Journal articles on the topic 'Cotton family History'
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1
Hey, David. "Cattle Droving, Cotton and Landownership: a Cumbrian Family Saga." Northern History 53, no. 1 (January 2, 2016): 149–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0078172x.2016.1127639.
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Holleran, Philip M. "Family Income and Child Labor in Carolina Cotton Mills." Social Science History 21, no. 3 (1997): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200017764.
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One-fourth of all workers in southern cotton mills in 1899 were under 16 years of age. Why did so many children work in cotton mills and other factories during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? Many millworkers believed that “if the employers would give their hands better wages, . . . the help could then support themselves better and be able to school their children” (North Carolina Bureau of Labor Statistics 1892:172). As it was, “at the present rate of wages paid, large families are compelled to put all their children in the mills in order to support the family” (ibid.: 287). Child labor would be reduced or eliminated if parents could “demand wages sufficient to keep [their children in school] and take care of the family without the help of the little ones” (ibid.: 351). Turn-of-the-century labor reformers agreed that low wages forced many families to send their children to work. Alexander McKelway (1913), for example, southern secretary of the National Child Labor Committee, called low cotton mill wages “our modern feudalism,” while Edith Abbott (1908: 36) suggested that child labor was the result of an “insufficiency of the man’s wages.”
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Selby, John G., Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, Lu Ann Jones, and Christopher B. Daly. "Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World." Journal of Southern History 55, no. 2 (May 1989): 348. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2208933.
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Holleran, Philip M. "Family Income and Child Labor in Carolina Cotton Mills." Social Science History 21, no. 3 (1997): 297. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1171617.
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Back, Adina, James Leloudis, and Kathryn Walbert. "Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World." Journal of American History 88, no. 3 (December 2001): 1225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2700591.
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Wright, Gavin, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, Lu Ann Jones, and Christopher B. Daly. "Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 19, no. 4 (1989): 697. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/203984.
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Burton, Orville Vernon, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, Lu Ann Jones, and Christopher B. Daly. "Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World." Journal of American History 76, no. 1 (June 1989): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908427.
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Jones, Jacqueline, and Jacquelyn Dowd Hall. "Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World." American Historical Review 94, no. 5 (December 1989): 1481. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1906539.
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Guy, Donna J. "Oro Blanco: Cotton, Technology, and Family Labor in Nineteenth-Century Argentina." Americas 49, no. 4 (April 1993): 457–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007409.
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Cotton growing and textile production in the northern regions of newly independent Argentina, as in many other parts of Latin America still relatively unaffected by the industrial revolution, were linked to the gender division of labor and the type of landholdings found in agrarian societies. As early as 1970 Ester Boserup pointed out the divergent roles that women and children would play in societies based upon extensive properties farmed or ranched by slave or hired help as compared with smaller, more intensive farms and ranches. She, like many others, however, presumed that wage labor, large scale agriculture, and ranching dominated the Latin American landscape, and she emphasized the role of women compared to other family members in rural production.
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Whites, LeeAnn, and Cathy L. McHugh. "Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880-1915." Journal of Southern History 55, no. 4 (November 1989): 734. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209078.
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Cordillot, Michel, Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, Lu Ann Jones, and Christopher B. Daly. "Like a Family. The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World." Le Mouvement social, no. 153 (October 1990): 130. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3778915.
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Ha, Tran Thi Thuy, Bui My Hanh, Nguyen Van Son, Hoang Thị Giang, Nguyen Thanh Hai, Vu Minh Thuc, and Pham Minh Khue. "The Cotton Dust-Related Allergic Asthma: Prevalence and Associated Factors among Textile Workers in Nam Dinh Province, Vietnam." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 18 (September 17, 2021): 9813. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18189813.
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Objective: To determine the prevalence of cotton dust-related allergic asthma and associated factors among textile workers in Nam Dinh province, Vietnam. Methods: A cross-sectional study was performed with 1082 workers in two textile garment companies using the asthma diagnostic criteria of the GINA (Global Initiative for Asthma) 2016 guidelines. Results: Among study participants, 11.9% had suspected asthma symptoms, 7.4% were diagnosed with asthma, and 4.3% (3.6% in men and 4.5% in women) were diagnosed with cotton dust-related allergic asthma. Overweight, seniority more than 10 years, history of asthma, allergic rhinitis, family history of allergy, and exposure to cotton dust from more than one hour per day in the working environment were found to be important predictors of cotton dust-related allergic asthma among textile workers. Conclusions: Textile workers in two companies in Nam Dinh, Vietnam had a high prevalence of dust-related allergic asthma compared to estimates from the general population. There is a need to design appropriate measures of prevention, screening, and care for dust-related asthma in the textile industry. Further evaluation with better exposure assessment is necessary.
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Beatty, Bess, and Cathy L. McHugh. "Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880-1915." Journal of American History 76, no. 1 (June 1989): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908425.
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Blackwelder, Julia Kirk, Cathy L. McHugh, Jacquelyn Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, Lu Ann Jones, and Christopher B. Daly. "Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880-1915." Technology and Culture 31, no. 2 (April 1990): 325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3105683.
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Terrill, Thomas E., and Cathy L. McHugh. "Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880-1915." American Historical Review 95, no. 2 (April 1990): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163946.
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Bertone, Elizabeth R., Edward L. Giovannucci, Norval W. King, Andrew J. Petto, and Lorna D. Johnson. "Family history as a risk factor for ulcerative colitis–associated colon cancer in cotton-top tamarin." Gastroenterology 114, no. 4 (April 1998): 669–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0016-5085(98)70580-3.
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Phillips, Christopher N. "Cotton Mather Brings Isaac Watts's Hymns to America; or, How to Perform a Hymn without Singing It." New England Quarterly 85, no. 2 (June 2012): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/tneq_a_00183.
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This essay reconstructs Cotton Mather's efforts to introduce Isaac Watts's hymns into New England print culture using sermon pamphlets and family prayer guides. These forms framed hymns as read rather than sung texts, but they also enabled the performance of hymns as expressions of personal faith during the Great Awakening.
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Mishina, L. A. "THE FAMILY PHENOMENON IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY AMERICAN LITERAURE." Bulletin of Udmurt University. Series History and Philology 32, no. 2 (April 29, 2022): 355–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2412-9534-2022-32-2-355-362.
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The purpose of this article is to analyze the phenomenon of the New English family of the 17th century, the first century of the existence of American national literature, presented in the works of early American authors - period insufficiently studied in literary criticism. Untranslated or incompletely translated into Russian works of such religious and public figures, writers as Richard Mather (Diary), Inkris Mather (The Life and Death of the Reverend Richard Mather), Edward Johnson (The Miraculous Providence of the Savior of Zion in New England) , Samuel Sewall (Diary), John Cotton (God’s Promise to His Plantation), Cotton Mather (Life of Mr. Johnatan Burr), are introduced into literary criticism. Being one of the key in the early history and literature of the United States, the theme of the family has the following aspects considered within the framework of the article: the move of families to a new continent, settling in a new place, the status of a father, mother, and child. The process of formation and existence in extreme conditions of a Protestant family is analyzed, the role of the family community in the fulfillment of the sacred mission - the creation of the kingdom of Christ on new lands - is determined. The conclusion is made about the uniqueness of the New English family of the 17th century, which combined the features of both the family structure that developed in European society and those born in the process of American experiments. The idea is emphasized that the disclosure of the family theme by early American authors clearly represents the features of American literature of the 17th century in general. The article uses biographical, structural, cultural and historical methods of literary analysis.
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Jurasinski, Stefan. "Reddatur Parentibus: The Vengeance of the Family in Cnut's Homicide Legislation." Law and History Review 20, no. 1 (2002): 157–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744159.
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TheAnglo-Saxon Chroniclestates that during his 1018 meeting in Oxford with the leading English ecclesiastical and lay authorities, roughly one year after his accession to the throne in England, Cnut agreed to uphold “the laws of Edgar” during his reign. The ultimate outcome of this and subsequent meetings is the code issued at Winchester in 1020, referred to by editorial convention as I and II Cnut. This code contains, respectively, the religious and secular laws of England promulgated under Cnut. The code is contained in four manuscripts in Old English. The earliest are British Library, Cotton Nero A.i and Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 201, both dated to the mid-eleventh century; the latest, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College (CCCC) 383 and British Library, Harley 55, belong to the early twelfth century. Cnut's code reappears in three twelfth-century Norman Latin tracts intended to acquaint French authorities with English law, theInstituta Cnuti, Consiliatio Cnuti, andQuadripartitus. TheLeges Henrici Primi, prepared by the same author as theQuadripartitus, also draws heavily on Cnut's legislation.
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Span, Christopher M. "Sam's Cottonfield Blues." History of Education Quarterly 62, no. 1 (February 2022): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/heq.2021.53.
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AbstractThis History of Education Society Presidential Address primarily utilizes evocative autoethnography and narrative inquiry to convey its main points. It is written in the storytelling tradition of the African American past and analyzes the lives of three generations of Black Mississippians as they navigated life in Jim Crow Mississippi. It highlights the impact and legacy the cotton economy had on the life opportunities of these Black Mississippians, and how the cumulative stories they shared within the family directly shaped the educational pursuits and outcomes of a present-day descendant.
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Ekbom, Anders. "IS A FAMILY HISTORY OF COLORECTAL CANCER AS RELEVANT FOR ULCERATIVE COLITIS PATIENTS AS FOR COTTON-TOP TAMARINS?" Inflammatory Bowel Diseases 5, no. 3 (August 1999): 238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00054725-199908000-00017.
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Zhang, Jie, Junping Feng, Wei Liu, Zhongying Ren, Junjie Zhao, Xiaoyu Pei, Yangai Liu, Daigang Yang, and Xiongfeng Ma. "Characterization and Stress Response of the JmjC Domain-Containing Histone Demethylase Gene Family in the Allotetraploid Cotton Species Gossypium hirsutum." Plants 9, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): 1617. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/plants9111617.
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Histone modification is an important epigenetic modification that controls gene transcriptional regulation in eukaryotes. Histone methylation is accomplished by histone methyltransferase and can occur on two amino acid residues, arginine and lysine. JumonjiC (JmjC) domain-containing histone demethylase regulates gene transcription and chromatin structure by changing the methylation state of the lysine residue site and plays an important role in plant growth and development. In this study, we carried out genome-wide identification and comprehensive analysis of JmjC genes in the allotetraploid cotton species Gossypium hirsutum. In total, 50 JmjC genes were identified and in G. hirsutum, and 25 JmjC genes were identified in its two diploid progenitors, G. arboreum and G. raimondii, respectively. Phylogenetic analysis divided these JmjC genes into five subfamilies. A collinearity analysis of the two subgenomes of G. hirsutum and the genomes of G. arboreum and G. raimondii uncovered a one-to-one relationship between homologous genes of the JmjC gene family. Most homologs in the JmjC gene family between A and D subgenomes of G. hirsutum have similar exon-intron structures, which indicated that JmjC family genes were conserved after the polyploidization. All G. hirsutumJmjC genes were found to have a typical JmjC domain, and some genes also possess other special domains important for their function. Analysis of promoter regions revealed that cis-acting elements, such as those related to hormone and abiotic stress response, were enriched in G. hirsutum JmjC genes. According to a reverse transcription-quantitative polymerase chain reaction (RT-qPCR) analysis, most G. hirsutumJmjC genes had high abundance expression at developmental stages of fibers, suggesting that they might participate in cotton fiber development. In addition, some G. hirsutumJmjC genes were found to have different degrees of response to cold or osmotic stress, thus indicating their potential role in these types of abiotic stress response. Our results provide useful information for understanding the evolutionary history and biological function of JmjC genes in cotton.
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Clark, Anna, and Per Bolin-Hort. "Work, Family, and the State: Child Labour and the Organization of Production in the British Cotton Industry, 1780-1920." American Historical Review 96, no. 2 (April 1991): 510. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2163275.
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Irvine, Jacqueline Jordan. "From Cotton to Coca-Cola: A Family History Case Study on the Limitations of Higher Education to Close the Generational Wealth Gap." JCSCORE 2, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 40–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2642-2387.2016.2.2.40-62.
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This article is a family history that supported the relationship between slavery and generational wealth. The research documented the history of two Moffett families who were probably not related biologically—a White one who owned a Black one with the same last name. However, the two family histories revealed a larger and more complicated narrative about the origins and intractable roots of American inequality that follows the trail of my slave ancestors to one of the most well- known and wealthiest international corporations in the world—from cotton to Coca-Cola. This is the account of a set of conditions that, while assisting Whites to acquire generational wealth, prevented Black people from doing the same. The piece discusses how generational wealth is accumulated and maintained and argues that higher education alone has provided limited opportunities for Black families to acquire and maintain generational wealth. Recommendations included attention to individual and institutional racism, particularly the structural factors that White families have used to leverage their income and wealth, notably government programs, political and social contacts, access to financial resources, and privileged information about economic opportunities.
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Toms, J. S. "Integration, Innovation, and the Progress of a Family Cotton Enterprise: Fielden Brothers Ltd, 1889–1914." Textile History 27, no. 1 (January 1996): 77–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/004049696793711699.
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Dillon, Elizabeth Maddock. "Ante-Oedipus." History of the Present 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2022): 4–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21599785-9547212.
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Abstract This article argues that Freud’s account of binary sexual difference, articulated in the Oedipus complex, is conditioned by a history of racial capitalism. Turning to the foundational work of Hortense Spillers on gender and Atlantic race slavery, this article proposes that dominant models of binary gender are ineluctably racialized, created by the property regimes and systemic sexual violence of colonial modernity that emerged in the Atlantic World of the eighteenth century—a space defined by the structures of labor, race, sexuality, and capital accumulation that developed in and around the first factories of the modern world, namely, the sugar plantations of the colonial Caribbean. The article links Freud’s own economic and intellectual history to the production of capital and the theft of land and labor in the Caribbean by way of the central European trade in textiles and global cotton production. Examining a series of family portraits, the article locates the eclipsed yet central force of Black women’s productive and socially reproductive work extracted for the creation of white, heteropatriarchal reproduction and property accumulation.
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Bayer, Penny. "The Memoir of Florence Garstang (1870-1941): Honour, Injustice, and Gendered Sacrifice in an Upwardly Mobile Blackburn Family." Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire: Volume 170, Issue 1 170, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/transactions.170.9.
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This article introduces the previously unexamined Blackburn memoir of Florence Garstang (1870-1941). It contributes to women’s history by providing her response to injustices in the Blackburn cotton riots and to a gendered injustice that marked her own life. It reveals a creative, precariously upwardly-mobile Blackburn family, whose sons had unusually successful careers, whilst Florence became women’s editor on the Blackburn Standard. It shows her close relationship with her father, Dr Walter Garstang (1832-1899), rooted in values of self- and mutual improvement, continual learning, pride in local traditions and pleasure in books and the local newspaper culture. The article builds on Andrew Hobbs’ work by providing a previously unknown case study of a female participant in Blackburn newspaper culture. Dr Garstang’s work as a Blackburn Poor Law medical officer and in private practice is discussed as the context in which he asked Florence to sacrifice her Oxford dream.
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Yıldız, Hatice. "The Politics of Time in Colonial Bombay: Labor Patterns and Protest in Cotton Mills." Journal of Social History 54, no. 1 (April 22, 2019): 206–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jsh/shz016.
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Abstract This article examines the modes of time and work discipline that emerged through factory industry in colonial Bombay. Based on a wide range of archival sources, it shows that mechanized production did not invariably suggest a transition from task-based, irregular to clock-measured, rationally organized work patterns. Operating simultaneously within temporal orders constructed by the global economy, agriculture, family, and community, cotton mills combined new disciplinary practices with a flexible approach to labor. Gender, marital status, religion, skill, and position in the manufacturing chain influenced the pace and duration of work as well as subjective experiences of time at the factory. By maintaining the diversity and flexibility of time organization, mill owners could adjust production to fluctuations in market demand. At the same time, the strategy facilitated and obscured exploitation. As the industry grew, workers developed a language of resistance that emphasized the value of regular and standard work patterns defined with reference to clock hours and calendar days. In the factories of colonial Bombay, clocks were not just symbols of discipline and subjugation but also instruments of resistance and negotiation.
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Kyriakoudes, Louis M. "Lower-Order Urbanization and Territorial Monopoly in the Southern Furnishing Trade." Social Science History 26, no. 1 (2002): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012323.
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Sometime during World War I,Ned Cobb, an African American sharecropper better known to us by his pseudonym Nate Shaw, journeyed from the Tallapoosa County, Alabama, farm where he was sharecropping to Opelika, a small market town about 12 miles away, to buy cotton seed hulls for his mules,meal for his family, and shoes for his children. At Mr. Sadler’s general store, Cobb had a chilling encounter with one Henry Chase, a crippled white store clerk. Chase, resentful that Cobb had been served by one of the store's white female clerks, tried to provoke a fight with Cobb and then accused Cobb of threatening him with a pistol. Cobb wisely refused to be goaded, but he was arrested anyway when Chase brought his complaint to the sheriff. Cobb only escaped trouble with the law and more trouble with Chase and his gang because of the intercession of influential white merchants who knew Cobb from earlier business in town (Rosengarten 1974: 162–72).
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Schmidt, James D. "“Restless Movements Characteristic of Childhood”: The Legal Construction of Child Labor in Nineteenth-Century Massachusetts." Law and History Review 23, no. 2 (2005): 315–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000000316.
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Elias Berdos had not yet reached the age of fourteen when he arrived in the United States in the first decade of the twentieth century. Three weeks after debarking, he applied to Tremont and Suffolk Mills in Lowell, Massachusetts and was put to work in the textile factory's spinning room, tending the mules as many boys his age did. Inexperienced at factory labor and unable to speak English, he ventured forth into the helter-skelter world of a cotton mill. About four weeks later, Elias stood in the spinning room, waiting for the workday to begin. With his back turned to the machinery, he rested his hand on a guard that covered the spinning frame's gears. When his hand slipped into the rotating metal, Elias joined the tens of thousands of workers injured in the process of American industrialization. Like many of those workers, Elias and his family sued the company for damages, but unlike many of his fellow laborers, Elias relied on Massachusetts's statutory prohibitions against child labor to maintain a cause of action. Losing in the lower courts, Elias appealed to the Supreme Judicial Court of Massachusetts. His case led the court to examine the development of child labor law in Massachusetts, looking into both its statutory genesis and legislative intent.
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Coleman, E. A., H. Lynch, C. Enderlin, C. B. Stewart, R. Kennedy, and B. Barlogie. "Determining familial risk of multiple myeloma." Journal of Clinical Oncology 25, no. 18_suppl (June 20, 2007): 8111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1200/jco.2007.25.18_suppl.8111.
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8111 Background: The etiology of multiple myeloma (MM) remains unknown although genetic and environmental factors have been implicated. Familial MM has been reported; however, whether this familial tendency is due to genetic factors or environmental exposures or both is not known. Analysis of SEER data showed that Iowa, an agricultural state, had the highest incidence of MM; however, once we adjusted for race, sex, age, and year of diagnosis, the effect of geographic area was small and the main effect was race. This project aims to build a Familial MM Registry of families and investigate the families’ pedigrees and environmental factors to determine the familial risk of MM. The long term goal is to identify myeloma susceptibility loci which ultimately could lead to finding myeloma prone germline mutations. Methods: Patients (n = 67) from the Myeloma Institute for Research and Therapy at the University of Arkansas for Medical Sciences and their family members with MM or a related malignancy (amyloidoses, lymphoma, chronic lymphocytic leukemia, chronic myelogenous leukemia, Waldenstrom's macroglobulinemia, Hairy cell leukemia, acute myelogenous leukemia, acute lymphocytic leukemia, Hodgkin's disease) were interviewed for environmental factors associated with MM and for family history data to complete pedigrees. Pedigrees were analyzed to determine the patterns of inheritance. Results: Data show that 26 patients (39%) have family members with MM (one having five family members with MM) and 34 patients (51%) have family members with related malignancies. Eighteen families (27%) have a putative autosomal dominant mode of genetic transmission of MM. Pancreatic cancer, malignant melanoma, breast cancer and lymphoma may be part of a myeloma syndrome. Pesticide/insecticide exposure, raising cattle or growing cotton were the most prevalent environmental risk factors. Conclusions: The pedigrees suggest the existence of genetic traits affecting MM susceptibility. This work will be part of the efforts to create an international consortium to study familial MM. Research in the area of molecular epidemiology is needed to discover the genetic and environmental determinants of this disease and the reasons for the racial and gender differences. No significant financial relationships to disclose.
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Santos, M. W. "Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880-1915. By Cathy L. McHugh (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. ix plus 144 pp.)." Journal of Social History 23, no. 4 (June 1, 1990): 840–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsh/23.4.840.
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Gustafson, James M. "HOUSEHOLD NETWORKS AND RURAL INTEGRATION IN QAJAR KIRMAN." International Journal of Middle East Studies 46, no. 1 (February 2014): 51–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743813001281.
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AbstractThe governorships of Muhammad Ismaʿil Khan Vakil al-Mulk (1859–68) and Murtaza Quli Khan Vakil al-Mulk II (1868–78) in Qajar Kirman were highlighted by an extensive building campaign which initiated a period of significant social and economic change in the province. This article explores the activities of local elites in managing their family estates in the context of this project through a careful analysis of provincial geographical and historical writings, Persian-language travelogues, and commentary by European administrators and travelers. Kirmani elites began investing in land and commercial agriculture on an unprecedented scale, accelerating Kirman's absorption into global economic patterns as a producer of raw materials like cotton, wool, and opium. An integrated political economy developed regionally through the expanding networks of elite households and their estates, reinforced by families combining landownership with administrative functions in rural areas. This process demonstrates the extent to which Iranians were active participants in transforming their communities in the context of the advance of global capitalism, with longstanding patterns of elite household competition playing an important role in mediating social and political change locally.
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Dagdeviren, Hamdi Nezih, Serdar Oztora, Ayse Caylan, and Onder Sezer. "The First Ten Years with Edirne Red." Eurasian Journal of Family Medicine 10, no. 4 (December 30, 2021): 227–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.33880/ejfm.2021100409.
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The Eurasian Journal of Family Medicine (EJFM) is completing its 10th volume with this issue as one of the first products of the dreams of a group of academicians devoted to family medicine. Eurasian Society of Family Medicine (ESFAM) has been established in 2009 with the aim of carrying out scientific education and research activities, supporting ongoing scientific activities, and informing the society, carrying out activities for community education, and establishing a foundation to operate in this field. Shortly after its establishment, the first product of the association was organizing Trakya Family Medicine Congresses (TAHEK). At first, TAHEK was organized as a national congress in 2010 but since 2016 it became an international one with the participation of scientists from many countries (1). Next year on March 23-27, 2022 TAHEK will bring together Family Medicine academicians in Edirne for the 11th time (2). Edirne (Orestia, Orestas, Uscudama, Hadrianopolis, Edrenos, Edrenaboli, Edrene, finally Edirne) being the headquarters of ESFAM, is one of the ancient civilization centers of the world with its eight thousand years of history (3,4). After its conquest by the Turks in 1361, it was the capital of the Ottoman Empire until the conquest of Istanbul in 1453. Edirne has an important place in medical and academic history. The Complex of Sultan Bayezid II, which was opened in 1488, is one of the oldest universities in Europe with its medical faculty and hospital (5,6). In addition, the smallpox vaccine was first used in Edirne, its usage was later disseminated to Istanbul and Europe (7). Another imperial legacy that Edirne has is Edirne Red. Edirne Red was a natural dye obtained from the Rubia Tinctorum plant and very resistant to sunlight and washing, and was used in Turkish carpets and silk and cotton fabrics (8). While preparing the first issue of the Eurasian Journal of Family Medicine in 2012, we have chosen Edirne Red as the color of the cover of our journal, aiming to express our respect for the city where the association was established. Over the years, Trakya Family Medicine Congresses (TAHEK) have become one of the leading Family Medicine congresses of the Eurasian region, especially in the Balkans; It has made significant progress in becoming the meeting point of distinguished Family Medicine researchers and academicians from all over the world. During this time, our journal contributed to the dissemination of thousands of academic papers in the participating countries and increased the number of its followers. Likewise, Eurasian Journal of Family Medicine (EJFM) has enriched the international literature with many researches published over the years. It is a pride for us to express that the Eurasian Journal of Family Medicine has started to be indexed by many respected international scientific indexes. Scopus and DOAJ were added to these indexes this year. At the end of the tenth volume of our journal, we are happy to express our appreciation and gratitude to our authors, reviewers, distinguished international advisory board members, editors and all our stakeholders who shared our dreams and contributed to our products.
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Clark, Anna. "The Rhetoric of Chartist Domesticity: Gender, Language, and Class in the 1830s and 1840s." Journal of British Studies 31, no. 1 (January 1992): 62–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385998.
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Who are compelling women and tender babes to procure the means of subsistence in the cotton factories—to be nipt in the bud, to be sacrificed at the shrine of Moloch? They are the rich, the capitalists. [Speech by Mr. Deegan, Chartist, at Stalybridge, 1839]A [Malthusian] pretended philosophy . . . crushes, through the bitter privations it inflicts upon us, the energies of our manhood, making our hearths desolate, our homes wretched, inflicting upon our heart's companions an eternal round of sorrow and despair. [Letter from George Harney to Yorkshire Chartists, 1838]Toryism just means ignorant children in rags, a drunken husband, and an unhappy wife. Chartism is to have a happy home, and smiling, intelligent, and happy families. [Speech by Mr. Macfarlane to Glasgow Chartists, 1839]Chartist political rhetoric was pervaded by images of domestic misery typified in these quotes. Historians have traditionally understood this stress on domesticity as a simple response to the Industrial Revolution's disruption of the home, either denigrating it as inchoate proletarian rage or celebrating it as a heroic defense of the working-class family. But domestic discontent was nothing new in the 1830s, for drink, wife beating, and sexual competition in the workplace had plagued plebeians for decades—if not centuries. Why then did it become such a potent political issue in the 1830s and 1840s? Following Gareth Stedman Jones, the question must be answered by analyzing Chartist domesticity not just as a reflection of social and economic changes, but as a trope that performed specific political functions in Chartist language.
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Kulkarni, Amruta A., and Yoganand J. Phulari. "Study of profile of polymorphous light eruption at a tertiary referral center." International Journal of Research in Dermatology 4, no. 1 (January 23, 2018): 75. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/issn.2455-4529.intjresdermatol20175702.
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<p class="abstract"><strong>Background:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">Polymorphous light eruption (PMLE) is the most common endogenous photodermatosis.But only few studies are available from India regarding this photodermatosis. It is common in women, often worse in spring. The lesions are usually monomorphous in an individual patient but polymorphic in different patients.</span></p><p class="abstract"><strong>Methods:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">The study was conducted between October 2010 and March 2012. 78 patients with clinical diagnosis of PMLE, who attended Dermatology OPD at Dr. D. Y. Patil Hospital and Research Institute, Kolhapur were included in present study. Detailed history, clinical examination and relevant investigations were done. The collected data were tabulated and analyzed</span>.<strong></strong></p><p class="abstract"><strong>Results:</strong> <span lang="EN-IN">The age group of the patients ranged from 3 years to 58 years. Maximum number of patients were seen in the age group of 21-30 years. The female to male ratio was found to be 1.78:1.Onset of PMLE lesions was maximum in the month of March. Majority of patients were housewives. Itching was the most common symptom. In 32.05% of patients, lesions developed within 30 minutes of sun exposure. Family history of PMLE was present in 6 (7.69%) cases. </span></p><p class="abstract"><strong>Conclusions:</strong> <span lang="EN-GB">PMLE was found most commonly in second and third decades of life since</span><span lang="EN-IN"> people in this age group are more exposed to sun,</span><span lang="EN-GB"> more in women probably because of hormonal differences.</span><span lang="EN-IN">The maximum number of cases was noted in the month of March when the sun exposure is high. The maximum cases in housewives, as they have short intermittent sun exposure and absence of hardening phenomenon. Higher incidence was noted with cotton clothing as it has lower UV protection. Most of the patients developed lesions within 30 minutes of sun exposure. History of recurrence of PMLE was noted in 30 patients. Only 6 patients gave family history of PMLE because of milder nature of the disease along with difference in clothing and working environment.</span></p>
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McCoyer, Michael. "“Rough Mens” in “the Toughest Places I Ever Seen”: The Construction and Ramifications of Black Masculine Identity in the Mississippi Delta's Levee Camps, 1900–1935." International Labor and Working-Class History 69, no. 1 (March 2006): 57–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547906000044.
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This article examines the “levee camp” as a social and cultural site for reconstituting rural black workers' masculine identities in the early twentieth-century Mississippi-Arkansas Delta. The construction of the Mississippi River's levees during this period depended heavily on the labor of black mule-drivers drawn from the Delta's cotton plantations. In spite of this dependency, the levee camps' exploitative commissaries and harsh disciplinary violence quashed workers' efforts to reclaim a sense of autonomy that was increasingly denied them on the region's plantations. However, partly in response to the perceived erosion of their authority within the sharecropper family, levee workers successfully used the notorious after-hours culture of the levee camps to construct a hyper-masculine image of themselves as “rough mens” who had been to the levee camps, enjoyed the sexual attention of camp women, and were manly enough to survive the murderous violence of white bosses and other “rough mens” alike. Using a series of 1930s labor investigations as well as early Delta blues hollers and songs about the levee camps, this article shows how black workers' efforts to cultivate this hyper-masculine levee worker image ultimately proved detrimental to their class interests. Levee contractors and foremen welcomed levee camp gambling, prostitution, drinking, and fighting as ways of reducing workers' wages and maintaining labor control in the camps. Ultimately, the levee camps provide a useful example of an all-male work site where gender had important, if unintended, ramifications for workers' class position.
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Blicksilver, Jack. "Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World. By Jacquelyn Dowd Hall et al. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987. Pp. xxxiii, 468. $34.95, cloth; $12.95, paper." Journal of Economic History 49, no. 1 (March 1989): 230–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700007634.
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Carlton, David L. "Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880–1915. By Cathy L. McHugh · New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. x + 144 pp. Tables, charts, appendixes, notes, bibliography, and index. $24.95." Business History Review 64, no. 1 (1990): 163–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3115854.
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Pazare, Amar R., and Pankti K. Mehta. "Etiology and clinical profile of COPD in non-smoker in urban area." International Journal of Advances in Medicine 5, no. 5 (September 22, 2018): 1100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18203/2349-3933.ijam20183399.
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Background: Smoking is established as a causative risk factor for COPD as early as 1950. However, in the past decade it is shown that, other risk factors like indoor and outdoor air pollutants, workplace exposure to dust and fumes, poor nourishment and poor socioeconomic status are also associated with COPD. COPD is a disease associated poor quality of life due to recurrent exacerbations. Till to date focus has been on smoking as a risk factor for COPD, but other factors also need to be taken into consideration.Methods: Study was conducted in 60 eligible patients from urban area for a period of 18 months. Individual patient was asked detailed personal demographic data, respiratory symptoms, exposure to passive smoking, family history of COPD. Detailed physical examination including Anthropometric measurements and other relevant general and systemic examination was carried out. Biochemical investigations, ECG, Chest X-ray, CT chest, spirometry and 2D echocardiography were carried out in all patients.Results: The mean age of the patient was 65.7±7.95 with male preponderance. Common symptoms were dyspnea and cough and common signs were rhonchi and hyper resonance note on percussion. Common risk factors were indoor air pollution and low socioeconomic class. Most of the patients has hypoxia and hypercapnia. X-ray chest and CT chest showed hyperinflation, air trapping. Majority of patients had moderate FEV/FVC ratio on spirometry.Conclusions: Non-smoker COPD patients usually present in old age. Common presentation is dyspnea followed by cough and rhonchi on examination. Most common risk factor for non- smoker COPD is indoor air pollution, low socioeconomic class and cotton mill workers. Amongst indoor pollution, LPG, kerosene and wood are the risk factors for non-smokers COPD in urban population.
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Grele, Ron. "Jacquelyn Dowd Hall, James Leloudis, Robert Korstad, Mary Murphy, Lu Ann Jones, and Christopher B. Daly, Like a Family: The Making of a Southern Cotton Mill World. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987. xxiii + 468 pp. + maps, illustrations, and bibliography." International Labor and Working-Class History 35 (1989): 104–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900009170.
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Potter, Claire B. "Allen Tullos, Habits of Industry: White Culture and the Transformation of the Carolina Piedmont. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989. xv + 304 pp. - Cathy L. McHugh, Mill Family: The Labor System in the Southern Cotton Textile Industry, 1880–1915. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. 192 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 39 (1991): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900000995.
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Oliveira, Murianny Katamara Silva de, Eveline Almeida Ferreira, Nadjacleia Vilar Almeida, Eulene Francisco da Silva, and Aline Almeida Vasconcelos. "Dinâmica Espaço-Temporal da Paisagem Semiárida no Município de Apodi/RN e seus Condicionantes Socioeconômicos e Ambientais." Revista Brasileira de Geografia Física 14, no. 4 (2021): 2446–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.26848/rbgf.v14.4.p2446-2464.
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Apodi, like many municipalities in the Northeast, underwent structural changes conducted by two main drivers: alternation of socioeconomic models and seasonal and prolonged periods of drought. Among the socioeconomic models, Apodi passed by large landowners, agrarian reform, expropriation of land for irrigated perimeters and installation of agribusiness companies. These conditions negatively impacted the vegetation cover, degrading the landscape and threatening the Lajedo de Soledade Archaeological Site (SALS) located in the middle of this landscape, an important cultural and environmental patrimony. In this context, the objective of this study was to analyze the spatio-temporal changes in the landscape around SALS and to infer about the influence of socioeconomic and environmental drivers. For this, a survey of the region's history, precipitation data, agricultural production of the main crops, and eight images captured by the TM and OLI sensors of the LANDSAT 5 and 8 satellites, between 1984 and 2018, were used. Precipitation data was modeled using the Standardized Precipitation Index (SPI). The images were classified using the SCP plugin (QGIS) and the quality was assessed using the Kappa Index. It was observed that there were three prolonged and extreme droughts events in the region: late 1980s and 1990s and between 2013 and 2017. The classification of the images indicated periods of dense vegetation reductions and exposed soil expansions, in the period of decay of cotton culture, and the reversal of these patterns after agrarian reform, with the establishment of family farming on an agroecological basis. This pattern was again reversed, with the lowest proportion of dense vegetation observed (5%) and and higher proportion of exposed soil (45%) observed in this landscape, during the period of installation of the irrigated perimeter for agribusiness. Thus, it was possible to infer that the alternation of socioeconomic models conditioned the spatio-temporal dynamics of the vegetation cover and was responsible for the environmental degradation conditions surrounding the SALS, these patterns being aggravated by the recurrence of periods of extreme and prolonged drought. During these periods, SALS was probably more vulnerable to the direct and indirect effects of anthropogenic activities common in this landscape.
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Subodha Kumar, Rai G., Nagesha Parvathi, Rangegowda Suresh, Niruvappa Vinay, and Ittigi Vivekananda. "Efficacy and safety of povidone iodine with dimethyl sulfoxide vs 0.05% tretinoin in treatment of molluscum contagiosum: A randomized case control study." Our Dermatology Online 12, e (August 28, 2021): e63-e63. http://dx.doi.org/10.7241/ourd.2021e.63.
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ABSTRACT Background: MC is an infection caused by a poxvirus. It is a self limiting condition, active therapy needed to prevent further spread, relieve symptoms, to prevent scarring and for cosmetic and social reasons. Methods: 40 patients were randomly divided into 2 groups; 20 each for Povidone Iodine with DMSO and 0.05% Tretinoin cream. The given medication was applied at bed time over molluscum lesions. The assessment of response and side effects were performed weekly for 4 weeks. Results: At the end of 4 weeks, the mean lesion count decreased from 6.45±3.60 SD to 4.25±3.76 SD and from 6.85±4.08 SD to 3.60±4.76 SD in patients treated with Povidone Iodine and 0.05% Tretinoin cream respectively. Conclusion: Tretinoin showed fast recovery, lesions were resolved before 4 weeks. In Povidone Iodine with DOMS showed delayed response and even some of lesion extended beyond 4 weeks but the side effect were less. Key words: MC-molluscum contagiosum.DMSO-dimethyl sulfoxide; SD-standard INTRODUCTION Molluscum contagiosum is an infection caused by a poxvirus (molluscum contagiosum virus). It is self-limited infectious dermatosis, frequent in paediatric population, sexually active adults, and immunocompromised individuals. It is caused by molluscum contagiosum virus (MCV) which is a virus of the Poxviridae family. MCV is transmitted mainly by direct contact with infected skin, which can be sexual, non-sexual, or autoinoculation [1].The lesions, known as Mollusca, are small, raised, dome shaped and usually pearly white, pink, or flesh-coloured with a dimple or pit in the centre. They often have a pearly appearance. They’re usually smooth and firm. In most people, the lesions range from about the size of a pinhead to as large as 2 to 5 millimetres in diameter. They may become itchy, sore, red, and/or swollen [2]. Mollusca may occur anywhere on the body including the face, neck, arms, legs, abdomen, and genital area, alone or in groups. The lesions are rarely found on the palms of the hands or the soles of the feet. The disease is common, with an estimated prevalence of 5–11%. The disease is rare under the age of 1 year, perhaps due to maternally transmitted immunity and a long incubation period. In hot countries where children are lightly dressed and in close contact with one another, spread within households is not uncommon. The age of peak incidence is reported as between 2 and 5 years. In cooler climates, however, spread within households is rare and infection may occur at a later age, perhaps correlated with the use of swimming pools and shared bathing facilities. A later incidence peak in young adults is attributable to sexual transmission with lesions more common in the genital area [2]. Treatment modalities that have been tried are caustic destruction by cantharidin, trichloroacetic acid, diluted liquefied phenol, Irritants like salicylic acid, adapalene, nitric oxide cream, potassium hydroxide, benzoyl peroxide, lemon myrtle oil, tea tree oil, Surgical irritation like cryotherapy, laser. Immunological modality like diphencyprone, imiquimod, interferon, cimetidine, intralesional immunotherapy and Surgical removal. All-trans-retinoic acid (tretinoin) is easily available as cream base thought to involve the induction of local irritation which damages the viral protein-lipid membrane [2]. Povidone iodine is used primarily in Dermatology as a surgical preparation, as it has been recognized as a broad-spectrum, resistance-free biocidal agent for many years. Povidone iodine also has a long track record of safety and tolerability given its extensive history of use in the operating room. Although incompletely understood, it is likely that free iodine poisons electron transport, inhibits cellular respiration, destabilizes membranes, inhibits protein synthesis, and denatures nucleic acids. Although Povidone iodine kills micro-organisms including bacteria, viruses, yeasts, molds, fungi, and protozoa, it has scarcely been used for purposes outside of skin asepsis in Dermatology. DMSO is currently FDA approved for the treatment of interstitial cystitis. DMSO is also a very effective pharmaceutical vehicle, greatly enhancing percutaneous penetration when used in combination with other substances [3]. Although it is a self limiting condition, a decision may be made in favor of active therapy to prevent further spread, relieve symptoms, to prevent scarring and for cosmetic and social reasons. The current treatment modalities include physical destruction of the lesion by curettage, cryosurgery or manual expression and topical application of caustic agents such as trichloroacetic acid, cantharidin, silver nitrate etc [4]. These therapeutic approaches have to be undertaken in a hospital setup and are not well tolerated by children owing to substantial pain and fear. In addition, these can also result in scarring and abscess formation [5]. Topical application of povidine iodine solution and 0.05% Tretinoin cream are two relatively painless modalities that have been used. Although tretinoin 0.05% cream which is commonly used, have shown different efficacy and safety profile in different studies, there are very few studies using povidone iodine and comparing the two. Hence this study was undertaken in view of comparing the safety and efficacy of the above two modalities in treating molluscum contagiosum. MATERIALS AND METHODS Double blinded randomized control study was conducted among 40 patients who attended Out Patient Department (OPD) of Dermatology Venereology and Leprosy Department, Hassan Institute of Medical Sciences Hassan, during the period of august 2019 to January 2020. Patients with Molluscum contagiosum more than 1 year of age and not taken any treatment for past 3 months were included in the study. Pregnant, lactating women, patients with more than 25 lesions, patients with lesion involving eyelid, patients with secondary infection and those who have history of hypersensitivity to Povidine iodine or Tretinoin were excluded from the study. 40 patients satisfying inclusion and exclusion criteria were recruited irrespective of sex, duration and response of disease to previous therapies. 40 patients were allocated randomly to group 1 and 2. In group 1, 20 patients were treated with povidone iodine with dimethyl sulfoxide and in group 2: 20 patients were treated with 0.05% tretinoin. A detailed history was obtained, and a thorough general, systemic and cutaneous examination was done. Information regarding age, sex, number of lesions, duration of illness, site of involvement, family history, history of atopy and previous treatment were collected. Patients were randomly divided into two groups; 20 each for povidone iodine with dimethyl sulfoxide solution and 0.05% Tretinoin cream group. Parents or guardians were advised to apply petroleum jelly around the lesions followed by application of the above medication to the centre of the lesion using a cotton swab, to be applied once every day at bed time for 4 weeks. If accidental spillage occurred, they were advised to wash the skin with water immediately. Parents were asked to report local (erythema, itching, burning, pain, erosion, crusting) and systemic (fever, flu like illness, diarrhoea, mylagia) side effects immediately. Follow up assessment was done every week for 4 weeks. At each follow up visit, clinical assessment of lesion, photographic assessment of lesion and any side effects were noted. Efficacy assessment was done by weekly examination of patient every week for 4 weeks. In each visit complete remission of number of lesions were noted in both groups and photographic assessment was done. Photographic assessment was done based on resolution of number of lesion in each follow up visit for 4 weeks. Any side effects present were noted at each visit. Statistical Analysis Data was entered in Microsoft Excel and SPSS software was used for the analysis. Results were expressed in percentages and proportions. Chi- square test, unpaired T- test, was used for analysis Ethics Statement Study was conducted after taking ethical committee clearance.
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Damsté, P. H. "De geschiedenis van het portret van Jaspar Schade door Frans Hals1." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 99, no. 1 (1985): 30–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501785x00035.
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AbstractOnly a few weeks after seeing the Frans Hals portrait of Jaspar Schade in the 1962 exhibition in Haarlem, the author came upon it again in the home of Mr. and Mrs. Waller in Utrecht (Figs. 1 and 2, Note I). He learnt that this particular painting had been in Mr. Waller's family for nearly a century and that it was a copy of the one now in Prague. The story was that the latter had been sold by Mr. Waller's grandfather Beukerfrom his country-house 'Zandbergen', which he had bought in 1865, to his friend P.E.H. Praetorius, on condition that the latter had a copy painted as a replacement. According to a written statement of 1934 by Mr. Waller's mother, the original by Frans Hals had always been at 'Zandbergen' and there was even a legend that the house would fall down, if it were removed. Her father, who was not interested in paintings according to the statement, had sold it to Praetorius at his request. The family had understood, erroneously as it turns out, that Praetorius had sold it on to Cologne and that it had later gone to America. In testing the truth of all this the author discovered first that the house is marked with the name of 'Den Heer Schade' on a map of the Utrecht area by Bernard de Roij published by Nicolaas Visscher in Amsterdam in 1696 (Fig.3, Note 4). The road on which it stands had been projected in 1652, Schade being one of those who acquired a parcel of land along it in return for laying that portion out, planting it and maintaining it and also building a side road on either side of his plot. Part of the agreement also was that he was exempted from paying taxes for 25 years. Schade (1623-,92), a member of a family of considerable standing, held various high offices in the church and province of Utrecht and was a delegate to the States-General in 1672. He was extremely rich and noted for his extravagant lifestyle, particularly as regards clothes (Notes 12-14). His house passed to his eldest son, who in 1701 left it to his brother-in-law Jacob Noirot. Between the latter, who sold it in 1740, and the Beuker family 'Zandbergen' (Fig. 4) had nine different owners. The museum in Prague acquired the portrait of Jaspar Schade in 1890 from Prince Liechtenstein, who had bought it in Paris on 14 March 1881 at the sale of the collection of John W. Wilson, an Englishman then living in Brussels. A. J. van de Ven tried without success to trace its history before that time (Note 18) and this was also unknown to Seymour Slive, although in his catalogue raisonné of Hals' work he mentions that it was shown at an exhibition of Wilson's collection in Brussels in 1873 (Note 20). In an article of the same year on Wilson's collection in the Gazette des Beaux-Arts Charles Tardieu remarked that Wilson had lived in Holland for thirty years and that his residence was obviously in Haarlem, from where the best pictures in his collection came. In his article on the portrait Van de Ven enlarged on the coals of arms on the frame, which were Schade's eight quarterings, but in an arbitrary order. The director of the Prague museum had told him that the frame was a 19th-century one and that the confusion had arisen during its making. A description of the frame in 1875 reveals that the arms were in their correct place then (Note 25), while the frame of the copy has the same arms in the right order, except that the left and right sides are transposed. Thus the present Prague frame must have been made after 1875, while the copy was presumably made and framed at the time the painting left 'Zandbergen'. John W. Wilson (1815-83) was born in Brussels of Thomas Wilsorz, who moved to Haarlem in 1833 and started a cotton factory there. John lived at Hillegom from 1856 to 1868, but after that moved back to Haarlem for a short time up to, but no later than 1870. He must have been very wealthy, as he also bought a lot of land in the area. How he acquired his collection of paintings is not known, as he appears to have kept it quiet until the exhibition of 1873. The catalogue of this covered 164 pictures; 76 of them, painted by 57 different artists, were of the Dutch School. Five pictures, all authentic, were by Frans Hals (Note 29). P.E.H. Praetorius (1791-1876, Fig.5) was a cousin of Beuker's. He moved from Haarlem to Amsterdam in or before 1829 and spent the rest of his life there. He was a broker and banker, an amateur painter and a great connoisseur of paintings, who played a prominent part in art societies in Amsterdam. He was also a member of the Supervisory Committee of the Rijksmuseum from 1844 and Chairman of its Board of Management from 1852 to 1875 (Note 33). His earliest paintings were copies of 17th-century works and he says in an appendix to his memoirs of 1869 that his last five works, done in 1865 and I 866, included a copy of Frans Hals' portrait of Willem van Heythuyzen. While it is clear that Jaspar Schade was the builder of 'Zandbergen', it is odd that the painting is never mentioned in any of the deeds of sale, detailed though these are. This suggests that it was so firmly fixed in its place - in the downstairs corridor over the door to the salon - as to be regarded as part of the fabric of the house. The price paid by Praetorius for the painting is not known, but he bought it at a period when Frans Hals' reputation had shot upwards again, after a long period of decline. This return to favour emerges clearly from Tardieu's comments, from the records of copyists in the Rijksmuseum (Note 37) and, of course, from Wilson's predilection. No evidence can be found of the painting's passing from Praetorius to Wilson, but the two must have known each other. The identity of the painter of the copy is also unknown. Mrs. Waller's statement mentions J. W. Pieneman, but he can be ruled out, as he died in 1853 and his son Nicolaas in 1860. The most likely candidate at the moment would seem to be Praetorius himself.
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Adelaar, K. Alexander, James T. Collins, K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, K. Alexander Adelaar, et al. "Book Reviews." Bijdragen tot de taal-, land- en volkenkunde / Journal of the Humanities and Social Sciences of Southeast Asia 154, no. 4 (1998): 638–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134379-90003888.
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- K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di pulau Sumatera. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1995, xliii + 201 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di pulau Jawa, Bali dan Sri Lanka. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1995, xxxvii + 213 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di Indonesia Timur. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1996, xxx + 103 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - K. Alexander Adelaar, James T. Collins, Bibliografi dialek Melayu di pulau Borneo. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia), 1990, xxviii + 100 pp. [Siri Monograf Bibliografi Sejarah Bahasa Melayu.] - Freek L. Bakker, Samuel Wälty, Kintamani; Dorf, Land und Rituale; Entwicklung und institutioneller Wandel in einer Bergregion auf Bali. Münster: Lit Verlag, 1997, xii + 352 pp. - René van den Berg, Linda Barsel, The verb morphology of Mori, Sulawesi. Canberra: Department of Linguistics, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1994, x + 139 pp. [Pacific Linguistics Series B-111.] - Martin van Bruinessen, Darul Aqsha, Islam in Indonesia; A survey of events and developments from 1988 to March 1993. Jakarta: INIS, 1995, 535 pp., Dick van der Meij, Johan Hendrik Meuleman (eds.) - Martin van Bruinessen, Niels Mulder, Inside Indonesian society; Cultural change in Java. Amsterdam: Pepin Press, 1996, 240 pp. [Previously published Bangkok, Duang Kamol, 1994.] - Matthew Isaac Cohen, Craig A, Lockard, Dance of life; Popular music and politics in Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1998, xix + 390 pp. - Will Derks, Tenas Effendy, Bujang Tan Domang; Sastra lisan orang Petalangan. Yogyakarta: Yayasan Benteng Budaya/Ecole Francaise d’Extrême Orient/The Toyota Foundation, 1997, 818 pp. [Al Azhar and Henri Chambert-Loir (eds).] - Will Derks, Philip Yampolsky, Music from the forests of Riau and Mentawai. Recorded and compiled by Philip Yampolsky; annotated by Hanefi, Ashley Turner, and Philip Yampolsky. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Folkways, 1995. [Music of Indonesia 7SF; CD 40423.] - Will Derks, Philip Yampolsky, Melayu music of Sumatra and the Riau Islands: Zapin, Mak Yong, Mendu, Ronggeng. Recorded, compiled , and annotated by Philip Yampolsky. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Folkways, 1996. [Music of Indonesia 11 SF; CD 40427.] - Rens Heringa, Roy W. Hamilton, Gift of the cotton maiden; Textiles of Flores and the Solor Islands. Los Angeles: Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, 1994, 287 pp. - Bernice de Jong Boers, Willemijn de Jong, Geschlechtersymmetrie in einer Brautpreisgesellschaft; Die Stoffproduzentinnen der Lio in Indonesien. Berlin: Reimer, 1998, 341 pp. - C. de Jonge, A.Th. Boone, Bekering en beschaving; De agogische activititeiten van het Nederlandsch Zendelinggenootschap in Oost-Java (1840-1865). Zoetermeer: Boekencenturm, 1997, xiv + 222 pp. - Nico Kaptein, Peter G. Riddell, Islam; Essays on scripture, thought and society; A Festschrift in honour of Anthony H. Johns. Leiden: Brill, 1997, xliii + 361 pp., Tony Street (eds.) - Hugo Klooster, Janny de Jong, Niet-westerse geschiedenis; Benaderingen en thema’s. Assen: Van Gorcum, 1998, 185 pp., Gé Prince, Hugo s’Jacob (eds.) - Jean Robert Opgenort, L. Smits, The J.C. Anceaux collection of wordlists of Irian Jaya languages, B: Non-Austronesian (Papuan) languages (Part I). Leiden/Jakarta: Department of Languages and Cultures of Southeast Asia and Oceania, Rijksuniversiteit Leiden/Irian Jaya Studies Interdisciplinary Research Programme (IRIS), 1994, vi + 281 pp. [Irian Jaya Source Materials 9 (Series B No. 3).], C.L. Voorhoeve (eds) (eds.) - Pim Schoorl, Albert Hahl, Gouverneursjahre in Neuguinea. Edited by Wilfried Wagner. Hamburg: Abera Verlag Meyer, 1997, xxxi + 230 pp. - Elly Touwen-Bouwsma, Dieuwke Wendelaar Bonga, Eight prison camps; A Dutch family in Japanese Java. Athens, Ohio: University Center for International Studies, 1996, xii + 219 pp. - Freek Colombijn, Anthony J. Whitten, The ecology of Sumatra. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1987 [First edition 1984], xxiii + 583 pp., photographs, figures, tables, index., Sengli J. Damanik, Jazanul Anwar (eds.) - David Henley, Anthony J. Whitten, The ecology of Sulawesi. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 1987, xxi + 777 pp., Muslimin Mustafa, Gregory S. 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Zhang, Xiaohong, Junjie Zhao, Xiangyuan Wu, Genhai Hu, Shuli Fan, and Qifeng Ma. "Evolutionary Relationships and Divergence of KNOTTED1-Like Family Genes Involved in Salt Tolerance and Development in Cotton (Gossypium hirsutum L.)." Frontiers in Plant Science 12 (December 14, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fpls.2021.774161.
Full textAbstract:
The KNOX (KNOTTED1-like homeobox) transcription factors play an important role in leaf, shoot apical meristem and seed development and respond to biotic and abiotic stresses. In this study, we analyzed the diversity and evolutionary history of the KNOX gene family in the genome of tetraploid cotton (Gossypium hirsutum). Forty-four putative KNOX genes were identified. All KNOX genes from seven higher plant species were classified into KNOXI, KNOXII, and KNATM clades based on a phylogenetic analysis. Chromosomal localization and collinearity analysis suggested that whole-genome duplication and a polyploidization event contributed to the expansion of the cotton KNOX gene family. Analyses of expression profiles revealed that the GhKNOX genes likely responded to diverse stresses and were involved in cotton growth developmental processes. Silencing of GhKNOX2 enhanced the salt tolerance of cotton seedlings, whereas silencing of GhKNOX10 and GhKNOX14 reduced seedling tolerance to salt stress. Silencing of GhSTM3 influenced the cotton flowering time and plant development. These findings clarify the evolution of the cotton KNOX gene family and provide a foundation for future functional studies of KNOX proteins in cotton growth and development and response to abiotic stresses.
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Li, Yanlong, Yaoyao Li, Yuanyuan Chen, Maojun Wang, Jing Yang, Xianlong Zhang, Longfu Zhu, Jie Kong, and Ling Min. "Genome-wide identification, evolutionary estimation and functional characterization of two cotton CKI gene types." BMC Plant Biology 21, no. 1 (May 22, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s12870-021-02990-y.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract Background Casein kinase I (CKI) is a kind of serine/threonine protein kinase highly conserved in plants and animals. Although molecular function of individual member of CKI family has been investigated in Arabidopsis, little is known about their evolution and functions in Gossypium. Results In this study, five cotton species were applied to study CKI gene family in cotton, twenty-two species were applied to trace the origin and divergence of CKI genes. Four important insights were gained: (i) the cotton CKI genes were classified into two types based on their structural characteristics; (ii) two types of CKI genes expanded with tetraploid event in cotton; (iii) two types of CKI genes likely diverged about 1.5 billion years ago when red and green algae diverged; (iv) two types of cotton CKI genes which highly expressed in leaves showed stronger response to photoperiod (circadian clock) and light signal, and most two types of CKI genes highly expressed in anther showed identical heat inducible expression during anther development in tetraploid cotton (Gossypium hirsutum). Conclusion This study provides genome-wide insights into the evolutionary history of cotton CKI genes and lays a foundation for further investigation of the functional differentiation of two types of CKI genes in specific developmental processes and environmental stress conditions.
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Liang, Yajun, Junduo Wang, Juyun Zheng, Zhaolong Gong, Zhiqiang Li, Xiantao Ai, Xueyuan Li, and Quanjia Chen. "Genome-Wide Comparative Analysis of Heat Shock Transcription Factors Provides Novel Insights for Evolutionary History and Expression Characterization in Cotton Diploid and Tetraploid Genomes." Frontiers in Genetics 12 (June 8, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.3389/fgene.2021.658847.
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Heat shock transcription factors (HSFs) are involved in environmental stress response and plant development, such as heat stress and flowering development. According to the structural characteristics of the HSF gene family, HSF genes were classified into three major types (HSFA, HSFB, and HSFC) in plants. Using conserved domains of HSF genes, we identified 621 HSF genes among 13 cotton genomes, consisting of eight diploid and five tetraploid genomes. Phylogenetic analysis indicated that HSF genes among 13 cotton genomes were grouped into two different clusters: one cluster contained all HSF genes of HSFA and HSFC, and the other cluster contained all HSF genes of HSFB. Comparative analysis of HSF genes in Arabidopsis thaliana, Gossypium herbaceum (A1), Gossypium arboreum (A2), Gossypium raimondii (D5), and Gossypium hirsutum (AD1) genomes demonstrated that four HSF genes were inherited from a common ancestor, A0, of all existing cotton A genomes. Members of the HSF gene family in G. herbaceum (A1) genome indicated a significant loss compared with those in G. arboretum (A2) and G. hirsutum (AD1) A genomes. However, HSF genes in G. raimondii (D5) showed relative loss compared with those in G. hirsutum (AD1) D genome. Analysis of tandem duplication (TD) events of HSF genes revealed that protein-coding genes among different cotton genomes have experienced TD events, but only the two-gene tandem array was detected in Gossypium thurberi (D1) genome. The expression analysis of HSF genes in G. hirsutum (AD1) and Gossypium barbadense (AD2) genomes indicated that the expressed HSF genes were divided into two different groups, respectively, and the expressed HSF orthologous genes between the two genomes showed totally different expression patterns despite the implementation of the same abiotic stresses. This work will provide novel insights for the study of evolutionary history and expression characterization of HSF genes in different cotton genomes and a widespread application model for the study of HSF gene families in plants.
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Hussain, Athar, Jinbao Liu, Binoop Mohan, Akif Burhan, Zunaira Nasim, Raveena Bano, Ayesha Ameen, Madiha Zaynab, M. Shahid Mukhtar, and Karolina M. Pajerowska-Mukhtar. "A genome-wide comparative evolutionary analysis of zinc finger-BED transcription factor genes in land plants." Scientific Reports 12, no. 1 (July 19, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-16602-8.
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AbstractZinc finger (Zf)-BED proteins are a novel superfamily of transcription factors that controls numerous activities in plants including growth, development, and cellular responses to biotic and abiotic stresses. Despite their important roles in gene regulation, little is known about the specific functions of Zf-BEDs in land plants. The current study identified a total of 750 Zf-BED-encoding genes in 35 land plant species including mosses, bryophytes, lycophytes, gymnosperms, and angiosperms. The gene family size was somewhat proportional to genome size. All identified genes were categorized into 22 classes based on their specific domain architectures. Of these, class I (Zf-BED_DUF-domain_Dimer_Tnp_hAT) was the most common in the majority of the land plants. However, some classes were family-specific, while the others were species-specific, demonstrating diversity at different classification levels. In addition, several novel functional domains were also predicated including WRKY and nucleotide-binding site (NBS). Comparative genomics, transcriptomics, and proteomics provided insights into the evolutionary history, duplication, divergence, gene gain and loss, species relationship, expression profiling, and structural diversity of Zf-BEDs in land plants. The comprehensive study of Zf-BEDs in Gossypium sp., (cotton) also demonstrated a clear footprint of polyploidization. Overall, this comprehensive evolutionary study of Zf-BEDs in land plants highlighted significant diversity among plant species.