis on specialized activities in the field of design has been substantiated. In the list of barriers to implementation, the lack of an industrial design ecosystem is put in the first place. It is proposed to include creative formations in regional development strategies through public-private partnerships. The essence and content of directions and measures of state policy of Ukraine to support entrepreneurship, which have legal regulation, are disclosed. State support for certain industries and spheres of activity included assistance in case of partial unemployment, credit holidays, tax preferences, cheaper loans, financial support for agribusiness, development of the National online platform “Action. Business”. The directions of state support by target groups have been systematized. It is proposed to use such levers and mechanisms that will strengthen the state anti-pandemic policy.

The semi-arid region of the world is occasionally affected by erratic rainfall and drought which threatens agricultural production and food security. This paper presents the outcome obtained from a review to provide proactive measures that will combat the problems of water scarcity through the adoption of sensor-based drip irrigation by small-scale farmers. The small-scale farmers constituted the larger proportion of the farming population in the region. The paper is centred on the general overview of irrigation practices, advances in irrigation systems, modelling irrigation and cropping Systems, coupling soil sensors with drip irrigation and their adoption. Factors that hinder the acceptance and adoption of sensor-based drip irrigation systems were reviewed and synthesized which include initial capital investment, farmers’ awareness, risk perception and uncertainties, technical know-how, farm size and capital recovery. A simple framework for adopting a sensor-based drip irrigation system was developed. The building blocks of the framework include the dissemination of sensor-based irrigation to farmers, the creation of awareness among farming communities, and the provision of subsidies and credit. Others include the provision of policies and environmental standards and review of the price of water charges. This study will be useful to farmers, agricultural extension agents and policymakers in making decisions about the water resources planning and farming activities in the region.

The issues of energy and environment were two outstanding problems to control our economical and social sustainable development. Our government focused on the development of renewable energy industry all the time, having taken some positive matching policies in order to promote development and utilization of the renewable energy, which has gained great achievements. But with the consumption increase of oil, gas and coal etc, pressures in the ecological environment protection were becoming larger, and energy saving and emission reduction, green development, development of new energy have become the world's economic development strategies. As for China, there are still many difficulties and problems realizing the sustainable development of renewable energy industry, and we need to take the positive study and learn from foreign advanced experience. In biological energy, water power, wind power and solar energy and some like, we need to establish and perfect the relevant measures, and further make the development of renewable energy industry clear in the position of the national strategies. And improving the more positive policy to encourage to support renewable energy industry development, and earnestly carrying out tax, credit, investment, pricing and subsidies policies, supporting renewable energy industry international standards, promoting new energy resources, saving and replacing the fossil energy are the strategic choices to guarantee energy security, optimize the energy structure, and promote national economic and social sustainable development, and protect the ecological environment responding to climate change, to adjust the industrial structure.

The purpose of the work is to consider the theoretical and practical aspects of fraud in the Internet sphere and on this basis to identify ways to ensure the confidentiality and cybersecurity of private users and commercial organizations. The methodological basis of the work is the use of general and special methods of scientific knowledge. Methods of combining analysis and synthesis, induction and deduction have been used to identify different types of fraud in the Internet. Generalization methods, logical and empirical, were used in determining the directions of development of the national cyber defense system and ensuring confidentiality. The main results of the work: The most common methods of fraud with the use of bank payment cards are identified, among which: a fake poll on social networks with a prize draw; a phone call to obtain classified information; SIM card replacement for access to online banking; online payments on unsecured sites; phishing; copying card data when handed over; unsecured WI-Fi networks; computers in public places; skimming for card data theft; unauthorized micropayments; ATM fraud; use of malicious programs (viruses), fake sites in order to compromise the details of electronic payment instruments and/or logins/passwords for access to Internet/mobile banking systems; dissemination (sale, dissemination) of information on compromised data; terminal network fraud; fraud in remote service systems; social engineering. Basic security rules are defined to prevent fraud. The experience of European countries in the field of cybersecurity is analyzed. The directions of adaptation of the current legislation on cybersecurity to the EU standards are outlined and the directions of development of the national system of cybersecurity are defined. The practical significance of the results is to deepen the understanding of the nature and mechanism of various types of fraud in the Internet. The recommendations proposed in the paper can form a methodological and theoretical basis for the development of economic policy of the state to ensure the confidentiality and cybersecurity of private users and commercial organizations. Conclusions. The state should establish an effective oversight body in the field of personal data protection, but security measures and online restrictions should comply with international standards. The use of encryption should not be prohibited at the legislative level, as such restrictions reduce the ability of citizens to protect themselves from illegal intrusions into privacy. In addition, the state policy in the Internet should be aimed at promoting the development and operation of secure Internet technologies and the formation of mechanisms to protect against services and protocols that threaten the technical functioning of the Internet from viruses, phishing and more.

Introduction: according to the official statistics, the number of acts involving information technology is increasing every year in Russia. In particular, currently, the types of crimes in the field of information technology are changing qualitatively and continue to evolve continuously, becoming highly organized and more sophisticated. Through the use of information technologies in Russia, such crimes as hacking, illegal data acquisition (information espionage), theft of other people’s property from payment (settlement) cards and accounts of citizens, trafficking of drugs, arms, human beings are committed; the extremist literature is distributed, new members of terrorist groups are recruited; pornography, including children, is spread, illegal gambling and online games are conducted; fraud through the use of cellular and IP-telephony services, theft of personal data in large amount and selling them, and other crimes are committed using information technologies. The current type of computer fraud – phishing – is gaining momentum. Its essence is that cybercriminals seek to get hold of the data of ordinary people through computer technology, and using this data, get hold of their funds, including financial ones. It seems that such actions can neither contribute to the development of Russian society, nor to the development of civilized relations in society, nor to the development of information networks themselves. After all, any technology can be used for both constructive and non-constructive technologies. And when these goals are destructive, the law enforcement agencies, in our opinion, should have an effective level of training to deal with such violations. We believe that it is not enough to calculate, detect, and establish. We still need to be able to bring the culprit to criminal responsibility. In this regard, the most important thing is to ensure that anonymity not only creates the illusion of impunity, but also that the law enforcement agencies have a sufficient legal, organizational and, first of all, personnel basis to expose the criminal. In order to successfully thwart crimes in the field of information technology, the availability of implementation of the adopted standards and the key to the implementation of the state policy in the field of information security is the training and education of appropriate personnel who would provide “breakthrough” results in this area. The purpose of the research is to study the issues of improving the training of the law enforcement officers in countering crimes committed through the use of information technologies. Methods: the research uses a comparative analysis and generalization of the examples of the educational methods used in the educational organizations of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the field of information security. The authors study, in particular, the general theoretical and practical orientation of the educational process in this area, synthesizing the results obtained, whose purpose is to improve the training of highly qualified specialists for the Internal Affairs bodies capable of countering crimes in the field of information technologies. Results: the authors formulate the main directions for improving the training of the law enforcement officers to counter crimes committed using information technologies, in particular, on the example of the educational organizations used in the educational process of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Russia. Thus, one of the measures proposed by the authors in this direction is the opening of a new specialty – cyber-investigator or cyber-criminalist. The entry of developed countries into the sixth technological order and the further active digitalization of the world economy predict a huge scale and replication of crimes using information technologies. This circumstance actualizes the need to popularize the profession of a cyber-investigator – a specialist with an interdisciplinary education, i.e. experience in the investigative agencies will have to be combined with the skills of a criminalist and a specialist in the field of information protection.

<div class="page" title="Page 1"><div class="layoutArea"><div class="column"><p><span>Banking in facing the pace of technology in financial transactions in the use of credit cards as a means of payment runs safely. Protection of bank customers against misuse of credit cards so that customers are in a disadvantaged position. This study uses secondary data / literature as primary data supported by primary data, descriptive qualitative data presentation. Credit card crime has not been formulated normatively in Indonesia's positive law. The National Legal Development Agency (BPHN) tries to identify forms of cyberspace (credit card) activities with the Criminal Code, Banking Law, ITE Law and Consumer Protection Law. The policy regarding the regulation of credit card crimes is unclear, Article 263 and Article 378 of the Criminal Code are not relevant to be used to deal with criminal acts of credit card misuse, because there are some weaknesses that credit cards cannot be interpreted as letters. Therefore, legal protection for credit card customers can be surprised if there is participation from various parties regarding their rights and obligations, while the bank must be more open with credit card customers. Efforts to tackle credit card crime are carried out by means of a penal and non-penal policy that is to ensnare carders (credit card criminals) with the Criminal Code Articles by maximizing criminal threats and preventive measures by improving the credit card operational standard system as a form of security . </span></p></div></div></div>

In November 2005 Fidelity Homestead, a savings bank in Louisiana, began noticing suspicious charges from Mexico and southern California on its customers' credit cards. More than a year later, an audit revealed peculiarities in the credit card data in the computer systems of TJX Companies, the parent company of more than 2,600 discount fashion and home accessories retail stores in the United States, Canada, and Europe.The U.S. Secret Service, the U.S. Justice Department, and the Royal Canadian Mounted Police found that hackers had penetrated TJX's systems in mid-2005, accessing information that dated as far back as 2003. TJX had violated industry security standards by failing to update its in-store wireless networks and by storing credit card numbers and expiration dates without adequate encryption. When TJX announced the intrusion in January 2007, it admitted that hackers had compromised nearly 46 million debit and credit card numbers, the largest-ever data breach in the United States.After analyzing and discussing the case, students should be able to: Understand imbedded operational risks Analyze how operational risk decisions are made in a firm Understand the challenges in the electronic payment transmission process, which relies on each participant in the process to operate best-in-class safety systems to ensure the safety of the entire process Recognize the sophistication of IT security threats

The development of non-cash forms of payment, the introduction of bank cards, Internet resources in the field of payments, is a characteristic feature of everyday life. In 2020–2021, due to quarantine measures, Ukrainians increasingly began to choose non-cash payments, payments and online purchases. The active use of the latest information technologies has led to the growth of various manifestations of fraud in the field of public relations, ranging from financial and credit and ending with foreign economic activity and the Internet. Financial fraud, which is a system of relations in the field of money circulation and financial obligations, the purpose of which is to misappropriate the financial resources of banks and/or their customers by deceiving or abusing the trust or position of citizens/employees of banking institutions. The imperfect legal system contributes to the fact that the state continues to actively implement various fraudulent schemes. It has been established that the main type of fraud in the banking sector is payment card fraud. The most common types of fraudulent transactions with bank cards are considered. Based on the analysis of the consequences of cyber-fraud, which occur in the use of payment instruments by banks, it is determined that the most vulnerable place is the client himself, who under the influence of various methods of social engineering becomes the object of fraud. Based on statistical data, the dynamics of the number and structure of crimes related to financial fraud in Ukraine is analyzed and the high level of their latency is emphasized. Emphasis is placed on the important role of the state in overcoming this negative phenomenon. Ensuring the effective functioning of commercial banks, the proper level of their financial security is impossible without the formation and implementation of an effective system for detecting and preventing financial fraud in banking institutions. Analyzing the modern security system, simple rules for using software and electronic payment systems, which are used all over the world, have been introduced. There are also ways to combat financial fraud in general and bank card transactions in particular, which has a positive effect on improving the financial security of a commercial bank.

The main indicators of man-made load on the environment and the cost of environmental measures in Ukraine indicate the deterioration of the environment as a vital environment for human existence and an integral part of national security. In the current conditions of progressive growth of anthropogenic pollution in Ukraine, the problem of forming an effective mechanism of environmental management at all levels of the hierarchy of environmental management - from the enterprise and the region to the national and global economy. The article is devoted to the study of the development and implementation of modern methods and tools of environmental management at the state and regional levels. Issues related to the management of environmental activities and the rational use of natural resources are very urgent and inextricably linked to the national interests of the functioning and development of the economic system and society as a whole. State environmental management is designed to ensure compliance with international and national standards and regulations to limit the harmful effects of pollutants on the environment and human health; to promote the optimization of interaction between the legislative and executive authorities at different levels of environmental management; to promote the introduction of effective economic mechanisms for the promotion of environmental products, stimulating the development of resource-saving "green" technologies; ensure environmental audit and implementation of environmental initiatives, etc. Based on this, the article analyzes the advantages and disadvantages of existing environmental management tools, including administrative and control and market-oriented and financial and credit. The article also analyzes the implementation of capital investments and current expenditures for environmental protection in the Odessa region for the period from 2010 to 2019 and identifies general trends in the financing of environmental measures in the region. On the basis of the conducted analysis the directions of improvement of the mechanism of management of nature protection activity at the state and regional levels which, first of all, are connected with tax-budgetary and credit instruments are offered.

Introduction Figure 1 The counter-Terrorism advertising campaign of London’s Metropolitan Police commodifies some everyday items such as mobile phones, computers, passports and credit cards as having the potential to sustain terrorist activities. The process of ascribing cultural values and symbolic meanings to some everyday technical gadgets objectifies and situates Terrorism into the everyday life. The police, in urging people to look out for ‘the unusual’ in their normal day-to-day lives, juxtapose the everyday with the unusual, where day-to-day consumption, routines and flows of human activity can seemingly house insidious and atavistic elements. This again is reiterated in the Met police press release: Terrorists live within our communities making their plans whilst doing everything they can to blend in, and trying not to raise suspicions about their activities. (MPA Website) The commodification of Terrorism through uncommon and everyday objects situates Terrorism as a phenomenon which occupies a liminal space within the everyday. It resides, breathes and co-exists within the taken-for-granted routines and objects of ‘the everyday’ where it has the potential to explode and disrupt without warning. Since 9/11 and the 7/7 bombings Terrorism has been narrated through the disruption of mobility, whether in mid-air or in the deep recesses of the Underground. The resonant thread of disruption to human mobility evokes a powerful meta-narrative where acts of Terrorism can halt human agency amidst the backdrop of the metropolis, which is often a metaphor for speed and accelerated activities. If globalisation and the interconnected nature of the world are understood through discourses of risk, Terrorism bears the same footprint in urban spaces of modernity, narrating the vulnerability of the human condition in an inter-linked world where ideological struggles and resistance are manifested through inexplicable violence and destruction of lives, where the everyday is suspended to embrace the unexpected. As a consequence ambient fear “saturates the social spaces of everyday life” (Hubbard 2). The commodification of Terrorism through everyday items of consumption inevitably creates an intertextuality with real and media events, which constantly corrode the security of the metropolis. Paddy Scannell alludes to a doubling of place in our mediated world where “public events now occur simultaneously in two different places; the place of the event itself and that in which it is watched and heard. The media then vacillates between the two sites and creates experiences of simultaneity, liveness and immediacy” (qtd. in Moores 22). The doubling of place through media constructs a pervasive environment of risk and fear. Mark Danner (qtd. in Bauman 106) points out that the most powerful weapon of the 9/11 terrorists was that innocuous and “most American of technological creations: the television set” which provided a global platform to constantly replay and remember the dreadful scenes of the day, enabling the terrorist to appear invincible and to narrate fear as ubiquitous and omnipresent. Philip Abrams argues that ‘big events’ (such as 9/11 and 7/7) do make a difference in the social world for such events function as a transformative device between the past and future, forcing society to alter or transform its perspectives. David Altheide points out that since September 11 and the ensuing war on terror, a new discourse of Terrorism has emerged as a way of expressing how the world has changed and defining a state of constant alert through a media logic and format that shapes the nature of discourse itself. Consequently, the intensity and centralisation of surveillance in Western countries increased dramatically, placing the emphasis on expanding the forms of the already existing range of surveillance processes and practices that circumscribe and help shape our social existence (Lyon, Terrorism 2). Normalisation of Surveillance The role of technologies, particularly information and communication technologies (ICTs), and other infrastructures to unevenly distribute access to the goods and services necessary for modern life, while facilitating data collection on and control of the public, are significant characteristics of modernity (Reiman; Graham and Marvin; Monahan). The embedding of technological surveillance into spaces and infrastructures not only augment social control but also redefine data as a form of capital which can be shared between public and private sectors (Gandy, Data Mining; O’Harrow; Monahan). The scale, complexity and limitations of omnipresent and omnipotent surveillance, nevertheless, offer room for both subversion as well as new forms of domination and oppression (Marx). In surveillance studies, Foucault’s analysis is often heavily employed to explain lines of continuity and change between earlier forms of surveillance and data assemblage and contemporary forms in the shape of closed-circuit television (CCTV) and other surveillance modes (Dee). It establishes the need to discern patterns of power and normalisation and the subliminal or obvious cultural codes and categories that emerge through these arrangements (Fopp; Lyon, Electronic; Norris and Armstrong). In their study of CCTV surveillance, Norris and Armstrong (cf. in Dee) point out that when added to the daily minutiae of surveillance, CCTV cameras in public spaces, along with other camera surveillance in work places, capture human beings on a database constantly. The normalisation of surveillance, particularly with reference to CCTV, the popularisation of surveillance through television formats such as ‘Big Brother’ (Dee), and the expansion of online platforms to publish private images, has created a contradictory, complex and contested nature of spatial and power relationships in society. The UK, for example, has the most developed system of both urban and public space cameras in the world and this growth of camera surveillance and, as Lyon (Surveillance) points out, this has been achieved with very little, if any, public debate as to their benefits or otherwise. There may now be as many as 4.2 million CCTV cameras in Britain (cf. Lyon, Surveillance). That is one for every fourteen people and a person can be captured on over 300 cameras every day. An estimated £500m of public money has been invested in CCTV infrastructure over the last decade but, according to a Home Office study, CCTV schemes that have been assessed had little overall effect on crime levels (Wood and Ball). In spatial terms, these statistics reiterate Foucault’s emphasis on the power economy of the unseen gaze. Michel Foucault in analysing the links between power, information and surveillance inspired by Bentham’s idea of the Panopticon, indicated that it is possible to sanction or reward an individual through the act of surveillance without their knowledge (155). It is this unseen and unknown gaze of surveillance that is fundamental to the exercise of power. The design and arrangement of buildings can be engineered so that the “surveillance is permanent in its effects, even if it is discontinuous in its action” (Foucault 201). Lyon (Terrorism), in tracing the trajectory of surveillance studies, points out that much of surveillance literature has focused on understanding it as a centralised bureaucratic relationship between the powerful and the governed. Invisible forms of surveillance have also been viewed as a class weapon in some societies. With the advancements in and proliferation of surveillance technologies as well as convergence with other technologies, Lyon argues that it is no longer feasible to view surveillance as a linear or centralised process. In our contemporary globalised world, there is a need to reconcile the dialectical strands that mediate surveillance as a process. In acknowledging this, Giles Deleuze and Felix Guattari have constructed surveillance as a rhizome that defies linearity to appropriate a more convoluted and malleable form where the coding of bodies and data can be enmeshed to produce intricate power relationships and hierarchies within societies. Latour draws on the notion of assemblage by propounding that data is amalgamated from scattered centres of calculation where these can range from state and commercial institutions to scientific laboratories which scrutinise data to conceive governance and control strategies. Both the Latourian and Deleuzian ideas of surveillance highlight the disparate arrays of people, technologies and organisations that become connected to make “surveillance assemblages” in contrast to the static, unidirectional Panopticon metaphor (Ball, “Organization” 93). In a similar vein, Gandy (Panoptic) infers that it is misleading to assume that surveillance in practice is as complete and totalising as the Panoptic ideal type would have us believe. Co-optation of Millions The Metropolitan Police’s counter-Terrorism strategy seeks to co-opt millions where the corporeal body can complement the landscape of technological surveillance that already co-exists within modernity. In its press release, the role of civilian bodies in ensuring security of the city is stressed; Keeping Londoners safe from Terrorism is not a job solely for governments, security services or police. If we are to make London the safest major city in the world, we must mobilise against Terrorism not only the resources of the state, but also the active support of the millions of people who live and work in the capita. (MPA Website). Surveillance is increasingly simulated through the millions of corporeal entities where seeing in advance is the goal even before technology records and codes these images (William). Bodies understand and code risk and images through the cultural narratives which circulate in society. Compared to CCTV technology images, which require cultural and political interpretations and interventions, bodies as surveillance organisms implicitly code other bodies and activities. The travel bag in the Metropolitan Police poster reinforces the images of the 7/7 bombers and the renewed attempts to bomb the London Underground on the 21st of July. It reiterates the CCTV footage revealing images of the bombers wearing rucksacks. The image of the rucksack both embodies the everyday as well as the potential for evil in everyday objects. It also inevitably reproduces the cultural biases and prejudices where the rucksack is subliminally associated with a specific type of body. The rucksack in these terms is a laden image which symbolically captures the context and culture of risk discourses in society. The co-optation of the population as a surveillance entity also recasts new forms of social responsibility within the democratic polity, where privacy is increasingly mediated by the greater need to monitor, trace and record the activities of one another. Nikolas Rose, in discussing the increasing ‘responsibilisation’ of individuals in modern societies, describes the process in which the individual accepts responsibility for personal actions across a wide range of fields of social and economic activity as in the choice of diet, savings and pension arrangements, health care decisions and choices, home security measures and personal investment choices (qtd. in Dee). While surveillance in individualistic terms is often viewed as a threat to privacy, Rose argues that the state of ‘advanced liberalism’ within modernity and post-modernity requires considerable degrees of self-governance, regulation and surveillance whereby the individual is constructed both as a ‘new citizen’ and a key site of self management. By co-opting and recasting the role of the citizen in the age of Terrorism, the citizen to a degree accepts responsibility for both surveillance and security. In our sociological imagination the body is constructed both as lived as well as a social object. Erving Goffman uses the word ‘umwelt’ to stress that human embodiment is central to the constitution of the social world. Goffman defines ‘umwelt’ as “the region around an individual from which signs of alarm can come” and employs it to capture how people as social actors perceive and manage their settings when interacting in public places (252). Goffman’s ‘umwelt’ can be traced to Immanuel Kant’s idea that it is the a priori categories of space and time that make it possible for a subject to perceive a world (Umiker-Sebeok; qtd. in Ball, “Organization”). Anthony Giddens adapted the term Umwelt to refer to “a phenomenal world with which the individual is routinely ‘in touch’ in respect of potential dangers and alarms which then formed a core of (accomplished) normalcy with which individuals and groups surround themselves” (244). Benjamin Smith, in considering the body as an integral component of the link between our consciousness and our material world, observes that the body is continuously inscribed by culture. These inscriptions, he argues, encompass a wide range of cultural practices and will imply knowledge of a variety of social constructs. The inscribing of the body will produce cultural meanings as well as create forms of subjectivity while locating and situating the body within a cultural matrix (Smith). Drawing on Derrida’s work, Pugliese employs the term ‘Somatechnics’ to conceptualise the body as a culturally intelligible construct and to address the techniques in and through which the body is formed and transformed (qtd. in Osuri). These techniques can encompass signification systems such as race and gender and equally technologies which mediate our sense of reality. These technologies of thinking, seeing, hearing, signifying, visualising and positioning produce the very conditions for the cultural intelligibility of the body (Osuri). The body is then continuously inscribed and interpreted through mediated signifying systems. Similarly, Hayles, while not intending to impose a Cartesian dichotomy between the physical body and its cognitive presence, contends that the use and interactions with technology incorporate the body as a material entity but it also equally inscribes it by marking, recording and tracing its actions in various terrains. According to Gayatri Spivak (qtd. in Ball, “Organization”) new habits and experiences are embedded into the corporeal entity which then mediates its reactions and responses to the social world. This means one’s body is not completely one’s own and the presence of ideological forces or influences then inscribe the body with meanings, codes and cultural values. In our modern condition, the body and data are intimately and intricately bound. Outside the home, it is difficult for the body to avoid entering into relationships that produce electronic personal data (Stalder). According to Felix Stalder our physical bodies are shadowed by a ‘data body’ which follows the physical body of the consuming citizen and sometimes precedes it by constructing the individual through data (12). Before we arrive somewhere, we have already been measured and classified. Thus, upon arrival, the citizen will be treated according to the criteria ‘connected with the profile that represents us’ (Gandy, Panoptic; William). Following September 11, Lyon (Terrorism) reveals that surveillance data from a myriad of sources, such as supermarkets, motels, traffic control points, credit card transactions records and so on, was used to trace the activities of terrorists in the days and hours before their attacks, confirming that the body leaves data traces and trails. Surveillance works by abstracting bodies from places and splitting them into flows to be reassembled as virtual data-doubles, and in the process can replicate hierarchies and centralise power (Lyon, Terrorism). Mike Dee points out that the nature of surveillance taking place in modern societies is complex and far-reaching and in many ways insidious as surveillance needs to be situated within the broadest context of everyday human acts whether it is shopping with loyalty cards or paying utility bills. Physical vulnerability of the body becomes more complex in the time-space distanciated surveillance systems to which the body has become increasingly exposed. As such, each transaction – whether it be a phone call, credit card transaction, or Internet search – leaves a ‘data trail’ linkable to an individual person or place. Haggerty and Ericson, drawing from Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the assemblage, describe the convergence and spread of data-gathering systems between different social domains and multiple levels (qtd. in Hier). They argue that the target of the generic ‘surveillance assemblage’ is the human body, which is broken into a series of data flows on which surveillance process is based. The thrust of the focus is the data individuals can yield and the categories to which they can contribute. These are then reapplied to the body. In this sense, surveillance is rhizomatic for it is diverse and connected to an underlying, invisible infrastructure which concerns interconnected technologies in multiple contexts (Ball, “Elements”). The co-opted body in the schema of counter-Terrorism enters a power arrangement where it constitutes both the unseen gaze as well as the data that will be implicated and captured in this arrangement. It is capable of producing surveillance data for those in power while creating new data through its transactions and movements in its everyday life. The body is unequivocally constructed through this data and is also entrapped by it in terms of representation and categorisation. The corporeal body is therefore part of the machinery of surveillance while being vulnerable to its discriminatory powers of categorisation and victimisation. As Hannah Arendt (qtd. in Bauman 91) had warned, “we terrestrial creatures bidding for cosmic significance will shortly be unable to comprehend and articulate the things we are capable of doing” Arendt’s caution conveys the complexity, vulnerability as well as the complicity of the human condition in the surveillance society. Equally it exemplifies how the corporeal body can be co-opted as a surveillance entity sustaining a new ‘banality’ (Arendt) in the machinery of surveillance. Social Consequences of Surveillance Lyon (Terrorism) observed that the events of 9/11 and 7/7 in the UK have inevitably become a prism through which aspects of social structure and processes may be viewed. This prism helps to illuminate the already existing vast range of surveillance practices and processes that touch everyday life in so-called information societies. As Lyon (Terrorism) points out surveillance is always ambiguous and can encompass genuine benefits and plausible rationales as well as palpable disadvantages. There are elements of representation to consider in terms of how surveillance technologies can re-present data that are collected at source or gathered from another technological medium, and these representations bring different meanings and enable different interpretations of life and surveillance (Ball, “Elements”). As such surveillance needs to be viewed in a number of ways: practice, knowledge and protection from threat. As data can be manipulated and interpreted according to cultural values and norms it reflects the inevitability of power relations to forge its identity in a surveillance society. In this sense, Ball (“Elements”) concludes surveillance practices capture and create different versions of life as lived by surveilled subjects. She refers to actors within the surveilled domain as ‘intermediaries’, where meaning is inscribed, where technologies re-present information, where power/resistance operates, and where networks are bound together to sometimes distort as well as reiterate patterns of hegemony (“Elements” 93). While surveillance is often connected with technology, it does not however determine nor decide how we code or employ our data. New technologies rarely enter passive environments of total inequality for they become enmeshed in complex pre-existing power and value systems (Marx). With surveillance there is an emphasis on the classificatory powers in our contemporary world “as persons and groups are often risk-profiled in the commercial sphere which rates their social contributions and sorts them into systems” (Lyon, Terrorism 2). Lyon (Terrorism) contends that the surveillance society is one that is organised and structured using surveillance-based techniques recorded by technologies, on behalf of the organisations and governments that structure our society. This information is then sorted, sifted and categorised and used as a basis for decisions which affect our life chances (Wood and Ball). The emergence of pervasive, automated and discriminatory mechanisms for risk profiling and social categorising constitute a significant mechanism for reproducing and reinforcing social, economic and cultural divisions in information societies. Such automated categorisation, Lyon (Terrorism) warns, has consequences for everyone especially in face of the new anti-terror measures enacted after September 11. In tandem with this, Bauman points out that a few suicidal murderers on the loose will be quite enough to recycle thousands of innocents into the “usual suspects”. In no time, a few iniquitous individual choices will be reprocessed into the attributes of a “category”; a category easily recognisable by, for instance, a suspiciously dark skin or a suspiciously bulky rucksack* *the kind of object which CCTV cameras are designed to note and passers-by are told to be vigilant about. And passers-by are keen to oblige. Since the terrorist atrocities on the London Underground, the volume of incidents classified as “racist attacks” rose sharply around the country. (122; emphasis added) Bauman, drawing on Lyon, asserts that the understandable desire for security combined with the pressure to adopt different kind of systems “will create a culture of control that will colonise more areas of life with or without the consent of the citizen” (123). This means that the inhabitants of the urban space whether a citizen, worker or consumer who has no terrorist ambitions whatsoever will discover that their opportunities are more circumscribed by the subject positions or categories which are imposed on them. Bauman cautions that for some these categories may be extremely prejudicial, restricting them from consumer choices because of credit ratings, or more insidiously, relegating them to second-class status because of their colour or ethnic background (124). Joseph Pugliese, in linking visual regimes of racial profiling and the shooting of Jean Charles de Menezes in the aftermath of 7/7 bombings in London, suggests that the discursive relations of power and visuality are inextricably bound. Pugliese argues that racial profiling creates a regime of visuality which fundamentally inscribes our physiology of perceptions with stereotypical images. He applies this analogy to Menzes running down the platform in which the retina transforms him into the “hallucinogenic figure of an Asian Terrorist” (Pugliese 8). With globalisation and the proliferation of ICTs, borders and boundaries are no longer sacrosanct and as such risks are managed by enacting ‘smart borders’ through new technologies, with huge databases behind the scenes processing information about individuals and their journeys through the profiling of body parts with, for example, iris scans (Wood and Ball 31). Such body profiling technologies are used to create watch lists of dangerous passengers or identity groups who might be of greater ‘risk’. The body in a surveillance society can be dissected into parts and profiled and coded through technology. These disparate codings of body parts can be assembled (or selectively omitted) to construct and represent whole bodies in our information society to ascertain risk. The selection and circulation of knowledge will also determine who gets slotted into the various categories that a surveillance society creates. Conclusion When the corporeal body is subsumed into a web of surveillance it often raises questions about the deterministic nature of technology. The question is a long-standing one in our modern consciousness. We are apprehensive about according technology too much power and yet it is implicated in the contemporary power relationships where it is suspended amidst human motive, agency and anxiety. The emergence of surveillance societies, the co-optation of bodies in surveillance schemas, as well as the construction of the body through data in everyday transactions, conveys both the vulnerabilities of the human condition as well as its complicity in maintaining the power arrangements in society. Bauman, in citing Jacques Ellul and Hannah Arendt, points out that we suffer a ‘moral lag’ in so far as technology and society are concerned, for often we ruminate on the consequences of our actions and motives only as afterthoughts without realising at this point of existence that the “actions we take are most commonly prompted by the resources (including technology) at our disposal” (91). References Abrams, Philip. Historical Sociology. Shepton Mallet, UK: Open Books, 1982. Altheide, David. “Consuming Terrorism.” Symbolic Interaction 27.3 (2004): 289-308. Arendt, Hannah. Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil. London: Faber & Faber, 1963. Bauman, Zygmunt. Liquid Fear. 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To coalesce politically is to join together whilst retaining singularity. This is the aim of much contemporary social movement activism, marked most consistently under the sign of the global justice movement – the movement ‘for humanity and against neoliberalism’, as a common slogan goes. This movement regularly writes itself as one composed of diversity and a commitment to horizontal power relations. Within this, the discourse of the movement demonstrates a particular consciousness around privilege and oppression (Starr 95-97). The demands, in this regard, on a coalescence that brings together such groups as middle-class university students, landless peasant farmers, indigenous militants and child labourers are strong (Maeckelbergh). What kinds of solidarities are required for such a precipitation across difference and power? What ethical imperatives are produced for those activists who occupy the normatively first world, white, middle-class activist subject position within this?For activism in the Australian context, this question has had particular implications for practices of alliance and resistance around, for example, the Northern Territory Intervention as well as the treatment of refugees, particularly their mandatory detention and deportation. Many activist individuals and groups involved in these social movements can also be found occupying various positions within global justice movement discourse. There were shouts of “no borders, no nations, no deportations” at the 2002 World Trade Organisation protests in Sydney; there are declarations of Indigenous sovereignty at the gates of the Villawood detention centre in 2010. Under these circumstances, the question for coalition between singularities is negotiated at the difference between being an incarcerated refugee or a citizen of the incarcerating state; or between a person whose livelihood is administered through their race and class and one who has relative control over their own means of existence.Whilst these differentials are neither static nor binarised opposites, they do manifest in this way, among other ways, at the moment of claiming coalition. Again, then: what are the ethics of coalition that might be produced here for the relatively or differently privileged subject? By way of a response, this article is an address to the ethical scene of activist coalition, drawing on anti-colonial feminism, discourses of precarity, and Derrida’s “fiduciary register” (Acts of Religion). I pose three interpenetrating ethics of coalition for the privileged subject in (the) global justice movement: risk, prayer and gift. I’ll leave it up to you to decide if you are interpellated as this subject, in view of its instability. By the same token, this meditation is not specifically applied to the cases of alliance sketched above; which is not to say it cannot be.RiskAs global justice movement discourse recognises, the contemporary global polis is heavily marked by practices of securitisation and containment. Under such conditions, anticolonial theorist Leela Gandhi suggests that a collective oppositional consciousness may be defined by risk. For Gandhi it is the risk (of pain, sacrifice, humiliation, or exile) taken by the “philoxenic”, or stranger-oriented, subject in transnational activism that defines their politics as one of friendship, after Jacques Derrida (Politics; Gandhi 29–30). Risk takes the subject beyond recognition; it means facing something you might not recognise, something you cannot know. Easily commodified, risk cannot be pre-planned; “philoxenia”, says Gandhi, “is not reducible to a form of masochistic moral adventurism or absolutism, to a sort of ethics-as-bungie-jumping-at-any-cost school of thought” (30). Risk, rather, is partial, open-ended; always to come. (Risk here is distinguished, thus, from its actuarial register. The regimes of risk underpinning global securitisation are defined by imminence rather than immanence.)Risk, in this ethical imaginary, is a threat to subjectivity; the catalyst for any coalitional process of deactivating the habits of privilege and hierarchy. This is viscerally articulated by Bernice Johnson Reagon in her speech "Turning the Century: Coalition Politics":I feel as if I’m gonna keel over any minute and die. That is often what it feels like if you’re really doing coalition work. Most of the time you feel threatened to the core and if you don’t, you’re not really doing no coalescing. (Reagon)Reagon (a musician, scholar and activist speaking at a women’s music festival in 1981) highlighted that, as displacement is necessary to coalition, so do we risk displacement every time we seek coalition. Reagon’s speech remains a landmark challenge for allies to stake their subjectivity on social justice. A response is perhaps prefigured by feminist philosopher and activist Simone de Beauvoir, in her reflection on her pro-abortion activism in early 1970s France:I believed that it was up to women like me to take the risk on behalf of those who could not, because we could afford to do it. We had the money and the position and we were not likely to be punished for our actions. I was already a sacred cow to the authorities and no-one would dare arrest me, so don’t give me too much credit for bravery because I was untouchable. Save your sympathy for the ordinary women who really suffered by their admission. (Bair 547)Contemporarily, queer theorist and activist Judith Butler expresses similar coalescent displacement in Precarious Life, her manifesto for a politics of mourning:For if I am confounded by you, then you are already of me, and I am nowhere without you. I cannot muster the “we” except by finding the way in which I am tied to “you”, by trying to translate but finding that my own language must break up and yield if I am to know you. You are what I gain through this disorientation and loss. This is how the human comes into being, again and again, as that which we have yet to know. (49)Indeed: Butler and de Beauvoir, two different feminists equally concerned with coalition, provide two orientations to the risky solidarity forecast by Reagon. Butler’s is a commitment to displacing privilege, in order to bring about political relationship to another. De Beauvoir’s is to use her privilege to protect and advance the rights of those who are oppressed by that privilege. Both recognise a re-distributive, even liberatory, power that is created by giving up privilege, or by recognising it in order to work against it. Both statements might be located in particular timespace: de Beauvoir’s from a feminism beginning to consider the homogeneity in the white middle class heterosexual feminist construct of “woman”, and Butler’s reflecting a thoroughly raced, classed, queered, feminist subject. An anticolonial feminist reworking of this scene might thus see de Beauvoir and Butler as both deploying forms of Chela Sandoval's “tactical subjectivity”, that “capacity to de- and recenter, given the forms of power to be moved” (58-9). In doing this, both may run the risk of fetishising the others they de/refer to: Butler’s as the source of her humanity, de Beauvoir’s in speaking on their behalf (Ahmed 4-5). So in risking their personal empowerment activists still, simultaneously, risk replicating the very dominations to which they are opposed. The risk still, must not ‘stop’ alliance work, as Sandoval’s theory appreciates (62). These themes - of endurance and disorienting imagination - are rife in activist discourse: from the unionist “dare to struggle, dare to win” to the World Social Forum’s “another world is possible”. The ethical precept of risk is unpredictability, uncertainty; the interception of otherness. PrayerIn a world overdetermined by risk it is no surprise that much global justice movement activism is founded on notions of precarity. “Precarious work” is a term in labour politics that refers to widespread workforce casualisation and the decline of certain industrial standards, particularly in the geopolitical west. An example of its political deployment may be found in the performative Italian meme of San Precario, created by Milanese activists in 2000. For a decade now, San Precario has appeared at rallies, in grottoes and on devotional cards as the patron saint of precarious workers in Italy (Johal); enacting an iconic-ironic twist on prayer. Precarity as activist trope has its roots in wage instability but has been extended (particularly since the September 11, 2001 attacks on the World Trade Centre in New York) to refer to the condition of life during neoliberal globalisation.Within this there are those such as Ida Dominijanni who invoke Butler’s “precarious life” for an alliance politics formed from a shared vulnerability and instability. Butler’s notion of precarity here entails an acknowledgement that September 11 generated a “dislocation from First World privilege” (xii) in the Anglosphere.The ethical content of such a risky politics can be gleaned from these examples. On the one hand Butler and Dominijanni demonstrate that to be open to risk is to refuse the obsessive securitisations of neoliberal globalisation. On the other, San Precario highlights the value of security to those who are denied it under those same conditions. In evaluating the many-edged significance of precarity in global justice movement activism, Australian scholar Angela Mitropoulos puts it this way:“Precarious” is as much a description of patterns of worktime as it is the description, experience, hopes and fears of a faltering movement … This raises the risk of movements that become trapped in communitarian dreams of a final end to risk in the supposedly secure embrace of global juridical recognition. Yet, it also makes clear that a different future, by definition, can only be constructed precariously, without firm grounds for doing so, without the measure of a general rule, and with questions that should, often, shake us – particularly what “us” might mean. (Mitropoulos, Precari-Us?)Our precarious lives in partiality require, then, a contemplative sensibility - in order to discern and deploy, to tell the difference between containment and critique, and so on. We need to “take a moment” to balance on precarity’s shaky edge: to mourn the loss of certainty, seek guidance, affirm hope and belief, express the desires of futurity. It is arguably in this way that the Latin precarium became the English word prayer; as its simplest root/route it means “entreaty, petition, request” (Oxford English Dictionary).Prayer implies an address, though not necessarily as supplication to a sovereign. Prayer may instead be a gesture to a time of justice that may arrive despite all odds. Activism is social creativity: it requires the imagination of other worlds. It thus negotiates the transcendant: as other-to-this, other-to-now – simultaneously multiplying conceptions of time. This is a fiduciary mode of being; an openness to otherness that may be distinguished from institutional religion (Derrida, Acts of Religion 51), and that generates a “social divine” (Lacey).Crucially, prayer also tends to belong to the time and space of solitude (the “time out”, the “space outside”). In her thinking on solitude, Angela Mitropoulos suggests of contemporary activists – who are in social movement under hyperconnected capitalism – that “connection is not necessarily relation” (Mitropoulos, What Is to Be Undone?), particularly when said hypernetwork underscores an “injunction to stay connected in order to be a political subject.” Mitropoulos reinforces how “the solitude that can derive from disconnection” need not be “a retreat to the personal … neither individualism or quietism.” Instead, “a politics that disconnects as well as connects remains a form of relation”.To be sure, as Sara Ahmed notes, (more) ethical relations may be formed by a disinvestment that allows one to detect difference and disconnection; “getting closer to others in order to occupy or inhabit the distance between us” (179). In turning away, activists can nuance their responses to the domination they resist: choosing, sometimes, not to reproduce hegemonic sociality. The implication may be that those in social movement who adhere only to the communitarian community critiqued by Mitropoulos will lack the critical expansiveness required of coalition. The ethical precept of prayer may thus question, reaffirm and sustain activism through disconnection from coalition and disinvestment from activism by the privileged subject. Indeed, this may be a particularly just movement when the participation of privileged allies threatens to dominate the resistance of those they ally with.GiftTo think of yourself as being an activist means to think of yourself as being somehow privileged or more advanced than others in your appreciation of the need for social change, in the knowledge of how to achieve it and as leading or being in the forefront of the practical struggle to create this change. (X 160)These remarks from Andrew X, heavily circulated in some activist milieux, suggest that to Give Up Activism is something of an impossible gift for the activist. Indeed, one response to this text is entitled “The Impossibility and Necessity of Anti-Activism” (Kellstadt). For the geopolitically privileged agent to whom X’s text is addressed, Giving Up Activism would mean giving up privilege – which is itself the necessary and impossible catalyst for ethical coalition in the global justice movement (Spivak). On this logic, those who resist the exclusions of identity, community and geopolity may do well to give up activism when that identification is at risk of reproducing the force of these categories. It is one thing to give up activism as a literal casting off of the label and a refusal of activity addressed to patriarch, polis or nation; an interlinked giving up may be in understanding activism as an impossible gift, along lines traced by Jacques Derrida, Georges Bataille and Hélène Cixous. In these specific readings, the gift is reconceptualised as operating outside of the capitalist system of exchange (Cowell). But, under the modern system of ubiquitous global capital, there is something impossible about this gesture. For the privileged subject who “gives up privilege” for the other, she enacts a “giving which is also always a taking”, as Fiona Probyn puts it (42). So, the impossible gift of “giving up activism” – as strategic action or tactical consciousness – is one made with the awareness that the privileged activist in social movement cannot not risk reinscribing domination. Such an understanding in activist discourse would continue to nuánce the question of “What Is to Be Done?” (or indeed, What is to Be Undone, in Mitropoulos’ formulation). The ethical precept of gift is the capacity to give up the privileged investments of activism, and understanding that you cannot.Meta-MovementTo give up activism when it is called for, within an understanding of activism as the impossible gift of the privileged subject, is reflective of the Derridean friendship that shapes Gandhi’s explorations of anticolonial transnational solidarity. This is the friendship that requires turning one’s back, or “‘facing’ back to front” (Wills 9). If horizontal coalitions are to work with and against privilege, and if this means working beyond that limited horizon where activist recognises activist, then “giving up”, “turning one’s back on” activism may be a tactical exercise of power. This “turning one’s back” will also, therefore, be “the turn outwards” implied by prayer: a metaphysical movement that engages the other worlds that are imagined and sought. It is a movement which allows one to risk “giving up activism”, when that is required, in order to give (in)to or over to (the) other(ness). The metaphysical move goes outwards, from “physical” to “meta”: not towards a totalising meta, but as a sense of the other which overwrites present certainties: meta-. I recall Chela Sandoval’s words here: “Without making this metamove any ‘liberation’ or social movement eventually becomes destined to repeat the oppressive authoritarianism from which it is attempting to free itself” (59, my emphasis). It is in the space of such a movement that the ethics of coalition are disclosed.ReferencesAhmed, Sara. Strange Encounters: Embodied Others in Postcoloniality. London: Routledge, 2000.Bair, Dierdre. Simone de Beauvoir: A Biography. New York: Summit Books, 1990.Butler, Judith. Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. London: Verso, 2004.Cowell, Andrew. “The Pleasures and Pains of the Gift." The Question of the Gift: Essays across Disciplines. Ed. Mart Osteen. London: Routledge, 2002.Derrida, Jacques. Acts of Religion. Ed. Gil Anidjar. London: Routledge, 2002.———. Politics of Friendship. Trans. David Wills. London: Verso, 1997.Dominijanni, Ida. "Rethinking Change: Italian Feminism between Crisis and Critique of Politics." Cultural Studies Review 11.2 (2005): 25-35.Gandhi, Leela. Affective Communities: Anticolonial Thought, Fin-de-Siècle Radicalism, and the Politics of Friendship. Durham: Duke University Press, 2006.Gandhi, M.K. “Non-Violent Non-Cooperation.” The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, 82. Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1995 (1942).Johal, Am. “Precarious Labour: Interview with San Precario Connection Organizer Alessandro Delfanti.” Rabble.ca 11 Sep. 2010. 10 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.rabble.ca/blogs/bloggers/amjohal/2010/09/precarious-labour-interview-san-precario-connection-organizer-alessan>. Kellstadt, J. “The Necessity and Impossibility of Anti-Activism.” A Critical Discussion on the Role of Activism. n.d. 10 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.archive.org/details/ACriticalDiscussionOnTheRoleOfActivism>. Lacey, Anita. “Spaces of Justice: The Social Divine of Global Anti-Capital Activists’s Sites of Resistance.” Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 42.4 (2005): 403-420.Maeckelbergh, Marian. The Will of the Many: How the Alterglobalisation Movement Is Changing the Face of Democracy. London: Pluto Press, 2009.Mitropoulos, Angela. “Precari-Us?” Mute 29 (Jan. 2005). 23 Sep. 2010 ‹http://www.metamute.org/en/Precari-us>. Mitropoulos, Angela. “What Is to Be Undone?" archive:s0metim3s, 27 Jan. 2007. 28 Jan. 2005 ‹http://archive.blogsome.com/2007/01/25/activism>. Probyn, Fiona. "Playing Chicken at the Intersection: The White Critic in/of Whiteness." borderlands 3.2 (2004). 10 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.borderlandsejournal.adelaide.edu.au>. Reagon, Bernice Johnson. “Turning the Century: Coalition Politics.” Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. Ed. Barbara Smith. New York: Kitchen Table Press, 1983 [1981].Sandoval, Chela. Methodology of the Oppressed. Minneaopolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2000. Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty. “A Note on the New International.” Parallax 3.1 (2001): 12-16.Starr, Amory. Global Revolt: A Guide to the Movements against Globalization. New York: Zed Books, 2005.Wills, David. “Full Dorsal: Derrida’s Politics of Friendship.” Postmodern Culture 15.3 (2005).X, Andrew. “Give up Activism”. Do or Die 9 (2001): 160-166.

While exploring the virtual world Second Life one day, I received a group message across the in-world communication system – “there’s a griefer on the beach. Stay away from the beach till we catch him.” There was no need to explain; everyone receiving the message knew what a griefer was and had a general idea of the kinds of things that could be happening. We’d all seen griefers at work before – someone monopolising the chat channel so no one else can communicate, people being “caged” at random, or even weapons fire causing so much “overhead” that all activity in the area slows to a crawl. These kinds of attacks are not limited to virtual worlds. Most people have experienced griefing in their everyday lives, which might best be defined as having fun at someone else’s expense. More commonly seen examples of this in the real world include teasing, bullying, and harassment; playground bullies have long made other children’s free time miserable. More destructive griefing includes arson and theft. Griefing activities happen in all kinds of games and virtual worlds. Griefers who laugh at new users and “yell” (so that all players can hear) that they stink, have followed new users of Disney’s tween-popular ToonTown. Griefers pose as friendly, helpful players who offer to show new users a path through difficult parts of a game, but then who abandon the new user in a spot where he or she does not have the skills to proceed. In World of Warcraft, a popular massively multiplayer online role playing game (MMORPG) created by Blizzard with more than seven million registered, if not active, users, griefers engage in what is known as corpse camping; they sit by a corpse, killing it over and over every time the player tries to get back into the game. The griefer gets a small number of experience points; the player being killed gets aggravated and has to wait out the griefing to play the game again (Warner & Raiter). Griefing in World of Warcraft was featured in an award nominated episode of the television program South Park, in which one character killed every other player he met. This paper considers different types of griefing, both in online games and virtual worlds, and then looks at the actions other players, those being griefed, take against griefers. A variety of examples from Second Life are considered because of the open-structure of the world and its developing nature. Definitions and Types Griefing in online environments such as video games and virtual worlds has been defined as “purposefully engaging in activities to disrupt the gaming experience of other players” (Mulligan & Patrovsky 250). The “purposeful” part of the definition means that accidental bumping and pushing, behaviours often exhibited by new users, are not griefing (Warner & Raiter). Rossingol defines a griefer as, “a player of malign intentions. They will hurt, humiliate and dishevel the average gamer through bending and breaking the rules of online games. ...They want glory, gain or just to partake in a malignant joy at the misfortune of others.” Davis, who maintains a gaming blog, describes Second Life as being populated by “those who build things and those who like to tear them down,” with the latter being the griefers who may be drawn to the unstructured anything-goes nature of the virtual world (qtd. in Girard). Definitions of griefing differ based on context. For instance, griefing has been examined in a variety of multi-player online games. These games often feature missions where players have to kill other players (PvP), behaviour that in other contexts such as virtual worlds would be considered griefing. Putting a monster on the trail of a player considered rude or unskilled might be a way to teach a lesson, but also an example of griefing (Taylor). Foo and Koivisto define griefing in MMORPGs as “play styles that disrupt another player’s gaming experience, usually with specific intention. When the act is not specifically intended to disrupt and yet the actor is the sole beneficiary, it is greed play, a subtle form of grief play” (11). Greed play usually involves actions that disrupt the game play of others but without technically breaking any game rules. A different way of looking at griefing is that it is a sign that the player understands the game or virtual world deeply enough to take advantage of ambiguities in the rules by changing the game to something new (Koster). Many games have a follow option; griefers pick a victim, stand near them, get as naked as possible, and then just follow them around without talking or explaining their actions (Walker). Another example is the memorial service in World of Warcraft for a player who died in real life. The service was interrupted by an attack from another clan; everyone at the memorial service was killed. It is not clear cut who the griefers actually were in this case – the mourners who chose to have their peaceful service in an area marked for player combat or the attackers following the rules for that area and working to earn points and progress in the game. In the case of the mourners, they were changing the rules of the game to suit them, to create something unique – a shared space to mourn a common friend. But they were definitely not playing by the rules. The attackers, considered griefers by many both in and outside of the game, did nothing that broke any rules of the game, though perhaps they broke rules of common decency (“World”); what they did does not fit into the definition of griefing, as much as do the actions of the mourners (Kotaku). Reshaping the game can be done to embed a new, sometimes political, message into the game. A group named Velvet Strike formed to protest US military action. They went into Counter Strike to bring a “message of peace, love and happiness to online shooters by any means necessary” (King). They placed spray painted graphics containing anti-war messages into the game; when confronted with people from other teams the Velvet Strike members refused to shoot (King). The group website contains “recipes” for non-violent game play. One “recipe” involved the Velvet Strike member hiding at the beginning of a mission and not moving for the rest of the game. The other players would shoot each other and then be forced to spend the rest of the game looking for the last survivor in order to get credit for the win. Similar behaviour has been tried inside the game America’s Army. Beginning March, 2006, deLappe, an artist who opposes the U.S. government’s involvement in Iraq, engaged in griefing behaviour by filling (spamming) the in-game text channel with the names of the people killed in the war; no one else can communicate on that channel. Even his character name, dead-in-Iraq, is an anti-war protest (deLappe). “I do not participate in the proscribed mayhem. Rather, I stand in position and type until I am killed. After death, I hover over my dead avatar’s body and continue to type. Upon being re-incarnated in the next round, I continue the cycle” (deLappe n.p.). What about these games and virtual worlds might lead people to even consider griefing? For one thing, they seem anonymous, which can lead to irresponsible behaviour. Players use fake names. Characters on the screen do not seem real. Another reason may be that rules can be broken in videogames and virtual worlds with few consequences, and in fact the premise of the game often seems to encourage such rule breaking. The rules are not always clearly laid out. Each game or world has a Terms of Service agreement that set out basic acceptable behaviour. Second Life defines griefing in terms of the Terms of Service that all users agree to when opening accounts. Abuse is when someone consciously and with malicious intent violates those terms. On top of that limited set of guidelines, each landowner in a virtual world such as Second Life can also set rules for their own property, from dress code, to use of weapons, to allowable conversation topics. To better understand griefing, it is necessary to consider the motivations of the people involved. Early work on categorising player types was completed by Bartle, who studied users of virtual worlds, specifically MUDs, and identified four player types: killers, achievers, socialisers, and explorers. Killers and achievers seem most relevant in a discussion about griefing. Killers enjoy using other players to get ahead. They want to do things to other people (not for or with others), and they get the most pleasure if they can act without the consent of the other player. Knowing about a game or a virtual world gives no power unless that knowledge can be used to gain some advantage over others and to enhance your standing in the game. Achievers want power and dominance in a game so they can do things to the game and master it. Griefing could help them feel a sense of power if they got people to do their will to stop the griefing behavior. Yee studied the motivations of people who play MMORPGs. He found that people who engage in griefing actually scored high in being motivated to play by both achieving and competition (“Facets”). Griefers often want attention. They may want to show off their scripting skills in the hope of earning respect among other coders and possibly be hired to program for others. But many players are motivated by a desire to compete and to win; these categories do not seem to be adequate for understanding the different types of griefing (Yee, “Faces of Grief”). The research on griefing in games has also suggested ways to categorise griefers in virtual worlds. Suler divides griefers into two types (qtd. in Becker). The first is those who grief in order to make trouble for authority figures, including the people who create the worlds. A few of the more spectacular griefing incidents seem designed to cause trouble for Linden Lab, the creators of Second Life. Groups attacked the servers that run Second Life, known as the grid, in October of 2005; this became known as the “gray goo attack” (Second Life; Wallace). Servers were flooded with objects and Second Life had to be taken off line to be restored from backups. More organised groups, such as the W-hats, the SL Liberation Army, and Patriotic Nigas engage in more large scale and public griefing. Some groups hope to draw attention to the group’s goals. The SL Liberation Army wants Linden Lab to open up the governance of the virtual world so that users can vote on changes and policies being implemented and limit corporate movement into Second Life (MarketingVox). Patriotic Nigas, with about 35 active members, want to slow the entry of corporations into Second Life (Cabron, “Who are Second Life’s”). One often discussed griefer attack in Second Life included a flood of pink flying penises directed against land owner and the first person to have made a profit of more than one million United States dollars in a virtual world, Anshe Chung, during a well-publicised and attended interview in world with technology news outlet CNET (Walsh, “Second Life Millionaire” ). The second type proposed by Suler is the griefer who wants to hurt and victimise others (qtd. in Becker). Individual players often go naked into PG-rated areas to cause trouble. Weapons are used in areas where weapons are banned. Second Life publishes a police blotter, which lists examples of minor griefing and assigned punishment, including incidents of disturbing the peace and violating community standards for which warnings and short bans have been issued. These are the actions of individuals for the most part, as were the people who exploited security holes to enter the property uninvited during the grand opening of Endemol’s Big Brother island in Second Life; guests to the opening were firebombed and caged. One of the griefers explained her involvement: Well I’m from The Netherlands, and as you might know the tv concept of big brother was invented here, and it was in all the newspapers in Holland. So I thought It would be this huge event with lots of media. Then I kinda got the idea ‘hey I could ruin this and it might make the newspaper or tv. So that’s what set me off, lol. (qtd. in Sklar) Some groups do grief just to annoy. The Patriotic Nigas claim to have attacked the John Edwards headquarters inside SL wearing Bush ‘08 buttons (Cabron, “John Edwards Attackers”), but it was not a political attack. The group’s founder, Mudkips Acronym (the name of his avatar in SL) said, “I’m currently rooting for Obama, but that doesn’t mean we won’t raid him or anything. We’ll hit anyone if it’s funny, and if the guy I want to be president in 2008’s campaign provides the lulz, we’ll certainly not cross him off our list” (qtd. in Cabron, “John Edwards Attackers”). If they disrupt a high profile event or site, the attack will be covered by media that can amplify the thrill of the attack, enhance their reputation among other griefers, and add to their enjoyment of the griefing. Part of the definition of griefing is that the griefer enjoys causing other players pain and disrupting their game. One resident posted on the SL blog, “Griefers, for the most part, have no other agenda other than the thrill of sneaking one past and causing a big noise. Until a spokesperson comes forward with a manifesto, we can safely assume that this is the work of the “Jackass” generation, out to disrupt things to show that they can“ (Scarborough). Usually to have fun, griefers go after individuals, rather than the owners and administrators of the virtual world and so fit into Suler’s second type of griefing. These griefers enjoy seeing others get angry and frustrated. As one griefer said: Understanding the griefer mindset begins with this: We don’t take the game seriously at all. It continues with this: It’s fun because you react. Lastly: We do it because we’re jerks and like to laugh at you. I am the fly that kamikazes into your soup. I am the reason you can’t have nice things … . If I make you cry, you’ve made my day. (Drake) They have fun by making the other players mad. “Causing grief is the name of his game. His objective is simple: Make life hell for anyone unlucky enough to be playing with him. He’s a griefer. A griefer is a player bent on purposely frustrating others during a multiplayer game” (G4). “I’m a griefer. It’s what I do,” the griefer says. “And, man, people get so pissed off. It’s great” (G4). Taking Action against Griefers Understanding griefing from the griefer point of view leads us to examine the actions of those being griefed. Suler suggests several pairs of opposing actions that can be taken against griefers, based on his experience in an early social environment called Palace. Many of the steps still being used fit into these types. He first describes preventative versus remedial action. Preventative steps include design features to minimise griefing. The Second Life interface includes the ability to build 3D models and to create software; it also includes a menu for land owners to block those features at will, a design feature that helps prevent much griefing. Remedial actions are those taken by the administrators to deal with the effects of griefing; Linden Lab administrators can shut down whole islands to keep griefer activities from spreading to nearby islands. The second pair is interpersonal versus technical; interpersonal steps involve talking to the griefers to get them to stop ruining the game for others, while technical steps prevent griefers from re-entering the world. The elven community in Second Life strongly supports interpersonal steps; they have a category of members in their community known as guardians who receive special training in how to talk to people bent on destroying the peacefulness of the community or disturbing an event. The creators of Camp Darfur on Better World island also created a force of supporters to fend off griefer attacks after the island was destroyed twice in a week in 2006 (Kenzo). Linden Lab also makes use of technical methods; they cancel accounts so known griefers can not reenter. There were even reports that they had created a prison island where griefers whose antics were not bad enough to be totally banned would be sent via a one-way teleporter (Walsh, “Hidden Virtual World Prison”). Some users of Second Life favour technical steps; they believe that new users should be held a fixed amount of time on the Orientation island which would stop banned users from coming back into the world immediately. The third is to create tools for average users or super users (administrators); both involve software features, some of which are available to all users to help them make the game good for them while others are available only to people with administrator privileges. Average users who own land have a variety of tools available to limit griefing behaviour on their own property. In Second Life, the land owner is often blamed because he or she did not use the tools provided to landowners by Linden Lab; they can ban individual users, remove users from the land, mute their conversation, return items left on the property, and prevent people from building or running scripts. As one landowner said, “With the newbies coming in there, I’ve seen their properties just littered with crap because they don’t know protective measures you need to take as far as understanding land control and access rights” (qtd. in Girard). Super users, those who work for Linden Lab, can remove a player from the game for a various lengths of time based on their behaviour patterns. Responses to griefers can also be examined as either individual or joint actions. Individual actions include those that land owners can take against individual griefers. Individual users, regardless of account type, can file abuse reports against other individuals; Linden Lab investigates these reports and takes appropriate action. Quick and consistent reporting of all griefing, no matter how small, is advocated by most game companies and user groups as fairly successful. Strangely, some types of joint actions have been not so successful. Landowners have tried to form the Second Life Anti-Griefing Guild, but it folded because of lack of involvement. Groups providing security services have formed; many event organisers use this kind of service. (Hoffman). More successful efforts have included the creation of software, such as SLBanLink.com, Karma, and TrustNet that read lists of banned users into the banned list on all participating property. A last category of actions to be taken against griefers, and a category used by most residents of virtual worlds, is to leave them alone—to ignore them, to tolerate their actions. The thinking is that, as with many bullies in real life, griefers want attention; when deprived of that, they will move on to find other amusements. Yelling and screaming at griefers just reinforces their bad behaviour. Users simply teleport to other locations or log off. They warn others of the griefing behaviour using the various in-world communication tools so they too can stay away from the griefers. Most of the actions described above are not useful against griefers for whom a bad reputation is part of their credibility in the griefer community. The users of Second Life who staged the Gray Goo denial of service attack in October, 2005 fit into that category. They did nothing to hide the fact that they wanted to cause massive trouble; they named the self-replicating object that they created Grief Spawn and discussed ways to bring down the world on griefer forums (Wallace) Conclusion The most effective griefing usually involves an individual or small group who are only looking to have fun at someone else’s expense. It’s a small goal, and as long as there are any other users, it is easy to obtain the desired effect. In fact, as word spreads of the griefing and users feel compelled to change their behaviour to stave off future griefer attacks, the griefers have fun and achieve their goal. The key point here is that everyone has the same goal – have fun. Unfortunately, for one group – the griefers – achieving their goal precludes other users from reaching theirs. Political griefers are less successful in achieving their goals. Political creative play as griefing, like other kinds of griefing, is not particularly effective, which is another aspect of griefing as error. Other players react with frustration and violence to the actions of griefers such as deLappe and Velvet-Strike. If griefing activity makes people upset, they are less open to considering the political or economic motives of the griefers. Some complaints are relatively mild; “I’m all for creative protest and what not, but this is stupid. It’s not meaningful art or speaking out or anything of the type, its just annoying people who are never going to change their minds about how awesome they think war is” (Borkingchikapa). Others are more negative: “Somebody really needs to go find where that asshole lives and beat the shit out of him. Yeah, it’s a free country and he can legally pull this crap, but that same freedom extends to some patriot kicking the living shit out of him” (Reynolds). In this type of griefing no one’s goals for using the game are satisfied. The regular users can not have fun, but neither do they seem to be open to or accepting of the political griefer’s message. This pattern of success and failure may explain why there are so many examples of griefing to disrupt rather then the politically motivated kind. It may also suggest why efforts to curb griefing have been so ineffective in the past. Griefers who seek to disrupt for fun would see it as a personal triumph if others organised against them. Even if they found themselves banned from one area, they could quickly move somewhere else to have their fun since whom or where they harass does not really matter. Perhaps not all griefing is in error, rather, only those griefing activities motivated by any other goal than have fun. People invest their time and energy in creating their characters and developing skills. The behaviour of people in these virtual environments has a definite bearing on the real world. And perhaps that explains why people in these virtual worlds react so strongly to the behaviour. So, remember, stay off the beach until they catch the griefers, and if you want to make up the game as you go along, be ready for the other players to point at you and say “Bad, Bad Avatar.” References Bartle, Richard. “Players Who Suit MUDs.” Journal of MUD Research 1.1 (June 1996). 10 Sep. 2007 http://www.mud.co.uk/richard/hcds.htm>. Becker, David. Inflicting Pain on “Griefers.” 13 Dec. 2004. 10 Oct. 2007 http://www.news.com/Inflicting-pain-on-griefers/2100-1043_3-5488403.html>. Borkingchikapa. Playing America’s Army. 30 May 2006. 10 Aug. 2007 http://www.metafilter.com/51938/playing-Americas-Army>. Cabron, Lou. John Edwards Attackers Unmasked. 5 Mar. 2007. 29 Apr. 2007 http://www.10zenmonkeys.com/2007/03/05/john-edwards-virtual-attackers-unmasked/>. Cabron, Lou. 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