Academic literature on the topic 'Court Culture 8th-10th century'

The poetry of Arab-Andalusian poets is a bridge between Eastern and Western culture. Its roots date back to the sixth century, when the first Bedouin songs resounded in the limitless areas of the Arabian desert. His echoes resounded in the poetry of Provençal troubadours. Traces of this poetry can be found in the works of Renaissance poets, including Petrarc. Elements of Andalusian poetry were also visible in the poetry of the Spanish court since the 16th century. The characteristic poetic forms still appeared in 20th century poetry – at least one of the most outstanding Spanish poets, Federico Garcia Llorca, reached for it. Its greatest prosperity was in the 10th andd 11th centuries, and among the outstanding Andalusian poets were both men and women. The main motive of this poetry was unfulfilled love, which remained the dominant element of modern European court poetry.

The main objective of this study is to introduce the Czech reader to the hitherto unexplored phenomenon of cuteness (kawaii) in Japanese culture and society. The term kawaii, which is used to describe cute objects (toddlers, animals, mascots, toys), represents one of the most culturally persuasive aesthetics of the new millennium and is a significant economic driver of Japan’s cultural industry (manga, anime, fashion, music). In other words, kawaii is not a temporary fashion trend – it is virtually a ‘standard aesthetic’ that has permeated all areas of Japanese everyday life. In this study, I focus on three thematic units, namely psychology, aesthetics, and history of cuteness. Within psychology, I analyze kawaii as an intense emotional response to some significant stimulus that triggers a ‘maternal’ desire. Within aesthetics, I firstly focus on the stylized Japanese script, which started the kawaii fever in 1970s. Secondly, I point out the main specifics of Japanese product design with kawaii features and explain how kawaii aesthetics permeated the field of Japanese fashion. Thirdly, I focus on various mascots and animal characters that represent the main platform of kawaii aesthetics today, and demonstrate how Japanese authorities and institutions utilize this aesthetic to maintain the status quo. Finally, I offer a brief history of Japanese cuteness, which began in court literature of the 10th century and culminated in the second half of the 20th century.

The article concentrates on an analysis of the forms of castles erected by the Teutonic Order in their conquered domain in Prussia, which were a medium of ideas and manifestation of symbols. The most significant forms were structures of the castell type. That type of fortresses, which had been built since the Antiquity, usually associated with strong centralized state authority and used as a sign of the power propaganda, was later adopted in Western Europe. The Teutonic Knights adjusted that castle type to their needs in the 1270s and 1280s as a sign of the state and the centralized idea of the knight-monks’ authority. Repetitiveness and perfect geometric archi- tectonic forms depicted the character of their rulership, modelled after the Divine Order, and their role as milites Christi, defenders of Christianity. Towers were another construction element with a strong semantic charge as a sign and symbol of feudal power. The beginnings of tower-type residences date back to the 10th century Normandy, from where they spread around Europe in the following centuries. Habitable towers were also used by the Teutonic Order, who built them in 14th century as residences of some lower rank officials. Erecting a palace for the grand masters in Malbork at the end of the 14th century, they also referred to the form of donjon as a symbol of a sovereign and a ruler seat. The castle in Sztum was a result of yet another tradition – a residence situated nearby the capital as a leisure and hunting place for the overlord. That was an expression of court culture and a sign of prestige of a ruler – in this case, the grand master.

The article examines a kind of community of aesthetic tastes that was connecting Arab and Byzantine courtly culture. This community concerned the secular and luxurious works of art. The silver casket, called a Saracenic-Sicilian, from the Wawel Cathedral Treasury in Cracow will serve as the starting point to gain a true appreciation of the complex artistic relationship between the Byzantine Empire and the Islamic world in the Middle Ages. It appears highly probable that the casket was created in the twelfth century. It was published at once after the discovery (8th March 1881) and since then, researchers argue about the place of origin of the box. Some suggest that the casket could be a product of Arabic or Persian art, while others propose either Byzantine or Sicilian workshops. What is more, even an thorough stylistic and iconographic analysis does not allow for an unambiguous resolution of the problem of provenance of the Wawel box. Lack of a resolution suggests that this piece of art was directed to a member of the cosmopolitan elite of – Arabic or Byzantine – court, which took delight in sophisticated and expensive luxury items. It is worth noting that in this case, matter of religion did not play a crucial role. For this reason, the depicted scenes and decorative details have an universal character. In order to present this specific synthesis of Arabic and Byzantine secular art, the motifs of a griffin and a hare, decorating the casket will be considered.

The Early Iron Age (EIA, 11th – 8th century BC) in Greece is the transitional period following the end of the Mycenaean civilisation. The first half of this period is the so-called Protogeometric period (11th – 10th century BC) during which the mainland communities had to recover from the collapse of the Mycenaean palatial system, a centralised economic system of a stratified society. Social and economic structures were both severely damaged in the 12th century BC, resulting in various changes in technology, material culture and mortuary practices across the entire Aegean in the ensuing periods. These changes also affected the region of Thessaly, located at the northern margin of the Mycenaean world.

Casting molds for making small ornaments of lead or tin alloys were found in different parts of the East Europe in the areas of various archaeological cultures. This simple technology and simple shapes of products were in use by many peoples since 3rd till 10th century and perhaps even earlier. Lead castings and stone molds for their manufacture attracted the attention of researchers of Early Slavic archaeology since discovery of the Velyki Budky hoard (1981) and Bernashivka workshop (1990). The obvious problem was the chronological and geographic lacuna between the Slavic Bernashivka type ornaments (6th—7th centuries) and ornaments of the Kamno-Rхuge type (8th—10th centuries) from the Eastern Baltic region. Several versions explaining the similarity of finds from the northern and southern areas have been proposed: common substrate, population migrations, imitation of some fashion etc. In recent years two molds for some ornaments of the Kamno-Rхuge type have been discovered at the Romny culture hillforts (Sverdlovske 1, Vorkhol II), which demonstrated the lasting of the tradition in the south until the 10th century. A problem of the upper limit for existence of the Bernashivka type ornaments can be clarified using the mold find from Khodosivka settlement. The mold was discovered by expedition of E. O. Petrovska in 1976 during a survey along the left edge of the Gley ravine (Kozakiv ravine) near the Khodosivka hillfort. It was found in remaining part of a pit dwelling in context with fragments of hand-made and wheel-made pots of the Volyntsevo culture. The object dates back to the second half of the 8th century — early 9th cen-tury. Negatives of ornaments are carved on both sides of the mold. A diamond-shaped patch carved on the main side. On the reverse side the negatives of round plaques are carved and probably loops for attaching the same plaques. There is also circular decoration presents, probably, of a circular pendant. The closest analogies to such decorations were found in the Bernashivka workshop, and also at the molds from the Lower Danube region. Products from the Khodosivka mold look quite archaic and simple in comparing to gold and silver jewelry from hoards of the Volyntsevo culture. Such production was undoubtedly the part of nonprofessional home craft.

The article is devoted to the analysis of how Carolingian cavalrymen and their arms and armour are depicted in a set of Carolingian visual sources dating back to VIII – X centuries. How a Frankish horseman was armed in the VIII-X centuries is generally clear. However, the questions of how well a Frankish horseman fought and how he used his weapons in a battle have so far remained unnoticed by researchers, with the exceptions of Lynn White, Bernard Bachrach and Guy Halsall. But even they were more interested in general trends than in particular combat practices. This is largely due to the conciseness of written sources. As Timothy Reuter argues, “yet the face of battle … generally eludes us when we read these works”. However, in studies of the Frankish combat practices, visual sources are of paramount importance, as only they provide a holistic and clear picture of the cavalry armament complex, as well as the use of this complex in a combat. In recent times, the historiographical debate about the time when armoured cavalry appeared in the Frankish army and about the period when such cavalry transformed itself into chivalry is incomplete. It largely revolves around the relevance of the theses uttered by Lin White in the 1960s. Important sources in this debate are the Carolingian visual material that scholars exploit permanently but arbitrarily. This text is an attempt to systematize the Frankish iconography of the VIII - X centuries as an iconographic complex depicting armoured cavalry, its armament and its practical use. The Frankish iconography of VIII - X centuries confirms clearly the existence and importance of armoured cavalry in the army of the first Carolingians, despite the modern scholar’s different views on its force level, as well as its leading role in Frankish military culture in no later than the second half of the ninth century. The cabinet view of Western researchers about the uselessness of cavalry during sieges is not confirmed by sources. On the contrary, both the images and texts of that period demonstrate the widest possible use of cavalry in such military actions, primarily as a force for rapid response to the initiatives of the besieged. Technological transformations in mounted fighting were slow. Despite the fact that the stirrups have been recorded in Europe since the VII century, in the Carolingian visual material stirrups first appeared in the second half of the ninth century in a miniature from the manuscript "The Life of Saint Wandrille”. Further, their images are frequent but irregular, so Lynn White's theory on the crucial role of the stirrup introduction for transforming the Carolingian society of VIII - IX centuries and corresponding introduction of mounted shock combat during this period is not confirmed by visual sources. However, Bernard Bachrach's opposition thesis about the unpopularity of stirrups among the Franks in this period cannot be accepted either. It is likely that the stirrups’ introduction and the transformation of military techniques was slow, in parallel with the increase in the quality and quantity of saddle horses. The image of a couched lance has appeared permanently in the Frankish iconography since the 9th century. The motif of a rider with a lance held by a straight grip horizontally in an arm bent at an elbow first appears in the ninth century in The Golden Psalter of St. Gallen and The Boland Prudence, in the context of a cavalry march and the pursuit of one cavalry unit by another. Stirrups, saddles and spurs are visible too in the Carolinian iconography in that period. The third image of a couched spear on the relief of a sarcophagus from Civita Castellana is difficult to attribute chronologically accurately. By analogy with the images of war horses, equestrians and their equipment, the relief can be widely dated to the ninth century. In the Carolingian visual material of the tenth century, the motif of thecouched lance is found twice more (Codex Perizoni, Psychomachy of St. Lawrence) in the images of a siege and a convoy of captives. In four images from five, there is no enemy hit with a lance stroke, while in the fifth, the relief displays a hunting scene with a hunter on horseback striking a wild boar with a lance. Interpretation of these images by means of German and Italian fencing manuals, as well as the 1938 military regulations for the Polish cavalry, leads to the conclusion that the armoured cavalry’s knowing the technique of couching a lance does not automatically mean their ability to mounted shock combat. Holding the spear horizontally under the armpit gave a rider the opportunity to use fencing techniques and shock blows with a shaft or "winged” ends of lance head, which were effective in a melee. According to the Carolingian visual sources, the spread of stirrups since the ninth century seems indisputable, resulting in the development of armoured cavalry and its combat effectiveness in the Frankish army. Although the identification of a couched lance with mounted shock combat techniques is erroneous, the war horse and rider's armament, consisting of a spear, sword, shield, helmet, and body armour, defined the Carolingian and Ottonian armoured cavalry as a fighting force. This set of equipment was the technological basis, and the community of its bearers was the favourable environment in which chivalry emerged later as a fighting force. Frankish military technologies of the VIII - X centuries and the Frankish military culture of this period in the broadest sense of the term served as the technological and cultural basis for forming chivalry and chivalrous military technology in the future. Despite the obvious growing importance of cavalry in the Frankish army and progressive experiments with spear-wielding techniques during the VIII - X centuries, which are clearly proved by both visual and textual sources of the day, the available source material does not prove the existence of mounted shock combat among the Frankish military elites. So, it is early to speak about the emergence of knightly military technology and, accordingly, chivalry as a fighting force in the VIII - X centuries. However, Lynn White's thesis that it was the period that opened the "window of opportunity" for transforming equestrian combat and developing and proliferating weapons for it and ultimately for the growth of cultural and political role of specialists capable of it in the Frankish kingdoms remains relevant.

The article deals with the situation of Slavic sites study in the Ternopil region. By chronology the Slavic sites divide into 2 periods: the early (second half of the 5th—7th centuries) connected with time of the existence of the Prague culture, and the later (8th — first half of the 10th centuries) — the time of the existence of Raikovetska culture. Special attention is paid to the hill-forts and settlements near Terebovlia. Author describes the excavated dwellings and household buildings and analyzes the hand-made pottery discovered in the closed assemblages of settlements. The ceramic assemblages typical for each chronological period are researched. So, the findings of the hand-made pottery of the Chernyakhiv and the Welbark cultures together with Slavic one are typical for the early period of the Prague culture. The early period of the Raikovetska culture is characterized by the absence of pottery fragments. The assemblages of the late periods of the Raikovetska culture include about 15—20 % of early pottery. Among the hand-made pottery of the second half of the 5th—6th centuries only pots and bowls are present, and dripping pans are absent. The pottery has no ornament except the one case. Assemblages of the 8th century include pots and pans ornamented with finger nips. Set of pottery of the second half of the 9th — first half of the 10th centuries are characterized by hand-made pots, bowls, pans and dripping pans occurred together with early wheel-made pottery. This period is characterized by wide spread of hand-made pottery decorated by finger nips and early wheel-made pottery with line and wave ornament, sometimes together with recurrent fir-shaped ornament made by comb-shaped punch. The results of the study indicate that the region around Terebovlia on both banks of the Gnizna river was settled by the Slavs for a long time since the second half of the 5th — first half of the 10th centuries. The group of settlements in Terebovlia district can be considered as one of the Slavic «nests of settlements» in the Gnizna river basin. The hill-fort and two settlements of the Prague culture (settlements Krovinka I, Terebovlia V, Pidgaychyky III) and seven sites of the Raikovetska culture (settlements Terebovlia I, Terebovlia III, Terebovlia IV, Terebovlia IX, Terebovlia X, Krovinka II, Krovinka III) are placed near Terebovlia city.

The paper is devoted to the Raiky culture in the Middle Dnieper. It reveals major issues of the phenomenon of Raiky culture and their possible solutions considering the achievements of Ukrainian archeologists in this field. The genesis, chronology and features of the development of material culture of the Raiky sites in the 8th—9th centuries of the right-bank of the Dnieper are analyzed. In general the existence of the Raiky culture in the Middle Dnieper region can be described as follows. It was formed in first half of the 8th century in the Tiasmyn basin. The first wheel-made pottery has begun to manufacture quite early, from the mid-8th century (probably at the beginning of the third quarter). At the first stage, the early vessels have imitated the hand-made Raiky forms as well as the Saltovo-Mayaki imported vessels. Significant development of the material culture occurs during the second half of the 8th century. At the same time, the movement of the people of Raiky culture and the population of the sites of Sаkhnivka type has begun in the northern direction which was marked by the appearance of the Kaniv settlement, Monastyrok, and possibly Buchak. This stage is characterized by the syncretism both in the ceramic complex and in the features of design of the heating structures. Numerous influences of the people of Volyntsevo culture (and through them – of Saltovo-Mayaki one) are recorded in the Raiky culture. It is observed not only in direct imports but also in the efforts of the Raiky population to imitate the pottery of Volyntsevo and Saltovo-Mayaki cultures, however, based on their own technological capabilities. The nature of the relationship between the bearers of these cultures is still interesting. The population of Raiky accepts the imported items of Saltovo-Mayaki and Volyntsevo cultures, tries to imitate high-quality pottery of them, and even one can see the peaceful coexistence of two cultures in one settlement — Monastyrok, Buchak, Stovpyagy. However, the reverse pulses are absent. There are no tendencies to assimilate each other. Although, given the number and size of the sites, the numerical advantage of the Volyntsevo population in the region seems obvious. There is currently no answer to this question. The first third of the 9th century became the watershed. The destruction of the Bytytsia hill-fort and the charred ruins to which most of the settlements of the Volyntsevo culture has turned, is explained in the literature by the early penetration of Scandinavians into the region or as result of the resettlement of Magyars to the Northern Pontic region. In any case, this led to a change in the ethnic and cultural situation in the Dnieper basin. According to some researchers, the surviving part of the population of Volyntsevo culture migrated to the Oka and Don interfluve. For some time, but not for long, the settlements of Raiky culture remained abandoned. Apparently, after the stabilization of situation, the residents have returned which is reflected by the reconstruction of the Kaniv settlement and Monastyrok; in addition, on the latter the fortifications have been erected. The final stage of the existence of culture is characterized by contacts with the area of the left bank of Dnieper, the influx of the items of the «Danube circle», as well as the rapid development of the forms of early wheel-made pottery. The general profiling of vessels and design of the rim became more complicated, the rich linear-wavy ornament which covers practically all surface of the item became characteristic. This suggests the use of a quick hand wheel which has improved the symmetry of the vessels, as well as permitted to create the larger specimens. The evolution of the early wheel-made ceramic complex took place only by a variety of forms, however, technological indicators (dough composition, firing, density and thickness of vessel walls) indicate the actual invariability and sustainability of the manufacture tradition. The discontinuance of the functioning of the latest Raiky sites (Monastyrok and Kaniv settlements) can be attributed as the consequences of the first stages of consolidation of the Rus people in the Middle Dnieper dating to the late 9th — the turn of the 9th—10th centuries.

Abstract It is usually accepted among modern scholars that the Mamluk period marked a drastic decline in the position of non-Muslims. Jews and Christians were exposed to increasing persecutions and, inter alia, could not serve as great physicians unless they converted to Islam. Against these assumptions, the article discusses new data regarding three Jewish court physicians from the first half of the 8th/14th century. Despite being under a strong pressure to convert, these doctors gained honorable positions and a high social status in the Mamluk sultanate. As erudite physicians and skillful practitioners, they were integrated with the highest circles of the political, military and especially intellectual Muslim elite of their time.

This chapter considers the rise to prominence by enslaved and freed persons in the major urban centers of the first Abbasid period (c. 750–900 CE). It uses the example of elite female performers at the Abbasid court, and, as evidence, a set of passages concerning three of the women, all of which occur in the 10th-century Kitab al-Aghani (Book of Songs) by Abu al-Faraj al-Isbahani (d.c. 972). The passages voice the same complaint: that the singer in question was wrongly enslaved. These texts are then weighed in light of the question of upward social mobility. The singers, despite the odds, achieved and, in certain cases, sustained preeminence. The phenomenon is familiar to historians, as a number of Abbasid–era notables emerged from slavery to achieve elite standing, whether as members of political, commercial, and military circles or at the highest levels of culture and scholarship.

This paper considers the unregulated 10th-12th-century outflow northwards of Eastern Christian persons, written texts, oral tales and artefacts via the waterways spanning Rus. Responses to this outflow varied across northwest Europe, helping to consolidate regimes or legitimise rebels, while bolstering individual’s status. Comparable dynamics are seen in the Caucasus, with the titles and visible trappings of a God-blessed court enhancing Alan rulers’ imperial and dynastic ambitions, while tales of Byzantium helped legitimise regional clans. But intensive engagement was finite and fitful, registering the changing needs of developing polities/cultures.

After the Early Slavic period a number of changes took place, which was manifested, among others, in the construction of strongholds – fortified seats of local power. This stage of Slavic development, lasting approximately 200 years from the turn of the 7th and 8th century on, is called the Tribal phase. At that time, the areas of western Lesser Poland belonged to the Vistulan tribe. Their central seat was the stronghold on Wawel Hill in Kraków. At the end of the 10th century the Piasts began to play an active military and political role in the Vistula River basin. Their successful expansion gave rise to the Early State phase. After 966, as Christianity progressed, inhumation replaced cremation as the burial rite. The oldest row-arranged cemeteries were founded on the upper Vistula from the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries. They were used until end of the 12th century, or longer. Two such cemeteries were examined in the study area, in Wawrzeńczyce and Stręgoborzyce. They were abandoned with the consolidation of the parish network and the establishment of church cemeteries in the 13th century. Material culture of the Tribal phase – besides native production – yielded artifacts indicating contacts with areas south of the Carpathians, with the nomadic Avars and, after their fall, with Hungarians.

After the Early Slavic period a number of changes took place, which was manifested, among others, in the construction of strongholds – fortified seats of local power. This stage of Slavic development, lasting approximately 200 years from the turn of the 7th and 8th century on, is called the Tribal phase. At that time, the areas of western Lesser Poland belonged to the Vistulan tribe. Their central seat was the stronghold on Wawel Hill in Kraków. At the end of the 10th century the Piasts began to play an active military and political role in the Vistula River basin. Their successful expansion gave rise to the Early State phase. After 966, as Christianity progressed, inhumation replaced cremation as the burial rite. The oldest row-arranged cemeteries were founded on the upper Vistula from the turn of the 10th and 11th centuries. They were used until end of the 12th century, or longer. Two such cemeteries were examined in the study area, in Wawrzeńczyce and Stręgoborzyce. They were abandoned with the consolidation of the parish network and the establishment of church cemeteries in the 13th century. Material culture of the Tribal phase – besides native production – yielded artifacts indicating contacts with areas south of the Carpathians, with the nomadic Avars and, after their fall, with Hungarians.

The island of Samos, one of the most pleasant of all the Greek islands, played an important role in both Greek and Roman history. The significance of Samos was due to its strategic location and its fame from three sources: the Great Temple to Hera, one of the most renowned in the ancient world; the Tunnel of Eupalinus, one of the great engineering feats of antiquity; and two of its most famous citizens, the moralist Aesop and the mathematician Pythagoras, of Pythagorean theorem fame. Samos is located only 1 mile from the shore of western Turkey. It received its name, according to Herodotus, because of its mountainous terrain. Samos means “high land” and seems to have been derived either from the Phoenician word sama or from the Ionian word samo, both of which have the same meaning. (Another island to the north has a similar name, Samothrace, which means the samos of nearby Thrace.) This relatively small island, 14 miles wide and 27 miles long, shows evidence of occupation at least as early as the 4th millennium B.C.E. Later, abundant evidence attests to further occupation in the Early Bronze Age by the Mycenaeans. Likewise, the Ionians established colonies on the island during the early Iron Age and it subsequently became a great naval power. Sometime during the 8th century B.C.E., Samos obtained land on the opposite coast of Asia Minor, which led to ongoing conflict with neighboring Priene. The most famous, and infamous, ruler of Samos was Polycrates, the tyrant who ruled from approximately 550 B.C.E. until 522 B.C.E., when he was lured to Asia Minor and subsequently crucified by the Persians. During his reign, according to Strabo, the naval fleet of Samos became the first to rule the Aegean Sea since the days of the Minoan civilization. Polycrates established a cultured court, encouraged fine arts, and invited the famous hydraulics engineer Eupalinus of Megara to construct the great water tunnel that became known as the Tunnel of Eupalinus. Other public works projects included the construction of great walls around the city.

Большинство погребальных памятников второй половины VIII – начала X в. на Среднем Дону представлено двумя типами объектов. К первому относятся катакомбные могильники, оставленные аланами. Ко второму типу относятся ямные могильники, которые нельзя связать с каким-то определенным раннесредневековым этническим объединением. Донские аланы, оставившие катакомбные могильники, существенно отличались от носителей ямного обряда своим происхождением, морфологическим обликом и хозяйственно-культурными традициями. Несмотря на эти различия, керамика катакомбных и ямных могильников Среднего Дона имеет много общего как в технологии, так и по морфологии. В статье исследуется вопрос о причинах этого сходства на примере лощеной столовой посуды, которая является одним из наиболее ярких «маркеров» салтово-маяцких древностей. Анализу подвергнуты археологические, антропологические, экспериментальные и этнографические данные. На основании результатов исследования высказано предположение, что население салтово-маяцкой культуры, оставившее на Среднем Дону ямные могильники, не имело собственного производства лощеной посуды, а использовало посуду, изготовленную аланскими гончарами. Institute of Archaeology of Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia Most of funeral monuments from the second half of the 8th - beginning of the 10th century in the middle Don River are represented by two types of objects. The first type includes catacomb cemeteries left by the Alans. The second one consists of pit grave cemeteries which can’t be referred to any certain early medieval ethnic association. The Don Alans who left catacomb cemeteries differed significantly from the bearers of the pit grave tradition by their origin, morphological appearance and economical and cultural traditions. In spite of these differences the pottery of the catacomb and pit grave cemeteries in the middle Don River has a lot in common both in technology and morphology. The article analyses the issue of this similarity on the example of polished pottery which is one of the clearest markers of the Saltovo-Mayaki antiquities. The archaeological, anthropological, experimental and ethnographical data were scrutinized. Based on the results of the study it has been suggested that the population of the Saltovo-Mayaki culture which left pit grave cemeteries in the middle Don River didn’t have self-produced polished pottery, but used wares made by the Alan potters.