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1
Williams, Howard. "Kantian Cosmopolitan Right." Politics and Ethics Review 3, no. 1 (April 2007): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/per.2007.3.1.57.
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Ganesh, Aravind. "WIRTBARKEIT: COSMOPOLITAN RIGHT AND INNKEEPING." Legal Theory 24, no. 3 (September 2018): 159–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325218000162.
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ABSTRACTAfter defining Cosmopolitan Right as being limited to the conditions of “hospitality,” Kant includes “Wirtbarkeit” in brackets, a word that connotes innkeeping. Moreover, significant similarities obtain between the relevant passages of the Perpetual Peace and those of the Digest of Justinian on the obligations of ships’ masters, innkeepers, and stable keepers. Unlike for ordinary householders, hospitality for innkeepers is a legal obligation, not a matter of philanthropy: they have traditionally been deemed public officials with limited discretion to refuse travelers, and as fiduciaries of their guests strictly liable for losses to their property. This article attempts to explain Kant's concept of Cosmopolitan Right by analogy to the private law of innkeeping, and ultimately engages in the central philosophical debate about Cosmopolitan Right by accounting for Cosmopolitan Right solely from the “innate” right to freedom, rather than from “acquired” facts such as land or resource distributions or historical injustices.
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Brown, Garrett Wallace, and Alexandra Bohm. "Introducing Jus ante Bellum as a cosmopolitan approach to humanitarian intervention." European Journal of International Relations 22, no. 4 (July 24, 2016): 897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115607370.
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Cosmopolitans often argue that the international community has a humanitarian responsibility to intervene militarily in order to protect vulnerable individuals from violent threats and to pursue the establishment of a condition of cosmopolitan justice based on the notion of a ‘global rule of law’. The purpose of this article is to argue that many of these cosmopolitan claims are incomplete and untenable on cosmopolitan grounds because they ignore the systemic and chronic structural factors that underwrite the root causes of these humanitarian threats. By way of examining cosmopolitan arguments for humanitarian military intervention and how systemic problems are further ignored in iterations of the Responsibility to Protect, this article suggests that many contemporary cosmopolitan arguments are guilty of focusing too narrowly on justifying a responsibility to respond to the symptoms of crisis versus demanding a similarly robust justification for a responsibility to alleviate persistent structural causes. Although this article recognizes that immediate principles of humanitarian intervention will, at times, be necessary, the article seeks to draw attention to what we are calling principles of Jus ante Bellum (right before war) and to stress that current cosmopolitan arguments about humanitarian intervention will remain insufficient without the incorporation of robust principles of distributive global justice that can provide secure foundations for a more thoroughgoing cosmopolitan condition of public right.
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Panagiotarakou, Eleni. "Right to Place: A Political Theory of Animal Rights in Harmony with Environmental and Ecological Principles." Les ateliers de l'éthique 9, no. 3 (March 12, 2015): 114–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029062ar.
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The focus of this paper is on the “right to place” as a political theory of wild animal rights. Out of the debate between terrestrial cosmopolitans inspired by Kant and Arendt and rooted cosmopolitan animal right theorists, the right to place emerges from the fold of rooted cosmopolitanism in tandem with environmental and ecological principles. Contrary to terrestrial cosmopolitans—who favour extending citizenship rights to wild animals and advocate at the same time large-scale humanitarian interventions and unrestricted geographical mobility—I argue that the well-being of wild animals is best served by the right to place theory on account of its sovereignty model. The right to place theory advocates human non-interference in wildlife communities, opposing even humanitarian interventions, which carry the risk of unintended consequences. The right to place theory, with its emphasis on territorial sovereignty, bases its opposition to unrestricted geographical mobility on two considerations: (a) the non-generalist nature of many species and (b) the potential for abuse via human encroachment. In a broader context, the advantage of the right to place theory lies in its implicit environmental demands: human population control and sustainable lifestyles.
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Heck, José N. "GLOBALIZAÇÃO E COSMOPOLISMO: CONTROVÉRSIAS KANTIANAS DO DIREITO DOS POVOS." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 32, no. 103 (January 12, 2015): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v32n103p239-258/2005.
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Kant distingue entre direito estatal, direito dos povos e direito cosmopolita. O presente artigo expõe o princípio moral do cosmopolitismo kantiano e a proposta discreta de cosmopolitismo político do filósofo alemão. O trabalho destaca a posição cosmopolita kantiana sob o pano de fundo do internacionalismo que propõe uma versão planetária de sociedade civil (J. Habermas) e do jusnaturalismo que defende a figura de um cidadão do mundo ao lado das cidadanias nacionais (O. Höffe). O texto procura fazer jus ao anticolonialismo expresso do cosmopolitismo político defendido pelo doutrinador alemão do direito racional.Abstract: Kant distinguishes between State’s right, peoples´ right and cosmopolitan right. This article exposes the moral principle of Kantian cosmopolitanism and the underlying proposal of political cosmopolitanism. The paper highlights Kant´s cosmopolitan position against the background of internationalism that proposes a planetary vision of civil society (J. Habermas) and the jusnaturalism that defends the figure of a citizen of the world along with that of national citizenship (O. Höffe). The text intends to do justice to the open anticolonialism of the political cosmopolitanism that is defended by the German doctrinaire of rational right.
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Muthu, Sankar. "Justice and Foreigners: Kant's Cosmopolitan Right." Constellations 7, no. 1 (March 2000): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.00168.
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CORRADETTI, CLAUDIO. "Constructivism in cosmopolitan law: Kant’s right to visit." Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 3 (November 2017): 412–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381717000028.
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Abstract:Kant is regarded as one of the most influential cosmopolitan thinkers. Indeed his legacy still influences the contemporary legal and philosophical debate on this issue. But what is the Kantian conception of cosmopolitan law? In which terms does it arise out of his notion of a ‘right to visit’? How does it contribute to the construction of a ‘cosmopolitan constitution’? In this article the view is advanced that Kant was a legal constructivist. The argument assumes also that within Kant’s view of an ‘original community of interaction’, the justification of a cosmopolitan notion of authority allows exercises of freedom under a general scheme of right. Kant’s ‘cosmopolitan constitution’ depends therefore upon such rationale, as well as on the jurisdictional link that the right to visit determines in allowing individuals with the possibility to have a ‘place on earth’.
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Williams, H. "II. Kant's Political Philosophy: Kantian Cosmopolitan Right." Journal of International Political Theory 3, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743453x0700300106.
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Cooke, Steve. "Perpetual Strangers: Animals and the Cosmopolitan Right." Political Studies 62, no. 4 (June 18, 2013): 930–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12054.
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Hae-Rim Yang. "Cosmopolitanism and Cosmopolitan Right- focusing on Habermas’ Arguments." Studies in Philosophy East-West ll, no. 74 (December 2014): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15841/kspew..74.201412.423.
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James, David. "Fichte's reappraisal of Kant's theory of cosmopolitan right." History of European Ideas 36, no. 1 (March 2010): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.histeuroideas.2009.07.003.
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Page, Edward A. "Cosmopolitanism, climate change, and greenhouse emissions trading." International Theory 3, no. 1 (February 18, 2011): 37–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971910000333.
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This article examines the question of whether international markets in allowances conferring the right to emit greenhouse gases are consistent with a cosmopolitan approach to global and intergenerational justice. After placing emissions trading within the context of both climate change policy and cosmopolitan political theory, three normative objections are examined to the use of emissions trading to mitigate the threat of dangerous climate change. Each objection arises from a different application of cosmopolitan thinking: (i) the potentially corrosive impact of greater use of emissions allowances markets on the environmental values of successive generations of atmospheric users; (ii) the awkward relationship between emissions markets and the norms of procedural justice endorsed by all prominent cosmopolitans; and (iii) the injustice expressed by policy instruments that commodify the atmosphere. It is argued that, while each objection should prompt some care in the construction and implementation of emissions trading schemes to guarantee their legitimacy among existing and future users of the atmosphere, they do not generate a decisive normative challenge to the use of markets, properly defined and regulated, to slow global warming.
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Caranti, Luigi. "How cosmopolitanism reduces conflict: A broad reading of Kant’s third ingredient for peace." Journal of International Political Theory 14, no. 1 (April 24, 2017): 2–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1755088217702528.
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Kant’s theory of peace has been reinterpreted under one of the most influential research programs of our times: The so-called democratic peace theory. In particular, the third ingredient of Kant’s “recipe” for peace —the cosmopolitan right to visit—has been recognized as a powerful and effective instrument to reduce militarized interstate conflicts. In the hands of political scientists, however, this ingredient has often become nothing more than a set of rules for securing and facilitating international trade and economic interdependence. This article argues that this narrow reading mistakes international trade as the essence of the third definitive article. Kant sees economic interdependence as a means to realize what cosmopolitan right is truly about, that is, the affirmation of a set of rules for protecting humans qua humans, the creation of communal bonds among individuals beyond national or group loyalties, and the promotion of a global moral conscience modeled on the natural rights of man. An accurate understanding of cosmopolitan right is essential to avoid the popular - yet mistaken - idea that Kant sees progress towards peace as possible without individuals’ and peoples’ moral progress.
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Niesen, Peter. "“What Kant Would Have Said in the Refugee Crisis”." Danish Yearbook of Philosophy 50, no. 1 (November 2, 2017): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24689300-05001006.
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The paper starts out from a debate that occurred in Germany in 2015, where interpreters claimed to be able to divine Immanuel Kant’s views of the contemporary refugee crisis. It does not attempt to give a substantive answer to the title question, i.e. it does not try to specify the conclusive extension of cosmopolitan right. In contrast, it outlines the systematic work that would have to be done in order to be able to answer the title question. I start from cosmopolitan right as natural right and ask what kinds of transformations cosmopolitan right would have to undergo to form a legitimate part of public international law, in parallel to Kant’s move from provisional private law to peremptory public law in his Doctrine of Right. For that purpose, I introduce distinctions between trivial and non-trivial transformation, between strong (i.e. property-related) and weak (property-unrelated) transformation, and between transformation based on historically blameworthy and historically blameless action.
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Brown, Garrett Wallace. "The European Union and Kant’s idea of cosmopolitan right: Why the EU is not cosmopolitan." European Journal of International Relations 20, no. 3 (July 24, 2013): 671–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066113482991.
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CABRERA, LUIS. "Diversity and cosmopolitan democracy: Avoiding global democratic relativism." Global Constitutionalism 4, no. 1 (January 30, 2015): 18–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381714000185.
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AbstractMany recent arguments for trans-state and global democracy would offer broad leeway on constitutionalized right standards to states, and few formal mechanisms for individuals to challenge domestic rights rejections beyond the state. Such a stance, it is shown here, tends to be rooted in implicit presumptions of domestic consensus. Challenges are offered to this and related presumptions in accounts of cosmopolitan democracy, as well as global variants of liberal nationalism and political liberalism. An alternative, primarily instrumental approach to trans-state and global democracy is detailed. It would give emphasis to ways in which formal suprastate participation, complemented by challenge mechanisms for individuals, could play a crucial role in helping to strengthen individual rights protections within states. The case for adopting such an approach is reinforced through attention to the efforts of a persistent domestic democratic minority – Dalits in India – to reach out to the global human rights regime for help in pressuring their own state to better protect rights against exclusion and subjugation.
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Dufek, Pavel. "Why strong moral cosmopolitanism requires a world-state." International Theory 5, no. 2 (June 4, 2013): 177–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971913000171.
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The article deals with a pivotal conceptual distinction used in philosophical discussions about global justice. Cosmopolitans claim that arguing from the perspective of moral cosmopolitanism does not necessarily entail defending a global coercive political authority, or a ‘world-state’, and suggest that ambitious political and economic (social) goals implied in moral cosmopolitanism may be achieved via some kind of non-hierarchical, dispersed and/or decentralized institutional arrangements. I argue that insofar as moral cosmopolitans retain ‘strong’ moral claims, this is an untenable position, and that the goals of cosmopolitan justice, as explicated by its major proponents, require nothing less than a global state-like entity with coercive powers. My background ambition is to supplement some existing works questioning the notion of ‘governance without government’ with an argument that goes right to the conceptual heart of cosmopolitan thought. To embed my central theoretical argument in real-world developments, I draw on some recent scholarship regarding the nature of international organizations, European Union, or transnational democratization. Finally, I suggest that only after curbing moral aspirations in the first place can a more self-consciously moderate position be constructed, one that will carry practical and feasible implications for institutional design.
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Nash, Kate. "Cosmopolitan Political Community: Why Does It Feel So Right?" Constellations 10, no. 4 (November 19, 2003): 506–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1351-0487.2003.t01-1-00350.x.
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Brown, Garrett W. "The Laws of Hospitality, Asylum Seekers and Cosmopolitan Right." European Journal of Political Theory 9, no. 3 (July 2010): 308–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885110363983.
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Notari, Márcio Bonini. "O DIREITO DE HOSPITALIDADE UNIVERSAL E O COLONIALISMO NO PENSAMENTO DE KANT." Alamedas 8, no. 1 (August 14, 2020): 115–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.48075/ra.v8i1.24085.
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RESUMONa segunda seção, Kant menciona: “Os artigos definitivos para a paz perpétua entre os Estados são três: o primeiro, a Constituição civil em cada Estado deve ser republicana. A constituição de um Estado preocupado com a liberdade das pessoas, enquanto componentes de uma sociedade, da sua dependência a uma legislação comum e da sua igualdade como cidadãos. O direito das gentes deve ser fundado sobre um federalismo de Estados livres. Para garantir um estado de paz, Kant sugere a formação de uma união entre os povos, que não seria o mesmo que um Estado congregando povos, pois cada um tem e deve conservar a sua individualidade e o terceiro, o direito cosmopolita deve ser limitado às condições da hospitalidade universal. Essa ultima concepção, Kant no final do século XVII, já falava do “direito da posse comunitária da superfície da Terra”, e que, em virtude de suas dimensões limitadas, somos obrigados a conviver uns com os outros, tornando-se necessário exercitar. Essa ultima concepção, permite problematizar a questão dos estrangeiros e do colonialismo reforçando a necessidade da liga das nações em assegurar o direito cosmopolita, regulador das relações entre Estado e Cidadãos de outros estados (Estrangeiros), em não ser tratados com hostilidade em qualquer parte do globo, numa perspectiva de uma cidadania universal.Palavras chaves: Direito dos povos, direito cosmopolita, colonialismo.In the second section, Kant mentions: “There are three definitive articles for perpetual peace between states: the first, the civil constitution in each state must be republican. The constitution of a State concerned with people's freedom, as components of a society, of their dependence on common legislation and of their equality as citizens. People's law must be founded on a federalism of free states. To guarantee a state of peace, Kant suggests the formation of a union between peoples, which would not be the same as a State congregating peoples, since each one has and must preserve its individuality and the third, the cosmopolitan right must be limited to conditions of universal hospitality. This last conception, Kant at the end of the 17th century, already spoke of the “right to community possession of the Earth's surface”, and that, due to its limited dimensions, we are obliged to live with each other, making it necessary to exercise. This latter conception allows us to problematize the issue of foreigners and colonialism, reinforcing the need for the league of nations to ensure the cosmopolitan right, which regulates relations between the State and Citizens of other states (Foreigners), in not being treated with hostility anywhere in the world. globe, in a perspective of universal citizenship.Key words: Peoples' law, cosmopolitan law, colonialism
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Rensmann, Lars. "Volatile Counter-Cosmopolitans: Explaining the Electoral Performance of Radical Right Parties in Poland and Eastern Germany." German Politics and Society 30, no. 3 (September 1, 2012): 64–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2012.300303.
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Despite several breakthroughs that indicate radical right parties' significant electoral potential, they remain highly volatile players in both Poland and eastern Germany. This is puzzling because radical right competitors can benefit from favorable politico-cultural conditions shaped by postcommunist legacies. The electoral markets in Poland and the eastern German Länder show low levels of affective party identification and low levels of political trust in mainstream parties and government institutions. Most importantly, there is a sizeable, yet largely unrepresented segment of voters who share salient counter-cosmopolitan preferences. They point to a “silent counterrevolution“ against globalization and cosmopolitan value change that displays substantive affinities to radical right ideology. Offering a transborder regional comparison of the four most relevant radical right parties and their conditions for electoral mobilization in Poland and eastern Germany, this article argues that the radical right's crossnational volatility-and often underperformance-in elections is mainly caused by internal supply side factors. They range from organizational deficiencies, leadership issues, and internal feuds, to strategic failures and a lack of democratic responsiveness. In turn, the disequilibrium between counter-cosmopolitan demand and its political representation is likely to be reduced if radical right competitors become more effective agents of electoral mobilization-or new, better organized ones emerge.
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Peter, Fabienne. "The Human Right to Political Participation." Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 7, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.26556/jesp.v7i2.71.
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In recent developments in political and legal philosophy, there is a tendency to endorse minimalist lists of human rights that do not include a right to political participation. Against such tendencies, I shall argue that the right to political participation, understood as distinct from a right to democracy, should have a place even on minimalist lists. In addition, I shall defend the need to extend the right to political participation to include participation not just in national, but also in international and global governance processes. The argument will be based on a cosmopolitan conception of political legitimacy and on a political conception of human rights that is normatively anchored in legitimacy. The central claim of my paper is that a right to political participation is necessary – but not sufficient – for political legitimacy in the global realm.
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Archibugi, Daniele, and David Held. "Cosmopolitan Democracy: Paths and Agents." Ethics & International Affairs 25, no. 4 (2011): 433–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679411000360.
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One of the recurrent criticisms of the project of cosmopolitan democracy has been that it has not examined the political, economic and social agents that might have an interest in pursuing this programme. This criticism is addressed directly in this article. It shows that there are a variety of paths that, in their own right, could lead to more democratic global governance, and that there are a diversity of political, economic and social agents that have an interest in the pursuit of these. Cosmopolitan democracy is an open-ended project that aims to increase the accountability, transparency and legitimacy of global governance, and the battery of agents and initiatives outlined highlight the direction and politics required to make it possible.
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Binney, Matthew W. "MILTON, LOCKE, AND THE EARLY MODERN FRAMEWORK OF COSMOPOLITAN RIGHT." Modern Language Review 105, no. 1 (2010): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2010.0187.
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Valdez, Inés. "Perpetual what? Injury, Sovereignty and a Cosmopolitan View of Immigration." Political Studies 60, no. 1 (June 28, 2011): 95–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.2011.00892.x.
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Can Kantian cosmopolitanism contribute to normative approaches to immigration? Kant developed the universal right to hospitality in the context of late eighteenth-century colonialism. He claimed that non-European countries had a sovereign right over their territory and the conditions of foreigners' visits. This sovereign prerogative limited visitors' right to hospitality. The interconnected and complementary system of right he devised is influential today, but this article argues that maintaining the complementarity of the three realms involves reconsidering its application to contemporary immigration. It situates Kant's Perpetual Peace within the context of debates about conquest and colonialism and argues that Kant's strict conception of sovereignty is justified by his concern in maintaining a realm of sovereignty that is complementary with cosmopolitanism and his prioritization of mutual agreements in each of the realms, particularly in a context of international power asymmetry. In Kant's time, European powers appropriated cosmopolitan discourses to defend their right to visit other countries and it was necessary to strengthen non-Europeans' sovereign claims. The strength and hostility of the visitors made limited hospitality and strong sovereignty act in tandem to keep away conquerors, expanding cosmopolitanism. Today, individuals from poor countries migrate to wealthier ones where they are subject to a sovereign authority that excludes them. Sovereignty and cosmopolitanism no longer work complementarily, but rather strengthen powerful state actors vis-à-vis non-citizens subject to unilateral rule. Maintaining the pre-eminence of the right to freedom, the article suggests that only through the creation of ‘cosmopolitan spaces' of politics can we reproduce today the complementarity that Kant envisioned.
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Kleingeld, Pauline. "Kant's Cosmopolitan Law: World Citizenship for a Global Order." Kantian Review 2 (March 1998): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415400000200.
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In debates over the conditions for a just world order, one hears frequent appeals to Kant's call for states to unite in a federation. Given the force of Kant's arguments and their influence on the shape of such institutions as the League of Nations and the United Nations, this is certainly justified. But an essential part of what Kant saw as necessary for a global legal order is usually neglected. What is overlooked is Kant's emphasis on the status of individuals under what he calls ‘cosmopolitan law’. Cosmopolitan law is concerned not with the interaction between states, but with the status of individuals in their dealings with states of which they are not citizens. Moreover, it is concerned with the status of individuals as human beings, rather than as citizens of states. In Kant's political theory, cosmopolitan law (Weltbürgerrecht) is the third category of public law, in addition to constitutional law and international law. Its core is what Kant calls a right to hospitality. He argues that states and individuals have the right to attempt to establish relations with other states and their citizens, but not a right to enter foreign territory. States have the right to refuse visitors, but not violently, and not if it leads to their destruction. This implies an obligation to refrain from imperialist intrusions and to provide safe haven for refugees.
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Kellner, Alan J. "States of Nature in Immanuel Kant’sDoctrine of Right." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 3 (June 14, 2019): 727–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919855437.
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From an analysis of Kant’s states of nature in each division of the Doctrine of Right—the state of nature in general and the international state of nature—this paper reinterprets Cosmopolitan Right and the duty to exit the state of nature as more colonial than previously recognized. Kant places “savages” in the state of nature, depicting them and their lawless condition as bellicose. As such, states may force them to exit the state of nature; those who encounter hostile peoples on foreign lands may be justified in aggressing. Having shown that colonial features of the Doctrine of Right cannot be wrested from the text, this paper unsettles the interpretive dominance of the established view that Kant is staunchly anti-colonial. Nevertheless, anti-colonial features of the text remain. The paper shows that interpreters must accept that Kant’s text is both colonial and anti-colonial. Kant’s global vision remained too statist to appropriately include indigenous politics. The paper closes by briefly indicating a path for future research whereby contemporary Kantian cosmopolitan projects become more attuned to—and modified in light of—the political agency and particular struggles of indigenous peoples.
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Piering, Julie. "The Kosmopolis over the Kallipolis." Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 25, no. 2 (2021): 381–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/epoche202163186.
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When the Cynic philosopher, Diogenes of Sinope, coins the term ‘cosmopolitan,’ he invites an expansive understanding of the ethical and political commitments one should endeavor to challenge and uphold. Whereas the politics of the day privileged one’s status and role in the polis as foundational for rights, entitlements, duties, and allegiances, the cosmopolitan perspective highlights the arbitrary nature of political boundaries and benefits. This permits virtue, nature, and reason to supplant law and custom as the standards for judgment. After grounding the invention of cosmopolitanism in its political and ethical context, this paper explores what is salient in the notion by attending to it in its own right and as a foil for a different kind of ethically driven political structure, here represented by Plato’s kallipolis.
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Lacroix, Justine. "The “Right to Have Rights” in French Political Philosophy: Conceptualising a Cosmopolitan Citizenship with Arendt*." Constellations 22, no. 1 (March 2015): 79–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.12144.
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Ollroge, Rasmus, and Tim Sawert. "The Cultural Dimension of the Globalization Divide. Do Lifestyle Signals affect Cosmopolitans’ Willingness to interact?" Zeitschrift für Soziologie 51, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfsoz-2022-0017.
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Abstract In the context of the rise of right-wing populist parties in the past decades, many researchers have addressed the question of increasing social polarization and threats to social cohesion. In this article, we contribute to this discussion by looking at the cultural side of the globalization divide from the perspective of cleavage theory. More precisely, we ask if respondents interpret lifestyle characteristics as signals for the socio-political position of others and whether these attributions influence the willingness to interact socially. Based on data from a factorial survey experiment, we show that cosmopolitans categorize other persons based on different lifestyle characteristics and are more likely to interact with those who have a similar cosmopolitan lifestyle.
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LINDEN-RETEK, PAUL P. "Cosmopolitan law and time: Toward a theory of constitutionalism and solidarity in transition." Global Constitutionalism 4, no. 2 (July 2015): 157–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381715000040.
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AbstractThis article seeks to confront the contemporary condition in which cosmopolitan law – meant to resonate as something citizens across borders author and live together – instead is increasingly a source of detachment, confusion, and alienation. Taking the European Union’s twin crises of democratic legitimacy and social solidarity as its starting point, the article offers a critique of existing approaches to supranational constitutionalism that are insufficiently responsive to this disenchantment. The article’s purpose, in turn, is to present perspectives from philosophy and legal theory that might promisingly recast, in this new cosmopolitan frame, our thinking about law as a mode of social integration. Specifically, the article’s central claim is that time – as a seldom-examined, yet essential dimension of law – is closely linked to law’s cosmopolitan potential and, concurrently, to the motivational resources for cosmopolitan solidarity. It is through a sensitivity to time – our awareness of the past passing into the present in anticipation of a future – that citizens can meaningfully hold together cosmopolitan law’s dual, ostensibly divergent hopes: shared commitment and self-decentring plurality. Drawing on Seyla Benhabib’s ‘democratic iterations’ and its roots in the work of Jacques Derrida and Robert Cover, the article elaborates the following two concepts: ‘cosmopolitan promise-making’, a diachronic form of cosmopolitan political agency; and ‘cosmopolitan legal narrative’, a set of plural, evolving constitutional interpretations open to mutual engagement over time. These concepts, in temporalizing our understanding of political identity and constitutional law, together serve to underwrite a cosmopolitan legal order without also thinning solidarity’s social and democratic foundations. The article concludes with a critique of the contemporary role of European courts and a concrete vision for the cosmopolitan development of EU jurisprudence. Reinterpreting Article 4(2) TEU as the right to constitutional narrative, the article advances new modalities and normative aspirations for constitutional interpretation beyond the nation-state.
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Wolff, Michael. "Kant über das Recht des Privatgebrauchs des Erdbodens." Kant-Studien 111, no. 1 (March 5, 2020): 67–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kant-2020-0004.
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AbstractAs is well known, § 6 of Kant’s Metaphysical First Principles of the Doctrine of Right contains five paragraphs that do not belong there. The article shows that their correct location is at the end of § 16. This sheds some new light on Kant’s theory of property and its significance for Kant’s doctrine of cosmopolitan right.
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Glukhova, Alexandra. "Political conflicts in the global era (theoretical approach implementation)." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2020): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.03.01.
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The paper is devoted to the main political conflict issue in the 21 st century using the «dominant demarcation» approach of K. Marx. The author of the article applies this methodological technique to the analysis of modern European societies that are in the process of globalization and were faced with new contradictions. The basic conflict (fundamentalism / cosmopolitan tolerance) were identified by European and American intellectuals (R. Darendorf, E. Giddens, S. Huntington) at the end of the XX century. Today, European researchers (V. Merkel, M. Tsurn) found out a new cleavage, conditionally designated as a contradiction between the «cosmopolitans» and the «communitarian». This confrontation splits modern democracies along several lines: the attitude to borders, to international structures, to free trade rules, to human rights, to climate change. Relations between the population and cosmopolitan elites are also marked as a deep conflict, which is based not only on the economic dimension (losers / beneficiaries of globalization), but also on the cultural and moral dimension. The severity of the conflict is due precisely to the combination, the imposition of several lines of demarcation (economic, political, cultural and moral). The beneficiaries of this situation are predominantly populist right-wing and left-wing parties, demonstrating electoral success in a number of European countries. Tabulated parties, especially the left flank of the political spectrum (socialists, social democrats), are required to seriously rethink their strategies and tactics in order to return voters who are disappointed in their position. Overcoming the conflict without major reform of European politics at the national and subregional level seems problematic
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Rostbøll, Christian F. "Freedom in the External Relation of All Human Beings: On Kant’s Cosmopolitanism." Kantian Review 25, no. 2 (April 30, 2020): 243–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1369415420000060.
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AbstractAn influential interpretation of Kant’s Doctrine of Right suggests that the relationship between public right and freedom is constitutive rather than instrumental. The focus has been on domestic right and members’ relations to their own state. This has resulted in a statist bias which has not adequately dealt with the fact that Kant regards public right as a system composed of three levels – domestic, international and cosmopolitan right. This article suggests that the constitutive relationship is between all levels of right, on the one hand, and ‘freedom in the external relation’ of all human beings, on the other hand.
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Fitzgerald, Ruth P., Susan Wardell, and Michael Legge. "Fetal genetic difference and a cosmopolitan vernacular of the right to choose." Women's Studies International Forum 67 (March 2018): 110–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2017.04.001.
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Kapur, Devesh, and John McHale. "Should a Cosmopolitan Worry about the “Brain Drain”?" Ethics & International Affairs 20, no. 3 (September 2006): 305–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-7093.2006.00028.x.
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Many developing countries are experiencing high rates of emigration of their highly skilled citizens. This essay asks if a cosmopolitan—who we take to be generally supportive of freer international migration—should worry about the adverse effects on those remaining behind in poor countries. We document the extent of skilled outflows, discuss the causes and consequences of those outflows, and offer principles to guide a cosmopolitan policy response. We argue that skilled emigration harms long-run institutional development. The right response, however, is not to shut down the one reasonably liberal element of the international migration regime but to look for ways to make international migration work better for development.
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Nine, Cara. "Compromise, Democracy and Territory." Irish Journal of Sociology 20, no. 2 (November 2012): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/ijs.20.2.6.
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Territorial rights come with both costs (war, inequality and oppression) and benefits (political participation, coordinated use of resources). The immense importance of these normative aspects of territorial rights solidifies our need for a principled theory of territory. With globalisation and transnational interactions, a cosmopolitan account of territorial rights is required – it should justify territorial authority generally. This generalised justification must also provide an account of the special, normative relationship that certain groups have with certain lands and resources, providing groups with special claims to particular lands. Since democratic theory values territoriality for its necessary relationship to equality and individual autonomy, a comprehensive democratic account of territorial rights presents a real possibility for explaining territorial claims from cosmopolitan ideals. Unfortunately, democratic accounts of territoriality suffer a serious drawback; they cannot give a comprehensive account of self-determination rights over particular land and resources. On the contrary, democratic theory addresses only persons – how they should be treated and how their associations should be organised. The first half of this article explains how democratic accounts of self-determination are wanting in specific ways. The second half presents an alternative account of the right of self-determination and territorial rights as a feature of compromise. Because compromise is an essential element of democracy and an important element of justice, it can be used to explain the unique connection that democracies have with a particular territory. Through this theory of compromise, we can explain the scope, longevity and breadth of a democracy's territorial rights from cosmopolitan ideals. However, this account has acute limitations. As merely an initial sketch of theoretical connections between democracy and territory, it does not yet offer an account of the complicated territorial issues of transnational democratic associations. In fact, the theory from compromise reveals a vital obstacle for the establishment of borders, especially in cases of possible secession.
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Doerr, Nicole. "How right-wing versus cosmopolitan political actors mobilize and translate images of immigrants in transnational contexts." Visual Communication 16, no. 3 (June 26, 2017): 315–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1470357217702850.
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This article examines visual posters and symbols constructed and circulated transnationally by various political actors to mobilize contentious politics on the issues of immigration and citizenship. Following right-wing mobilizations focusing on the Syrian refugee crisis, immigration has become one of the most contentious political issues in Western Europe. Right-wing populist political parties have used provocative visual posters depicting immigrants or refugees as ‘criminal foreigners’ or a ‘threat to the nation’, in some countries and contexts conflating the image of the immigrant with that of the Islamist terrorist. This article explores the transnational dynamics of visual mobilization by comparing the translation of right-wing nationalist with left-wing, cosmopolitan visual campaigns on the issue of immigration in Western Europe. The author first traces the crosscultural translation and sharing of an anti-immigrant poster created by the Swiss People’s Party (SVP), a right-wing political party, inspiring different extremist as well as populist right-wing parties and grassroots activists in several other European countries. She then explores how left-libertarian social movements try to break racist stereotypes of immigrants. While right-wing political activists create a shared stereotypical image of immigrants as foes of an imaginary ethnonationalist citizenship, left-wing counter-images construct a more complex and nuanced imagery of citizenship and cultural diversity in Europe. The findings show the challenges of progressive activists’ attempts to translate cosmopolitan images of citizenship across different national and linguistic contexts in contrast to the right wing’s rapid and effective instrumentalizing and translating of denigrating images of minorities in different contexts.
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Madhloom, Omar. "Unregulated Immigration Law Clinics and Kant’s Cosmopolitan Right: Challenging The Political Status Quo." International Journal of Clinical Legal Education 28, no. 1 (April 22, 2021): 195–243. http://dx.doi.org/10.19164/ijcle.v28i1.1131.
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Unregulated law clinics in England and Wales are prohibited from directly offering immigration advice and assistance. This article argues that this restriction should not be a barrier to teaching immigration law. Kant’s duty-based ethics and his cosmopolitan right can provide a useful normative framework for challenging the political status quo in relation to the regulation of law clinics and policies affecting migrants. It is argued that introducing normative values into Clinical Legal Education can address the limitations of the conventional ‘hired-gun’ model and engender students to a more holistic approach to lawyering. In other words, a model which promotes the causes of third parties.
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Hazenberg, Haye. "The legitimacy of the global order." International Theory 7, no. 2 (May 8, 2015): 294–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1752971915000056.
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This paper presents a framework within which to understand the legitimacy of the global order called ‘cosmopolitan sovereign equality’. It is Kant inspired and consists of three formal and three political duties. The formal duties are those of structural coherence, innate right and publicity, and the political duties those of legitimate enforcement within states, non-intervention between states, and free communication between entities within different states. These duties are constructed from a reading of Kant’s Doctrine of Right and are defended in current International political theory debates on human rights, the role of the state and international law. The framework enables conceptualization of legitimate international relations between a world state and a system of autarkic states, and places a premium on states as legitimators of force, while working from the premises of moral cosmopolitanism.
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Barna, Peter, Lucia Šmídová, and Marco Antonio Coutiño José. "Living cockroach genus Anaplecta discovered in Chiapas amber (Blattaria: Ectobiidae: Anaplecta vega sp.n.)." PeerJ 7 (October 28, 2019): e7922. http://dx.doi.org/10.7717/peerj.7922.
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Cenozoic cockroaches are recent and with two indigenous exceptions, based on their fragmentary preservation state, they cannot be discriminated formally from representatives of living genera. Anaplecta vega sp.n. –the second described cockroach from Miocene (23 Ma) Simojovel amber (Mexico: Chiapas: Los Pocitos) is characterized by a slender, under 5 mm long body, prolonged mouthparts bearing long maxillary palps with a distinct flattened triangular terminal palpomere, large eyes and long slender legs with distinctly long tibial spines. Some leg and palpal segments differ in dimensions on the left and right sides of the body, indicating (sum of length of left maxillary palpomeres 65% longer than right; right cercus 13% longer than left cercus) dextro-sinistral asymmetry. The asymmetrically monstrous left palp is unique and has no equivalent. In concordance with most Cenozoic species, the present cockroach does not show any significantly primitive characters such as a transverse pronotum characteristic for stem Ectobiidae. The genus is cosmopolitan and 10 species live also in Mexico, including Chiapas, today. Except for indigenous taxa and those characteristic for America, this is the first Cenozoic American cockroach taxon representing a living cosmopolitan genus, in contrast with representaties of Supella Shelford, 1911 from the same amber source that are now extinct in the Americas.
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SWEET, ALEC STONE, and ERIC PALMER. "A Kantian system of constitutional justice: Rights, trusteeship, balancing." Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 3 (November 2017): 377–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381717000107.
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Abstract:The article develops a Kantian account of constitutional justice: the explication of those structural features of a legal system whose purpose is to optimise a polity’s capacity to achieve a Rightful condition. The People, in enacting a rights-based constitution, have placed their freedom in trust. Rights ground a system of reciprocal freedom among individuals, while conferring on officials the authority to make and enforce law, subject to constraints laid down by the Universal Principle of Right [UPR]. A constitutional court, the trustee of the regime, supervises the rights-regarding acts of all other officials, assesses the reasons officials give when they take decisions that burden rights, and invalidates those acts when reasons given to justify such burdens fail to meet the demands of the UPR. Although some rights will be expressed in absolute terms, most will be qualified by a limitation clause. In adjudicating qualified rights, the court can do no better than to adopt the proportionality principle. The UPR, operationalised through proportionality analysis, lays down a basic criterion for the legitimacy of all law. Because Public, International, and Cosmopolitan Right share certain micro-foundations in common, we can extend the analysis to transnational systems of rights protection.
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Yang, Shizhou. "Left Foot on Traditional Literacy, and Right, on Transliteracy." International Journal of Virtual and Personal Learning Environments 8, no. 2 (July 2018): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijvple.2018070101.
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Recently, Cosmopolitan English and Transliteracy won the 2018 Research Impact Award from the Conference on College Composition and Communication (CCCC), the largest international organization that specializes in the teaching and studies of composition. This recognition seems to signal a turn to transliteracy education, i.e., English writing education should embrace a vision and actual pedagogical practices of cultivating citizens of the world who use English ethically. The purposes of this article are threefold: to define transliteracy, to provide illustrative studies, and to propose its application in foreign language contexts. The author suggests that in designing innovative programs sensitive to various English styles teachers need to strike a balance between traditional literacy and transliteracy. New ways of implementing such literacies in some alternate space, as mediated by modern communication technologies, especially the Internet, are provided.
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Dagger, Richard. "Rights, Boundaries, and the Bonds of Community: A Qualified Defense of Moral Parochialism." American Political Science Review 79, no. 2 (June 1985): 436–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1956658.
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One effect of the cosmopolitan turn in recent political philosophy is that widely held beliefs and intuitions are being called into question. My purpose here is to scrutinize one of these beliefs—that we should attend to the needs of our compatriots before the needs of the foreigners—from the perspective of a rights-based theory. After sketching a theory that takes the right of autonomy as its cornerstone, I consider four arguments that might support the intuition that compatriots take priority. Only one of the four is sound, I conclude, and even this argument, the argument from reciprocity, supports the intuition only in a highly qualified form.
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Meckstroth, Christopher. "Hospitality, or Kant’s Critique of Cosmopolitanism and Human Rights." Political Theory 46, no. 4 (July 24, 2017): 537–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0090591717719546.
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Kant’s theory of international politics and his right of hospitality are commonly associated with expansive projects of securing human rights or cosmopolitan governance beyond state borders. This article shows how this view misunderstands Kant’s criticism of the law of nations ( ius gentium) tradition as handed down into the eighteenth century as well as the logic of his radical alternative, which was designed to explain the conditions of possibility of global peace as a solution to the Hobbesian problem of a war of all against all in the state of nature. I resolve longstanding confusion over the meaning and justification of Kant’s right of “hospitality” by showing how it functions not as a freestanding positive claim demanding enforcement but as a way of ruling out specious justifications for war against those the traditional law of nations permitted one to label “enemies.” This poses important questions for contemporary theories of global justice.
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Gans, Chaim. "The Rights Discourse and the Obligation of States to Admit Immigrants." Israel Law Review 43, no. 1 (2010): 164–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002122370000008x.
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I argue in this Article that states have two types of moral duties with regard to their intake of immigrants. First, they have a duty to accept quotas of immigrants who have no individual rights to entrance prior to the determination of specific immigration criteria applicable in their case. Second, they have a duty to admit immigrants who are entitled to enter as individuals, namely, refugees and immigrants, who wish to enter the state for family reunification. However, under certain conditions, states could be justified in limiting the entrance of refugees and family reunification immigrants, who might eventually be eligible for naturalization by means of various qualifications and even quotas.Initially, I defend the complex thesis stated above by rejecting two positions supported by contemporary liberal immigration theorists. One position advocates a cosmopolitan human right to immigration, namely, every single individual's right to immigrate into any country of his/her choosing. The other position claims that states have a universal right to lock their gates to immigration. Finally, I argue for the middle-ground position stated above.
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Glukhova, Alexandra. "NEW CRISES, SOCIAL DIFFERENCES, DISCOURSE OF CONFLICT AND PUBLIC UNITY IN THE XXI CENTURY." Political Science (RU), no. 3 (2022): 36–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2022.03.02.
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The author focuses on the idea that the new discourse of conflict characterizes the modern political space. Two main features characterized current crises in political relations inside and outside the countries. Firstly, social divisions that destroy the integration of national communities. Secondly, discursive conflicts, characterized by the opposite narratives and mutual bitterness of cosmopolitans and communitarians. These new patterns are the serious threat to social unity and democracy. Modern researchers see a danger in the new phenomena of the moralization of politics, the politicization of science and social polarization. Were marked as challenges in an era of uncertainty and anxiety. They are divided by the relations to the crucial issues such as: the limits of the open society (preservation or devaluation of borders); national sovereignty and the rights of minorities; climate changes (environment protection, restrictions for the industries), etc. Young urban citizens with higher education demonstrates cosmopolitan values. They do not identify themselves as social losers and use a globalization as an opportunity for development. They are those who identify themselves as Europeans and citizens of the world. The less educated social group of elders, living in rural areas, is firmly connected with their local and national communities and perceives the increasing of freedom as a threat to themselves. Even though citizens with communitarian positions constitute a heterogeneous group with a diverse socio-economic profile, all of its representatives share one common feature: the subjective perception of the danger of living in precarious conditions or lose their social status. The vertical conflict is between the cosmopolitan elites (with their privileged positions) and the communitarians. Stigmatization of elites as «anti-national», «immoral», and self-serving has become a typical device in the struggle of right-wing populist parties and voter support movements. These new patterns are marked as a threat to social cohesion and democracy. Researchers see a danger in the new phenomena of the moralization of politics, the politicization of science and social polarization. They are the main riscs in an era of uncertainty, uncertainty and anxiety.
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Vieten, Ulrike M. "The “New Normal” and “Pandemic Populism”: The COVID-19 Crisis and Anti-Hygienic Mobilisation of the Far-Right." Social Sciences 9, no. 9 (September 22, 2020): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9090165.
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The paper is meant as a timely intervention into current debates on the impact of the global pandemic on the rise of global far-right populism and contributes to scholarly thinking about the normalisation of the global far-right. While approaching the tension between national political elites and (far-right) populist narratives of representing “the people”, the paper focuses on the populist effects of the “new normal” in spatial national governance. Though some aspects of public normality of our 21st century urban, cosmopolitan and consumer lifestyle have been disrupted with the pandemic curfew, the underlying gendered, racialised and classed structural inequalities and violence have been kept in place: they are not contested by the so-called “hygienic demonstrations”. A digital pandemic populism during lockdown might have pushed further the mobilisation of the far right, also on the streets.
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Wielomski, Adam. "Dialektyka „swój”–„obcy” w prawicowej filozofii politycznej 1789– –1945." Studia nad Autorytaryzmem i Totalitaryzmem 41, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7249.41.2.2.
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DIALECTICS ‘WE’–‘ALIENS’ IN RIGHT-WING POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 1789–1945 The aim of the author of this text is to polemicize with the stereotype according to which nationalism is a synonym of the “extreme right.” For this purpose the method of historical exemplification was used. Part I of this text is devoted to defining the concept of the “right” and to present the supporters of the French Revolution and other 19th-century revolutions, their idea of nationalism, the nation-state and sovereignty of the nation. This presentation shows that up to 1890 nationalism is located in the revolutionary left. The first nationalists are Jacobins. The counter-revolutionary right is opposed to nationalism. For this right, nationalism is combined with the idea of empowering nations to the rights of self-determination, which is closely connected with the idea of people’s sovereignty. This situation persists until 1870–1914, when the ideas of national sovereignty are implemented in the politics of the modern states. However, the liberal state does not meet the expectations of nationalists, because it neglects the interests of the nation as the highest value. That is the cause for them moving from the political left to the right part of the political scene, replacing the legitimist right. The latter is annihilated with the decline of aristocracy. In the 19th century, the left is nationalistic and xenophobic. We find clear racist sympathies on the left. The political right does not recognize the right of nations to self-determination, the idea of ethnic boundaries. It is cosmopolitan.
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Milicic, Nenad. "Immanuel Kant’s vision of the right of nations." Theoria, Beograd 61, no. 1 (2018): 147–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/theo1801147m.
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The purpose of this article is to present Kant?s theory of the Right of Nations, which is the essential part of present-day international law debate. In his philosophical work, ?Towards Perpetual Peace?, Immanuel Kant is inquiring conditions for co-existence between the states. According to Kant, three elementary conditions lead us toward perpetual peace: 1) Republican government 2) Federation of Free States 3) Cosmopolitan right of a person to a world citizenship Federation of Free States has an important place in Kant?s vision of the rights of nations and perpetual peace as a final goal of this doctrine. It is crucial for better understanding of Kant?s position on the rights of nations. It is also the most objected part of Immanuel Kant?s political philosophy by various contemporary critics and therefore demands further exploration and analysis. At first, a brief overview of the history of the law of nations, considering the arguments that preceded Kant?s theory will be given. Further analysis of Kant?s work should clear his position and offer an argument in support of his general ideas, reply to the objections and critics of his arguments and evaluate pro and contra opinions. Finally, the consequences of such argumentation and their influence on contemporary political thinking will be discussed. The possibility of appropriate consensus solution will be considered.