Academic literature on the topic 'Cosmopolitan Right'
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Journal articles on the topic "Cosmopolitan Right"
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Williams, Howard. "Kantian Cosmopolitan Right." Politics and Ethics Review 3, no. 1 (April 2007): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/per.2007.3.1.57.
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Ganesh, Aravind. "WIRTBARKEIT: COSMOPOLITAN RIGHT AND INNKEEPING." Legal Theory 24, no. 3 (September 2018): 159–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1352325218000162.
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ABSTRACTAfter defining Cosmopolitan Right as being limited to the conditions of “hospitality,” Kant includes “Wirtbarkeit” in brackets, a word that connotes innkeeping. Moreover, significant similarities obtain between the relevant passages of the Perpetual Peace and those of the Digest of Justinian on the obligations of ships’ masters, innkeepers, and stable keepers. Unlike for ordinary householders, hospitality for innkeepers is a legal obligation, not a matter of philanthropy: they have traditionally been deemed public officials with limited discretion to refuse travelers, and as fiduciaries of their guests strictly liable for losses to their property. This article attempts to explain Kant's concept of Cosmopolitan Right by analogy to the private law of innkeeping, and ultimately engages in the central philosophical debate about Cosmopolitan Right by accounting for Cosmopolitan Right solely from the “innate” right to freedom, rather than from “acquired” facts such as land or resource distributions or historical injustices.
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Brown, Garrett Wallace, and Alexandra Bohm. "Introducing Jus ante Bellum as a cosmopolitan approach to humanitarian intervention." European Journal of International Relations 22, no. 4 (July 24, 2016): 897–919. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354066115607370.
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Cosmopolitans often argue that the international community has a humanitarian responsibility to intervene militarily in order to protect vulnerable individuals from violent threats and to pursue the establishment of a condition of cosmopolitan justice based on the notion of a ‘global rule of law’. The purpose of this article is to argue that many of these cosmopolitan claims are incomplete and untenable on cosmopolitan grounds because they ignore the systemic and chronic structural factors that underwrite the root causes of these humanitarian threats. By way of examining cosmopolitan arguments for humanitarian military intervention and how systemic problems are further ignored in iterations of the Responsibility to Protect, this article suggests that many contemporary cosmopolitan arguments are guilty of focusing too narrowly on justifying a responsibility to respond to the symptoms of crisis versus demanding a similarly robust justification for a responsibility to alleviate persistent structural causes. Although this article recognizes that immediate principles of humanitarian intervention will, at times, be necessary, the article seeks to draw attention to what we are calling principles of Jus ante Bellum (right before war) and to stress that current cosmopolitan arguments about humanitarian intervention will remain insufficient without the incorporation of robust principles of distributive global justice that can provide secure foundations for a more thoroughgoing cosmopolitan condition of public right.
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Panagiotarakou, Eleni. "Right to Place: A Political Theory of Animal Rights in Harmony with Environmental and Ecological Principles." Les ateliers de l'éthique 9, no. 3 (March 12, 2015): 114–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1029062ar.
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The focus of this paper is on the “right to place” as a political theory of wild animal rights. Out of the debate between terrestrial cosmopolitans inspired by Kant and Arendt and rooted cosmopolitan animal right theorists, the right to place emerges from the fold of rooted cosmopolitanism in tandem with environmental and ecological principles. Contrary to terrestrial cosmopolitans—who favour extending citizenship rights to wild animals and advocate at the same time large-scale humanitarian interventions and unrestricted geographical mobility—I argue that the well-being of wild animals is best served by the right to place theory on account of its sovereignty model. The right to place theory advocates human non-interference in wildlife communities, opposing even humanitarian interventions, which carry the risk of unintended consequences. The right to place theory, with its emphasis on territorial sovereignty, bases its opposition to unrestricted geographical mobility on two considerations: (a) the non-generalist nature of many species and (b) the potential for abuse via human encroachment. In a broader context, the advantage of the right to place theory lies in its implicit environmental demands: human population control and sustainable lifestyles.
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Heck, José N. "GLOBALIZAÇÃO E COSMOPOLISMO: CONTROVÉRSIAS KANTIANAS DO DIREITO DOS POVOS." Síntese: Revista de Filosofia 32, no. 103 (January 12, 2015): 239. http://dx.doi.org/10.20911/21769389v32n103p239-258/2005.
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Kant distingue entre direito estatal, direito dos povos e direito cosmopolita. O presente artigo expõe o princípio moral do cosmopolitismo kantiano e a proposta discreta de cosmopolitismo político do filósofo alemão. O trabalho destaca a posição cosmopolita kantiana sob o pano de fundo do internacionalismo que propõe uma versão planetária de sociedade civil (J. Habermas) e do jusnaturalismo que defende a figura de um cidadão do mundo ao lado das cidadanias nacionais (O. Höffe). O texto procura fazer jus ao anticolonialismo expresso do cosmopolitismo político defendido pelo doutrinador alemão do direito racional.Abstract: Kant distinguishes between State’s right, peoples´ right and cosmopolitan right. This article exposes the moral principle of Kantian cosmopolitanism and the underlying proposal of political cosmopolitanism. The paper highlights Kant´s cosmopolitan position against the background of internationalism that proposes a planetary vision of civil society (J. Habermas) and the jusnaturalism that defends the figure of a citizen of the world along with that of national citizenship (O. Höffe). The text intends to do justice to the open anticolonialism of the political cosmopolitanism that is defended by the German doctrinaire of rational right.
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Muthu, Sankar. "Justice and Foreigners: Kant's Cosmopolitan Right." Constellations 7, no. 1 (March 2000): 23–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8675.00168.
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CORRADETTI, CLAUDIO. "Constructivism in cosmopolitan law: Kant’s right to visit." Global Constitutionalism 6, no. 3 (November 2017): 412–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381717000028.
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Abstract:Kant is regarded as one of the most influential cosmopolitan thinkers. Indeed his legacy still influences the contemporary legal and philosophical debate on this issue. But what is the Kantian conception of cosmopolitan law? In which terms does it arise out of his notion of a ‘right to visit’? How does it contribute to the construction of a ‘cosmopolitan constitution’? In this article the view is advanced that Kant was a legal constructivist. The argument assumes also that within Kant’s view of an ‘original community of interaction’, the justification of a cosmopolitan notion of authority allows exercises of freedom under a general scheme of right. Kant’s ‘cosmopolitan constitution’ depends therefore upon such rationale, as well as on the jurisdictional link that the right to visit determines in allowing individuals with the possibility to have a ‘place on earth’.
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Williams, H. "II. Kant's Political Philosophy: Kantian Cosmopolitan Right." Journal of International Political Theory 3, no. 1 (April 1, 2007): 57–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1743453x0700300106.
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Cooke, Steve. "Perpetual Strangers: Animals and the Cosmopolitan Right." Political Studies 62, no. 4 (June 18, 2013): 930–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.12054.
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Hae-Rim Yang. "Cosmopolitanism and Cosmopolitan Right- focusing on Habermas’ Arguments." Studies in Philosophy East-West ll, no. 74 (December 2014): 423–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.15841/kspew..74.201412.423.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "Cosmopolitan Right"
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Parker, Owen. "The ethics of cosmopolitan government in Europe : subjects of interest/subjects of right." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2010. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/3921/.
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Adopting a Foucauldian critical methodology, this thesis reflects upon the inherent ambiguities of cosmopolitan government in/of EU(rope), which, it is suggested, are borne out in the ambiguous relationship between the particular liberal subjects – a ‘subject of interest’ and ‘subject of right’ - that such government seeks to identify, produce and foster. Developing Foucault’s own recently published genealogy of liberal government, it is argued that cosmopolitan government can be conceived as the promotion of (neo)liberal deregulatory market agendas within and beyond EU(rope): a EU(rope) of free competitive ‘subjects of interest’, increasingly conceived as entrepreneurs. This, it is argued, is the constitutive basis of contemporary post-national government in EU(rope) (Part I). Taking seriously the nuances in Foucault’s analysis, cosmopolitan government can, however, also be understood in terms of the evocation of EU(rope) as socially just nation-state rooted in constitution and social-contract: a EU(rope) of ‘subjects of right’ or citizens. Such a conceptualisation is often evident in scholarly and practical opposition to the perceived extremes of a ‘market’ Europe, as illustrated via an analysis of Habermas’s scholarship and French discourses on EU(rope) (Part II). Finally, taking the deliberative impulse in Habermas much further than he does in his own work on EU(rope), a range of scholarly interventions and associated institutional innovations have thought/ practiced cosmopolitan government as a multi-levelled, multi-scalar, open-ended deliberative endeavour ostensibly respectful of Europe’s extant plurality in theory and practice, but this is not without its own foundational ontology of the autonomous, rational, reasonable European subject. Indeed, via an analysis of deliberative forms of governance in contemporary EU(rope), it is argued that such a conception of rationality or reason is - in both theory and practice - closely associated with the aforementioned (neo)liberal rationality of cosmopolitan government to the extent that such rationalities are EU(rope)’s very condition of possibility (Part III). The thesis demonstrates, then, that the ambiguous relationship between a ‘subject of interest’ and ‘subject of right’ is not overcome in either the theory or practice of cosmopolitan government. It concludes by postulating that there may be good ethico-political reasons for giving up the attempt to overcome such ambiguity.
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Svöfudottir, Sigurros. "Membership, Morality and Global Justice : A Study of Feminist Contributions to Cosmopolitan Ethics." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-383127.
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This paper is a project based on a theoretical approach, where my aim is to search for the core elements of a viable feminist cosmopolitan ethics. To further that purpose I identify, discuss, and compare some of the main components of such an ethics as proposed by political theorists Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young. In doing so I hope to contribute to the ongoing project of cosmopolitan feminism. My task in this project is to answer the following questions; what are the main components of Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young´s feminist cosmopolitan ethics? Second; where do Benhabib and Young stand with regards to the relationship between the principle of state sovereignity and the human right to membership? Finally, based on a comparative reading of Benhabib and Young´s theories I ask; what should be some of the core elements of a viable feminist cosmopolitan ethics? I argue that for a feminist cosmopolitan ethics to be considered viable, it must carry within itself an impetus towards increased respect for the basic human rights of the 64.9 million persons that are currently displaced due to conflicts, war, persecutions and human rights violations. Following a comparative reading of some of the main components of Seyla Benhabib and Iris Marion Young´s cosmopolitan ethics, I promote a vision of feminist cosmopolitan ethics that carries within itself the hope that is inherent in the promise of human rights, while at the same time offering the tools that are necessary to identify and rectify the structural injustices exprssed in the status and real-life situations of the 64.9 million persons that are currently displaced due to conflicts, war, persecutions, and human rights violations.
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Menezes, Rodrigo Ramos Lourega de. "Direito cosmopolita: regime jurídico ou apenas filosofia? Pressupostos, sistematização e o caso do direito de visita internacional." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2014. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=6738.
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Esta tese visa a responder à indagação sobre a existência do Direito Cosmopolita não apenas como categoria filosófica, mas também como regime jurídico propriamente dito. Para tal, investiga seus pressupostos teóricos e seus pressupostos materiais, concluindo pela sua existência, tanto abstrata quanto concreta, enquanto regime jurídico stricto sensu. Com base nas premissas encontradas, o Direito Cosmopolita é traduzido da linguagem filosófica para a jurídica, sendo: (a) definido; (b) diferenciado do Direito Natural, do Direito Internacional, do Direito Comunitário e do Direito Internacional dos Direitos Humanos; e (c) sistematizado em torno de algumas categorias relevantes para o estudo jurídico (fontes, objeto, sujeitos, sanções e limites). Finalmente, a esquematização do Direito Cosmopolita abstratamente elaborada é testada no caso concreto do direito de visita a território estrangeiro, resultando em conclusões mais favoráveis à efetivação dos direitos humanos em âmbito mundial.This thesis aims at questioning the existence of the Cosmopolitan Law not only as a philosophical category, but also as a legal regime itself. To achieve so, this study investigates the Cosmopolitan Laws theoretical and material assumptions, agreeing with both its abstract and empiric existence as a proper legal regime. Under these assumptions, the Cosmopolitan Law is translated from a philosophical discourse to a legal one, being: (a) defined; (b) distinguished from the Natural Law, International Law, Community Law, and the International Law of Human Rights; and (c) systematized in accordance with certain categories which are relevant to the Law studies such as sources, object, subjects, sanctions and limits. Finally, a conceptually-elaborated outlining of the Cosmopolitan Law is verified in the concrete case of the right of visit to a foreign territory. This experiment leads to conclusions that favour the human rights effectiveness worldwide.
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Metcalfe, Eric William. "Are cultural rights human rights? : a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c2002d1f-98de-4131-a758-58a8bb84d85d.
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The liberal conception of the state is marked by an insistence upon the equal civil and political rights of each inhabitant. Recently, though, a number of writers have argued that this emphasis on uniform rights ignores the fact that the populations of most states are culturally diverse, and that their inhabitants have significant interests qua members of particular cultures. They argue that liberals should recognize special, group-based cultural rights as a necessary part of a theory of justice in multicultural societies. In this thesis I examine the idea of special cultural rights. In the first part (Chapters 1 to 4), I begin by setting out some of the different conceptions of culture and multiculturalism that are involved in the debate over cultural rights. I then discuss three claims made by supporters of special cultural rights: (1) that having culture is an essential part of individual autonomy; (2) that people have morally significant interests qua members of particular cultures; and (3) that these interests are inadequately protected by existing liberal conceptions of human rights. Although I conclude that (1) is correct, I argue that both (2) and (3) are mistaken. Among other things, I suggest that the version of culture relied upon by supporters of special cultural rights is an implausible one and I outline what I take to be a more plausible, cosmopolitan conception of culture. In the second part (Chapters 5 to 9), I begin by looking at specific instances of cultural rights-claims, and analyzing the concept of cultural rights qua rights. I consider the practical and conceptual difficulties with special cultural rights at great length. But the core of my thesis is that our interest in culture lies in its contribution of worthwhile goals and options, and that this interest lies in culture generally rather than in particular cultures. Hence, adopting a special or group-based distribution of any right to culture would seem to be inconsistent with liberal egalitarian principles. If there are such things as cultural rights, I argue, they are general rather than special rights. I conclude by offering a very preliminary account of what a cosmopolitan conception of cultural rights might involve in the case of the right to free association and language rights.
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Bernier, Louise 1975. "Justice in genetics : intellectual property and human rights from a cosmopolitan liberal perspective." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=103148.
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Genetics is one sector in which there has been tremendous evolution and progress over the last few decades. While it is believed that genetics could offer tremendous opportunities for global health improvement, there is also a fear that existing global health inequalities will be amplified by the evolution of genetics.It thus appears necessary to analyse the way current assumptions define what is just and acceptable with regard to global access and distribution of resources in this field. Indeed, given the importance of genetics to human health globally, this thesis will evaluate two principal legal regimes---intellectual property and international human rights---to determine to which extent they further the goal of distributing the benefits of these technologies equitably and globally. This evaluation is vital to ensure that legal regimes assist in ensuring that this promising field develops in a way that improves global health without leaving the most vulnerable outside of the process. This dissertation will undertake this complex task by employing and building upon cosmopolitan liberal theories developed over the few last decades as an extension of the work of Rawls and Daniels.
A theoretical framework to justify engaging in a global and more equitable redistribution of benefits produced by genetics is required. Ultimately, our analysis will produce strong normative benchmarks based on justice considerations for engaging in a global and more equitable redistribution of the benefits likely to emerge from genetic science. Universal consideration of all human beings, importance of health needs, normal functioning and equality of opportunities are some of the notions that will be analysed to construct this framework. We will then attempt to determine how and if this theory of distribution translates into positive law and to identify and analyse the main obstacles to legal compliance with global distributive justice. We will assess two main international normative systems: intellectual property law and human rights law to determine if their underlying philosophy, structure, and functioning take account of the principles highlighted in our theoretical framework and how underlying politics and economics matter.
This will set out a basis for further discussion on how we could work around some of the major obstacles identified throughout our analysis. It will also help us move from the vague and often symbolic ideal of benefit sharing actually prevailing toward the establishment of a real, enforceable concept of global benefit sharing in health that would position genetics at the rank of essential tool for achieving global health.
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Cilliers, Judy-Ann. "The refugee as citizen : the possibility of political membership in a cosmopolitan world." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96022.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this thesis is to determine what responsibilities democratic states have toward refugees. This problem is stated within the broader framework of the tension inherent in all democratic states: on the one hand, the sovereign right of a state over its territory and, on the other hand, the cosmopolitan or universal human rights norms upon which the state‟s constitution is founded. I argue that this tension is brought to the fore when refugees cross borders and enter into democratic territories, asking for protection and claiming their human rights. The sheer magnitude of the refugee crisis makes this an issue every state should address. My answer to the question of state responsibility is worked out in four phases. Firstly, I give a conceptual clarification of refugeehood, sovereignty, and cosmopolitanism. I show that neither absolute sovereignty (which implies closed borders) nor extreme cosmopolitanism (which implies no borders) is desirable. Secondly, I draw on Immanuel Kant‟s cosmopolitan theory as a possible solution. Kant proposes a world-federation of states in which right is realised on the civic, international, and cosmopolitan level. Kant also insists that every individual has the right to hospitality – a right which foreign states should recognise. Thirdly, I examine three prominent theories which could offer us a way to address the refugee crisis. I argue that the first two – multiculturalism and John Rawls‟ „law of peoples‟ – are not adequate responses to the refugee crisis, but that the third – Seyla Benhabib‟s cosmopolitan federalism – is more promising. Hospitality is the first responsibility states have toward refugees, and Benhabib proposes that it be institutionalised by (i) forming a federation of states founded on cosmopolitan principles, (ii) revising membership norms through the political process of democratic iterations, and (iii) extending some form of political membership to the state to refugees. Lastly, I justify the claim that political membership should be extended by referring to Hannah Arendt‟s argument that the ability to speak and act publicly is part of what it means to be human. If we deny refugees this ability, or if we deny them access to political processes, we deny their humanity. Benhabib proposes institutional measures to ensure that this does not happen, including allowing for political membership on sub-national, national, and supranational levels. Ultimately, I argue that democratic states have the responsibility to (i) allow entry to refugees, (ii) give refugees legal status and offer protection, and (ii) extend political membership to them on some level.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om te bepaal wat die verantwoordelikhede van demokratiese state teenoor vlugtelinge is. Ek plaas hierdie probleem binne die breër raamwerk van die onderliggende spanning in demokratiese state: die soewereine reg van ‟n staat oor sy grondgebied, aan die een kant, en die kosmopolitiese of universele menseregte-norme waarop die staat se grondwet berus, aan die ander kant. Ek argumenteer dat hierdie spanning na vore gebring word wanneer vlugtelinge, op soek na beskerming, grense oorsteek, demokratiese state binnetree en aanspraak maak op hulle regte. Ek bespreek die vraagstuk in vier stappe. Eerstens verduidelik ek die begrippe van vlugtelingskap, soewereiniteit en kosmopolitisme. Ek toon aan dat nóg absolute soewereiniteit (wat geslote grense impliseer), nóg ekstreme kosmopolitisme (wat geen grense impliseer) ‟n wenslike ideaal is. Tweedens kyk ek na Immanuel Kant se kosmopolitiese teorie vir ‟n moontlike oplossing. Kant stel voor dat state saamkom in ‟n wêreld-federasie, om sodoende reg te laat geskied op die plaaslike, internasionale, en kosmopolitiese vlak. Kant dring ook aan daarop dat elke individu die reg tot gasvryheid besit, ‟n reg wat ook deur ander state buiten die individu se staat van herkoms erken behoort te word. Derdens ondersoek ek drie prominente teorieë wat moontlike oplossings bied vir die vlugteling-krisis. Ek argumenteer dat die eerste twee – multikulturalisme en John Rawls se „law of peoples‟ – nie voldoende is om die vlugteling-krisis die hoof te bied nie. Die derde teorie, Seyla Benhabib se kosmopolitiese federalisme, blyk meer belowend te wees. Benhabib stel voor dat die staat se verantwoordelikheid om gasvryheid te toon geïnstitusionaliseer kan word deur (i)‟n federasie van state gegrond op kosmopolitiese beginsels te vorm, (ii) lidmaatskap-norme te hersien deur ‟n politieke proses genaamd demokratiese iterasie, en (iii) politieke lidmaatskap van een of ander aard aan vlugtelinge toe te ken. Laastens regverdig ek die aanspraak op lidmaatskap. Ek verwys na Hannah Arendt se argument dat die vermoë om in die publieke sfeer te praat en dade te kan uitvoer, deel uitmaak van wat dit beteken om ‟n mens te wees. As ons verhoed dat vlugtelinge hierdie twee vermoëns kan uitleef, ontken ons hulle menslikheid. Benhabib stel sekere institutionele maatreëls voor om dit te voorkom. Dit sluit politieke lidmaatskap op ‟n sub-nasionale, nasionale, en supra-nasionale vlak in. Uiteindelik argumenteer ek dat demokratiese state se verantwoordelikhede teenoor vlugtelinge uit die volgende bestaan: (i) toegang tot hierdie state se grondgebied, (ii) wetlike status en beskerming, en (iii) politieke lidmaatskap op een of ander vlak.
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Assumpção, San Romanelli. "Justiça e gênero sob uma perspectiva cosmopolitana." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-12042013-101835/.
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Esta tese investiga as possibilidades de uma proposta normativa feminista e cosmopolita para lidar com o problema das desigualdades de gênero e das violações das liberdades básicas das mulheres dentro da perspectiva liberal igualitária. Tendo como ponto de partida o axioma da igualdade moral humana e buscando alcançar um projeto de internacionalismo feminista liberal alternativo ao de Martha Nussbaum em Women and Human Development The capabilities approach. Para tanto, esta pesquisa discute o modo como as relações de gênero e coerções de gênero devem estar sob o escopo da justiça e busca construir uma interpretação da noção rawlsiana de estrutura básica como objeto da justiça que seja simultaneamente adequada do ponto de vista feminista e cosmopolita, a fim de que, em nome do próprio axioma da igualdade moral fundamental, seja possível dar conta da articulação entre os diversos horizontes da justiça: justiça local, justiça social e justiça cosmopolita. E argumenta que esta articulação, dentro de uma concepção de justiça institucional compatível com a tolerância e justiça liberais, exige um equalisandum cosmopolita nos moldes dos bem primários rawlsianos como um modo moralmente defensável de se criar uma esfera de inviolabilidade individual que proteja as mulheres de violações advindas das desigualdades de gênero e lhes possibilite direito de saída, sem com isso ignorar a legitimidade do pluralismo moral razoável. Assim, defende-se que apenas uma lista de bens primários cosmopolita articula devidamente as possibilidades de saída nos planos local, social e cosmopolita, na constituição de um ideal de direito de saída pleno para as mulheres que seja conforme o ideal de tolerância liberal e com um liberalismo político, tendo como objeto da justiça uma estrutura básica que inclui as coerções de gênero e cujo meio para a justiça é institucional.The thesis explores a normative proposal of solving some of the well-known genders problems of inequality and infringement of womans basic liberties from a feminist and cosmopolitan point of view. It assumes the axiom of human moral equality as its normative grounds although it attempts to achieve a feminist liberal approach quite different from Martha Nussbaums Woman and Human Development The Capabilities Approach. To that end the research tries to conceive how gender tensions could be entailed by a theory of justice. Notwithstand the crucial distinctions between local, social and cosmopolitan justice, the work proposes a reinterpretation of the Rawlsian concept of basic structure, as the main subject of justice, in which both feminism and cosmopolitanism aims can be fit into the axiom of moral human equality. One of thesis main objectives is to sustain the requirements of a cosmopolitan equalisandum as a feasible and morally relevant way to set up inviolable areas of individuality concerning protection against gender violence. A rank of cosmopolitan primary goods also promotes the effectiveness of a series of exit rights: from the local context to the global one. It aims an ideal of full exit right to women that is entirely compatible with the liberal ideal of toleration.
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Ferreira, Rafael Fonseca. "O estado e o direito entre pós-modernidade e globalização: limites e possibilidades do direito fraterno na sociedade cosmopolita." Universidade do Vale do Rio do Sinos, 2008. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/2427.
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As presentes reflexões tiveram por objetivo descrever o cenário de um tempo efêmero, redimensionado espacialmente e de ampla interconectividade econômica e cultural, bem como definir os fenômenos contemporâneos que determinaram a narrada efemeridade, a qual foi identificada por um tempo descrito como pós-moderno; a transformação dos espaços e interconexão transfronteiriça, foi identificada por um fenômeno conhecido como globalização. Em seguida, se buscou problematizar as questões da pós-modernidade e da globalização confrontando-as com as atuais conformações do Estado e do Direito, no sentido de demonstrar suas deficiências para responder as questões deste novo tempo e as possibilidades de transformação para o atendimento das novas demandas sociais, jurídicas e políticas da sociedade pós-moderna e do mundo globalizado. A partir disso, com as algumas idéias de Höffe e Kant, empreendeu-se na democracia, como aspecto fundamental para o enfrentamento deste novo cenário de uma sociedade marcada pelas incertezas,
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Nadai, Bruno. "\"Teleologia e história em Kant: a Idéia de uma história universal de um ponto de vista cosmopolita\"." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8133/tde-01112007-152730/.
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Esta dissertação pretende abordar o artigo Idéia de uma história universal de um ponto de vista cosmopolita a partir de sua inserção no interior do sistema da filosofia kantiana. Tentaremos mostrar que a Idéia de uma história universal pode ser interpretada à luz do sistema da filosofia crítica. No \"Apêndice à dialética transcendental\" da Crítica da razão pura, o princípio racional da unidade sistemática dos conhecimentos do entendimento abre a perspectiva de ordenação da natureza de acordo com leis teleológicas. Segundo entendemos, é de acordo com esta representação teleológica da natureza que a Idéia de uma história universal de um ponto de vista cosmopolita é redigida. Adotando como fio condutor o direito cosmopolita, Kant expõe o conjunto das ações humanas como um progresso contínuo da humanidade em direção à realização de todas as suas disposições naturais racionais, como se a espécie seguisse a um propósito da natureza.This dissertation intends to examine the article Idea for an universal history with a cosmopolitan purpose considering its insertion into Kant´s philosophical system. The claim is to show that this article can be interpreted according to the system of critical philosophy In the Transcendental Dialectic of Pure Reason´s Appendix, the rational principle of systematic unity of cognitions of the understanding allows the organization of nature by teleological laws. We think that the Idea for an universal history with a cosmopolitan purpose was written according to this teleological representation of nature. Adopting cosmopolitan right as a guide principle, Kant establishes the human actions as a continuous progress of humanity towards the realization of all rational natural dispositions, as if the species followed a principle of nature.
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Freitas, Rita de Cássia Souza Tabosa. "O olhar cosmopolita: a atualidade da proposta kantiano para a paz perpétua." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2011. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/5612.
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Objective, in this research work, discuss the proposal cosmopolitan Kantian perpetual peace and its current two hundred years after it was written. During the course of the study identified at least three major models of cosmopolitanism: the Imperial, the messianic, Republican, to which Kant joins. Cosmopolitanism is his first formulations in antiquity, at the time of the Hellenistic and Roman empires, which will be taken up by medieval Christianity, the messianic version. It is however in modern times that the cosmopolitan ideal reappear with strength, especially in the Enlightenment period in the work of thinkers such as Abbé de Saint‐Pierre, Rousseau, and Immanuel Kant, who gave the most complete formulation philosophically. It fell to associate the theme cosmopolitan Kant to the problem of peace and the constitutionalization of international law by proposing a World Federation of Free States, which promoted legal equality between the different peoples who inhabit the earth, under the aegis of a new international law cosmopolitical. The update of this discussion occurred in the twentieth century, as a possible solution to the immense problems of a world traumatized by two world wars and the atomic terror. The proposal is part of the cosmopolitan globalization process of recent decades in the international legal sphere, as an effective mechanism for building a global civil society of peace, and to prepare the way for a World Federation of States, provided by Kant. Philosophers of law and politics as Kelsen, Habermas and Bobbio, seeking to update and reinterpret the Kantian proposal in the light of the new phenomena of war and peace in the era of globalization, they oppose the realist thinkers such as Danilo Zolo, who question the theoretical validity and practical feasibility of this project. The thesis I defend is that cosmopolitanism is not an impossible utopia, but a realizable possibility, at least in a philosophical and legal approach, when faced with political and legal challenges of contemporary international relations, since some conditions are created for its implementation.
Objetiva-se, neste trabalho de pesquisa, discutir a proposta cosmopolita kantiana de paz perpétua e a sua atualidade, duzentos anos depois de ter sido escrita. Durante o percurso da pesquisa identificamos pelo menos três grandes modelos de cosmopolitismo: o imperial, o messiânico, o republicano, ao qual Kant se filia. O cosmopolitismo encontra suas primeiras formulações na Antiguidade, na época dos Impérios helenísticos e romanos, que serão retomadas pelo cristianismo medieval, na versão messiânica. É, porém na época moderna que o ideal cosmopolita reaparece com força, sobretudo no período iluminista, na obra de pensadores como o Abbè de Saint-Pierre, Rousseau, e Immanuel Kant, que lhe deu a formulação filosoficamente mais completa. Coube a Kant associar a temática cosmopolita ao problema da paz e à constitucionalização da legislação internacional através da proposta de uma Federação Mundial de Estados Livres, que promovesse a igualdade jurídica entre os diferentes povos que habitam a Terra, sob a égide de um novo direito internacional cosmopolítico. A atualização dessa discussão ocorreu no século XX, como uma possível solução para os imensos problemas de um mundo traumatizado por duas guerras mundiais e pelo terror atômico. A proposta cosmopolita se insere no processo de globalização das últimas décadas na esfera jurídica internacional, como um mecanismo eficaz para a construção de uma sociedade civil global de paz, bem como para preparar o caminho para uma Federação Mundial de Estados, prevista por Kant. Filósofos do direito e da política como Kelsen, Habermas e Bobbio, procuram atualizar e reinterpretar a proposta kantiana á luz dos novos fenômenos da guerra e da paz na época da globalização; a eles se contrapõem os pensadores realistas, como Danilo Zolo, que questionam a validade teórica e a viabilidade prática deste projeto. A tese que defendemos é que o cosmopolitismo não é uma utopia irrealizável, mas uma possibilidade realizável, pelo menos em uma abordagem filosófico-jurídica, ao nos depararmos com os desafios político-jurídicos da contemporaneidade das relações internacionais, uma vez que sejam criadas alguma condições para a sua implementação.
Books on the topic "Cosmopolitan Right"
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Asylum, welfare and the cosmopolitan ideal a sociology of rights. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2010.
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Taddio, Luca. Manifesto per una sinistra cosmopolita. Milano: Mimesis, 2013.
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World poverty and human rights: Cosmopolitan responsibilities and reforms. 2nd ed. Cambridge: Polity, 2008.
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World poverty and human rights: Cosmopolitan responsibilities and reforms. Cambridge: Polity, 2002.
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Global justice: A cosmopolitan account. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009.
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Michael, Peters. Citizenship, human rights and identity: Prospects of a liberal cosmopolitan order. New York: Addleton Academic Publishers, 2013.
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Justice in genetics: Intellectual property and human rights from a cosmopolitan liberal perspective. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar, 2010.
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Political theory of global justice: A cosmopolitan case for the world state. New York, NY: Routledge, 2004.
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Morris, Lydia. Asylum, Welfare and the Cosmopolitan Ideal. Routledge, 2010.
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Morris, Lydia. Asylum, Welfare and the Cosmopolitan Ideal: A Sociology of Rights. Taylor & Francis Group, 2010.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "Cosmopolitan Right"
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Sorrels, Katherine. "Bridging the Gap: Pan-Europe between the Left and the Right." In Cosmopolitan Outsiders, 171–209. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-349-72062-0_6.
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Koukouzelis, Kostas. "Claiming Cosmopolitan Citizenship: Migrants’ Protests and Border Controls." In IMISCOE Research Series, 185–98. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11574-5_9.
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AbstractThe chapter will defend the argument that a certain interpretation of migrants’ (particularly refugees in our case) protests against border controls should be taken as a manifestation of claiming cosmopolitan citizenship. The argument has both an empirical and a normative dimension. On the empirical dimension of the argument, we will present and interpret migrants’ protests in Idomeni, Greece, regarding the closure of the EU borders in 2016. Did migrants claim certain rights, such as the right to mobility? Did they claim state citizenship? It will be argued that none of these claims represented their political subjectivity at the time. Moving on to the normative dimension of the argument it will be revealed that there is something inherent in migrants’ acts of protesting that might be taken as claiming cosmopolitan citizenship of a certain kind, challenging, among other things, methodological nationalism. Migrants’ protests challenge border controls, the state’s supposed ‘right to exclude,’ and strive for occupying a ‘place’ in the world.
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Pickel, Gert, and Cemal Öztürk. "The Varying Challenge of Islamophobia for the EU: On Anti-Muslim Resentments and Its Dividend for Right-Wing Populists and Eurosceptics—Central and Eastern Europe in a Comparative Perspective." In Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics, 57–80. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-54674-8_3.
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Abstract The so-called refugee crisis and the fear of Islamist terror have turned out to be serendipitous for right-wing populist parties. They portray themselves as defenders of the ‘Christian Occident’ and campaign against an ‘invasion of Muslims’ that was allegedly orchestrated by cosmopolitan elites of the EU. Against this backdrop, this chapter explores the linkage between anti-Muslim sentiments and Eurosceptic attitudes. The study shows that (1) there is a pan-European nexus between Islamophobia and Euroscepticism, (2) there is a nexus that is primarily driven by voters of right-wing populist parties and (3) the magnitude of Islamophobic attitudes differ, however, between societies. An anti-Muslim social climate is particularly widespread in Eastern Europe, where hardly any Muslims live. The contribution addresses the resulting implications for the legitimacy of the EU.
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Tepora, Tuomas. "The Image of Marshal Mannerheim, Moral Panic, and the Refashioning of the Nation in the 1990s." In Palgrave Studies in the History of Experience, 349–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-69882-9_14.
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AbstractThis chapter shows how the social and political changes in Finnish society in the early 1990s were reflected in the images of C. G. E. Mannerheim (1867–1951), the Marshal of Finland. By looking at the debate concerning the construction of the Museum of Contemporary Art right next to the Mannerheim equestrian statue in Helsinki, Tepora analyzes the public dispute as a moral panic that sprang from the 1990s recession, the collapse of the Soviet Union, and joining the European Union. Arguing for the study of nontotalitarian personality cults, Tepora shows how the opposing sides in the debate either rose to defend the conservative Mannerheim image as an unchanging emotional figure or recoded the figure to reflect their liberal and cosmopolitan perspectives.
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Nascimento, Amos. "From Plurality to Global Human Rights Discourses." In Building Cosmopolitan Communities, 133–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137348760_5.
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Kukathas, Chandran. "Rights of Culture, Rights of Conscience." In Between Cosmopolitan Ideals and State Sovereignty, 109–19. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288928_10.
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Moka-Mubelo, Willy. "A Cosmopolitan Human Rights Regime." In Reconciling Law and Morality in Human Rights Discourse, 169–99. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-49496-8_7.
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Chandler, David. "The Limits of Human Rights and Cosmopolitan Citizenship." In Rethinking Human Rights, 115–35. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403914262_7.
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Marchetti, Raffaele. "Human Rights as Global Participatory Entitlements." In Between Cosmopolitan Ideals and State Sovereignty, 159–69. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288928_14.
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Frost, Mervyn. "Human Rights, Justice, and Anarchy in International Relations." In Between Cosmopolitan Ideals and State Sovereignty, 148–58. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230288928_13.
Full textConference papers on the topic "Cosmopolitan Right"
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Černěnko, Tomáš, and Dana Kuběnková. "A Rose by Another Name Would Smell the Same: Hidden Potential of Antisystem Parties in Slovakia?" In XXV. mezinárodní kolokvium o regionálních vědách. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p280-0068-2022-55.
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This article aims to identify voter attitudes, based on the results of the 2020 parliamentary elections, towards European integration, religious attitudes in politics, universal left-right integration, the rights of ethnic minorities, the position between cosmopolitan and national sentiments, and political decentralization in favour of regions at the district level of Slovakia, while considering factors that affect voter's selection. In the first step, we calculated the position of the district through the results of individual political parties (district level) in the elections to the National Council of the Slovak Republic in 2020 and data from the 2019 Chapel Hill expert survey. In the second step, we used these results as dependent variables for regression analysis, examining their dependence on the variables average wage, unemployment rate, ethnic composition, and time availability of the district's seat from the regional centre and Bratislava (capital). A retrospective analysis of voter attitudes at individual districts has shown that concerns about possible covert support for anti-system parties are warranted. “Negative” results, especially on religious principles in politics, ethnic minority rights, inclination to national values, and centralized power, show that if expectations from standard (or liberal democratic) parties are not met, there is a risk of voters diverting to radical parties.