Academic literature on the topic 'Cooper Square Committee'

The practice of city planning in New York City was transformed in the decades after World War II. At the start of this period, the system was characterized by little citizen involvement and no transparency. By the mid-1970s, citizens had become accepted participants in land-use decision-making, and formal procedures for involving citizens in planning had been written into local law. This article explores how this turning point in citizen participation came about by focusing on the Cooper Square Committee—an ambitious practitioner of neighborhood activism on the Lower East Side of Manhattan. Setting the Committee’s quest in the participatory context of the times uncovers a groundswell of voluntary groups who used the city’s neighborhoods as forums for democratic action. Along with government actors, planning professionals, and civic and social agencies, such groups contributed to the transformation in planning, which developed not by premeditated campaign but by a cumulative process of public problem-solving and social innovation.

Background: Considering the concerns of obesity problems, Mumbai Police authorities had launched full-day residential “Healthy Living Training Program” in February 2019 for obese policemen. We studied the effectiveness of the program by assessing health profile of the participants, and change in anthropometric measurements and blood pressure readings. Methods and Materials: Permission from the concerned authorities and approval from the Institutional Ethics Committee (IEC) were taken. Health profiles of 143 policemen were assessed. Anthropometric measurements and blood pressure recordings were done on the first and the last day of the 28-day program. The data were coded and entered in password-protected Microsoft Excel. Paired t-test was applied to test statistically significant differences. The association of some of the variables with weight change was assessed by the Chi-square test for categorical variables. Results: The mean age of participants was 49.6 ± 5 years. The proportion of hypertensive, diabetics, vision problems, and bone and joint problems were 48.2%, 23.2%, 57.1%, and 46.4%, respectively. Only 70% of them had home-cooked food in the lunch. Daily, 50% of the participants do physical activity. There was statistically significant weight reduction (105.6 ± 12.1s vs. 103.3 ± 12 kg), body mass index (BMI) (36.3 ± 3.4 vs. 35.5 ± 3.3), waist circumference (110.8 ± 7.9 vs. 109.5 ± 7.9), and hip circumference (115.6 ± 8.1 vs. 106.8 ± 15.0) of the participants after 28 days of training program. Conclusion: “Healthy Living Training Program” was effective in reducing weight, blood pressure, BMI, and waist and hip circumference. The program benefitted the participants by inculcating healthy lifestyles and raising awareness of health issues.

Abstract Background: Recurrent joint bleeding in severe congenital hemophilia results in arthropathy and functional impairment. Clinical and epidemiologic evidence suggest that patients with moderate and mild hemophilia also experience joint bleeding, particularly with factor activity (FA) levels below 15-20%. While arthropathy and joint interventions have been reported in mild-moderate hemophilia, the longitudinal assessment of arthropathy development and relationship to FA has not been reported. Methods: During the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) Universal Data Collection (UDC) surveillance initiative (1998-2011), joint range of motion (ROM) measurements were taken on each of 10 joints (shoulders, elbows, hips, knees and ankles) by trained care providers using standardized methods at each comprehensive visit. Data were extracted from male patients with hemophilia (PWH) age ≥2 years with baseline FA levels ≤ 40%, excluding those who had been prescribed prophylaxis or had evidence of an inhibitor at any time. ROM measures from all 10 joints combined for each subject and data collected similarly on a population without bleeding or joint disorders (Soucie JM, Haemophilia 2012) age 12-20 males) were used to calculate a proportion of normal ROM (PN-ROM) measure for each study subject and each normal male using the 12-20 year old normals as the reference. Because very young subjects have greater ROM than 12 - 20 year olds, the PN-ROM value for these subjects could exceed 100%. Least square means of the PN-ROM values for subjects in categories of these characteristics were compared using general linear regression. Data collected from 2 to 14 UDC visits for each subject were analyzed using mixed model repeated measures linear regression to evaluate the effects of patient characteristics on the rate of ROM loss over time. Results: There were 6,703 (4,807 hemophilia A) eligible PWH with 30,102 UDC visits (mean 4.5 per patient). Of these, 26% had severe and 31% moderate hemophilia, 52% were youth or teens, 10% were either black or Hispanic, and 45% were overweight or obese. PN-ROM declined with age (106% for youngest to 85% for oldest subjects), and was associated with hemophilia severity, race/ethnicity, obesity, and viral illnesses. The relationship between PN-ROM and the combination of age and baseline FA level (Table) showed values for most PWH were within 10 percent of similarly aged normals. Only PWH ≥30 years old with FA ≤2% and those ≥50 years old with FA ≤5% had mean PN-ROM values >10% less than controls; those ≥40 years old with FA <1% had PN-ROM values >20% less than controls. The figures demonstrate that the loss in PN-ROM is linear with the steepest decline among subjects with severe disease, and the overall magnitude of the decline appears to be greater for subjects with hemophilia A than B. In the multivariate analysis subjects with <1% FA had a 0.428 percent greater decrease in PN-ROM each year relative to those with 16% - 40% FA and this excess decrease was highly statistically significant (p < 0.001). A similar significant effect was seen among subjects with either 1% - 5% or 6% - 9% FA, however, the magnitude of the decrease in the PN-ROM (0.126 for both) was about one-fourth that seen among those with severe hemophilia. FA levels from 10% to 15% did not significantly influence the rate of PN-ROM change over time relative to those with FA >15%. Those with hemophilia B lost PN-ROM at a 0.05 percent slower rate than those with hemophilia A (p < 0.001). Conclusion: The effect of FA level on ROM loss is far greater than that of any of the other characteristics, but only for patients with FA levels less than 10%. This emphasizes the need to maintain a high index of suspicion in individuals with moderate and low-mild hemophilia and of older age. The effect of hemophilia type (A vs B) on rate of ROM loss is about one-tenth that of having severe disease, and may be one reason for the difficulty in proving that hemophilia B has a less severe phenotype. Figure Figure. Disclosures Wang: Acerta Pharma: Consultancy, Research Funding; Asana Biosciences: Research Funding; BeiGene: Research Funding; Celgene: Honoraria, Research Funding; Dava Oncology: Honoraria; Janssen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; June Therapeutics: Research Funding; Kite Pharma: Research Funding; Onyx: Research Funding; Pharmacyclics: Research Funding; Proteolix: Honoraria, Research Funding. Recht: Biogen: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding; CSL Behring: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Genentech: Research Funding; Kedrion: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; NovoNordisk: Research Funding; Pfizer: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Shire: Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees, Research Funding. Iyer: Novo Nordisk Inc.: Employment. Cooper: Novo Nordisk Inc.: Employment.

Background. Warm antibody autoimmune hemolytic anemia (wAIHA) is a rare and potentially serious disease in which autoantibodies bind to red blood cells (RBCs), leading to phagocytosis by Fc receptor-bearing macrophages via a spleen tyrosine kinase (SYK) dependent signaling pathway. Fostamatinib is a potent SYK inhibitor that is orally administered and was approved for the treatment of chronic ITP in April 2018 by the US FDA and has demonstrated activity in patients with wAIHA. A phase 2, open-label, multicenter study (NCT02612558) showed that 11 of 25 (44%) patients with wAIHA had markedly improved hemoglobin (Hgb) levels after treatment with fostamatinib. Adverse events (AEs) from the phase 2 studies in wAIHA were manageable and consistent with those in the fostamatinib safety database of >3500 patients across multiple disease states. Therefore, the phase 2 results support the conduct of a phase 3 study in wAIHA. A phase 3, randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled global study (NCT03764618) to investigate the safety and efficacy of fostamatinib in subjects with wAIHA is currently enrolling patients. The study intends to enroll approximately 80 patients at 109 sites in 19 countries across North America, Europe and Australia. This is the first randomized, double-blind, placebo-controlled study to explore the effect of a SYK inhibitor in the treatment of wAIHA. Study Design and Methods Inclusion Criteria: Eligible adult patients must have: primary or secondary wAIHA, documented by IgG or IgA positive direct antiglobulin test (DAT); failed ≥1 prior treatment for AIHA; haptoglobin <LLN (lower limit of normal) or total bilirubin >ULN (upper limit of normal) or lactate dehydrogenase (LDH) >ULN; and baseline hemoglobin level ≤9 g/dL or, if hemoglobin is >9 g/dL to <10 g/dL, subject must be on an allowed wAIHA treatment AND have symptoms related to anemia. Exclusion Criteria: Patients should not have other types of AIHA, uncontrolled or poorly controlled hypertension, a neutrophil count <1,000/µL, platelet count <30,000/μL (unless due to Evans syndrome), or transaminase levels >1.5 x ULN. Treatment: Patients will be randomized 1:1 to receive fostamatinib or placebo for 24 weeks. Patients will receive an initial dose of 100 mg BID which will be increased to 150 mg BID at Week 4, based on patient tolerability. In the event of dose-limiting AEs, the dose may be reduced at any time. Randomization will be stratified by concomitant steroid use at baseline and severity of anemia at screening. All patients will be allowed to continue concurrent steroid therapy and other selected wAIHA therapy (maximum of 2) throughout the 24-week study. A rescue medication protocol is allowed as needed. A steroid taper protocol allows reduced used of steroids in responsive patients. Patients who complete the phase 3 study will be encouraged to enroll in an open-label extension study to receive fostamatinib. Endpoints: Efficacy endpoints will include hemoglobin response, defined as a hemoglobin level >10 g/dL with a ≥2 g/dL increase from baseline (Day 1) in the absence of rescue medication; duration of hemoglobin response; and use of wAIHA rescue therapy. Safety endpoints include the incidence of adverse events. Patients will be evaluated at clinic visits approximately every two weeks for safety assessments and measurement of hemoglobin levels. Statistics: Based on results of the phase 2 study, a sample size of 80 subjects (randomized 1:1) would be required to provide 80% power to detect a difference in the response between the active and placebo groups using the Cochran-Mantel-Haenszel test at a two-sided significance level of 0.05. The response rate will be compared between groups using a chi-square test adjusting for randomization stratification factors. Figure Disclosures Cooper: Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Rigel: Consultancy, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees; Principia: Consultancy, Honoraria, Membership on an entity's Board of Directors or advisory committees. Gorham:Rigel: Employment, Equity Ownership. Lowe:Rigel: Consultancy. Numerof:Rigel: Employment, Equity Ownership. Tong:Rigel: Employment, Equity Ownership. Kuter:Actelion (Syntimmune): Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Bristol Myers Squibb (BMS): Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Protalix: Consultancy, Honoraria; Rigel: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Sanofi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Rigel: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Genzyme: Consultancy, Honoraria; Dova: Consultancy, Honoraria; Agios: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Agios: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Alnylam: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Argenx: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Shinogi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Platelet Disorder Support Association: Consultancy, Honoraria; Principia: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Kyowa-Kirin: Consultancy, Honoraria; Amgen: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Sanofi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Shinogi: Consultancy, Honoraria; Genzyme: Consultancy, Honoraria; UCB: Consultancy, Honoraria; Takeda (Bioverativ): Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Zafgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Momenta: Consultancy, Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; Principia: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Protalex: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Shire: Consultancy, Honoraria; UCB: Consultancy, Honoraria; Takeda (Bioverativ): Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Up-to-Date: Consultancy, Honoraria, Patents & Royalties: 3 Up-to-Date chapters; Up-to-Date: Consultancy, Honoraria, Patents & Royalties: 3 Up-to-Date chapters; Platelet Disorder Support Association: Consultancy, Honoraria; Kezar: Research Funding; Pfizer: Consultancy, Honoraria; Merck Sharp Dohme: Consultancy, Honoraria; Novartis: Consultancy, Honoraria; Daiichi Sankyo: Consultancy, Honoraria; Caremark: Consultancy, Honoraria; Daiichi Sankyo: Consultancy, Honoraria; Protalix: Consultancy, Honoraria; Dova: Consultancy, Honoraria; Merck Sharp Dohme: Consultancy, Honoraria; Kyowa-Kirin: Consultancy, Honoraria; Protalex: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Momenta: Consultancy, Honoraria; Kezar: Research Funding; Pfizer: Consultancy, Honoraria; Actelion (Syntimmune): Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Alnylam: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Argenx: Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Bristol Myers Squibb (BMS): Consultancy, Honoraria, Research Funding; Caremark: Consultancy, Honoraria; Zafgen: Consultancy, Honoraria; Shire: Consultancy, Honoraria. OffLabel Disclosure: Fostamatinib is a tyrosine kinase (SYK) inhibitor for the treatment of adult patients with chronic immune thrombocytopenia (ITP) who have had an insufficient response to a previous treatment. The use of fostamatinib in other diseases is off-label.

ABSTRACT Background: MC is an infection caused by a poxvirus. It is a self limiting condition, active therapy needed to prevent further spread, relieve symptoms, to prevent scarring and for cosmetic and social reasons. Methods: 40 patients were randomly divided into 2 groups; 20 each for Povidone Iodine with DMSO and 0.05% Tretinoin cream. The given medication was applied at bed time over molluscum lesions. The assessment of response and side effects were performed weekly for 4 weeks. Results: At the end of 4 weeks, the mean lesion count decreased from 6.45±3.60 SD to 4.25±3.76 SD and from 6.85±4.08 SD to 3.60±4.76 SD in patients treated with Povidone Iodine and 0.05% Tretinoin cream respectively. Conclusion: Tretinoin showed fast recovery, lesions were resolved before 4 weeks. In Povidone Iodine with DOMS showed delayed response and even some of lesion extended beyond 4 weeks but the side effect were less. Key words: MC-molluscum contagiosum.DMSO-dimethyl sulfoxide; SD-standard INTRODUCTION Molluscum contagiosum is an infection caused by a poxvirus (molluscum contagiosum virus). It is self-limited infectious dermatosis, frequent in paediatric population, sexually active adults, and immunocompromised individuals. It is caused by molluscum contagiosum virus (MCV) which is a virus of the Poxviridae family. MCV is transmitted mainly by direct contact with infected skin, which can be sexual, non-sexual, or autoinoculation [1].The lesions, known as Mollusca, are small, raised, dome shaped and usually pearly white, pink, or flesh-coloured with a dimple or pit in the centre. They often have a pearly appearance. They’re usually smooth and firm. In most people, the lesions range from about the size of a pinhead to as large as 2 to 5 millimetres in diameter. They may become itchy, sore, red, and/or swollen [2]. Mollusca may occur anywhere on the body including the face, neck, arms, legs, abdomen, and genital area, alone or in groups. The lesions are rarely found on the palms of the hands or the soles of the feet. The disease is common, with an estimated prevalence of 5–11%. The disease is rare under the age of 1 year, perhaps due to maternally transmitted immunity and a long incubation period. In hot countries where children are lightly dressed and in close contact with one another, spread within households is not uncommon. The age of peak incidence is reported as between 2 and 5 years. In cooler climates, however, spread within households is rare and infection may occur at a later age, perhaps correlated with the use of swimming pools and shared bathing facilities. A later incidence peak in young adults is attributable to sexual transmission with lesions more common in the genital area [2]. Treatment modalities that have been tried are caustic destruction by cantharidin, trichloroacetic acid, diluted liquefied phenol, Irritants like salicylic acid, adapalene, nitric oxide cream, potassium hydroxide, benzoyl peroxide, lemon myrtle oil, tea tree oil, Surgical irritation like cryotherapy, laser. Immunological modality like diphencyprone, imiquimod, interferon, cimetidine, intralesional immunotherapy and Surgical removal. All-trans-retinoic acid (tretinoin) is easily available as cream base thought to involve the induction of local irritation which damages the viral protein-lipid membrane [2]. Povidone iodine is used primarily in Dermatology as a surgical preparation, as it has been recognized as a broad-spectrum, resistance-free biocidal agent for many years. Povidone iodine also has a long track record of safety and tolerability given its extensive history of use in the operating room. Although incompletely understood, it is likely that free iodine poisons electron transport, inhibits cellular respiration, destabilizes membranes, inhibits protein synthesis, and denatures nucleic acids. Although Povidone iodine kills micro-organisms including bacteria, viruses, yeasts, molds, fungi, and protozoa, it has scarcely been used for purposes outside of skin asepsis in Dermatology. DMSO is currently FDA approved for the treatment of interstitial cystitis. DMSO is also a very effective pharmaceutical vehicle, greatly enhancing percutaneous penetration when used in combination with other substances [3]. Although it is a self limiting condition, a decision may be made in favor of active therapy to prevent further spread, relieve symptoms, to prevent scarring and for cosmetic and social reasons. The current treatment modalities include physical destruction of the lesion by curettage, cryosurgery or manual expression and topical application of caustic agents such as trichloroacetic acid, cantharidin, silver nitrate etc [4]. These therapeutic approaches have to be undertaken in a hospital setup and are not well tolerated by children owing to substantial pain and fear. In addition, these can also result in scarring and abscess formation [5]. Topical application of povidine iodine solution and 0.05% Tretinoin cream are two relatively painless modalities that have been used. Although tretinoin 0.05% cream which is commonly used, have shown different efficacy and safety profile in different studies, there are very few studies using povidone iodine and comparing the two. Hence this study was undertaken in view of comparing the safety and efficacy of the above two modalities in treating molluscum contagiosum. MATERIALS AND METHODS Double blinded randomized control study was conducted among 40 patients who attended Out Patient Department (OPD) of Dermatology Venereology and Leprosy Department, Hassan Institute of Medical Sciences Hassan, during the period of august 2019 to January 2020. Patients with Molluscum contagiosum more than 1 year of age and not taken any treatment for past 3 months were included in the study. Pregnant, lactating women, patients with more than 25 lesions, patients with lesion involving eyelid, patients with secondary infection and those who have history of hypersensitivity to Povidine iodine or Tretinoin were excluded from the study. 40 patients satisfying inclusion and exclusion criteria were recruited irrespective of sex, duration and response of disease to previous therapies. 40 patients were allocated randomly to group 1 and 2. In group 1, 20 patients were treated with povidone iodine with dimethyl sulfoxide and in group 2: 20 patients were treated with 0.05% tretinoin. A detailed history was obtained, and a thorough general, systemic and cutaneous examination was done. Information regarding age, sex, number of lesions, duration of illness, site of involvement, family history, history of atopy and previous treatment were collected. Patients were randomly divided into two groups; 20 each for povidone iodine with dimethyl sulfoxide solution and 0.05% Tretinoin cream group. Parents or guardians were advised to apply petroleum jelly around the lesions followed by application of the above medication to the centre of the lesion using a cotton swab, to be applied once every day at bed time for 4 weeks. If accidental spillage occurred, they were advised to wash the skin with water immediately. Parents were asked to report local (erythema, itching, burning, pain, erosion, crusting) and systemic (fever, flu like illness, diarrhoea, mylagia) side effects immediately. Follow up assessment was done every week for 4 weeks. At each follow up visit, clinical assessment of lesion, photographic assessment of lesion and any side effects were noted. Efficacy assessment was done by weekly examination of patient every week for 4 weeks. In each visit complete remission of number of lesions were noted in both groups and photographic assessment was done. Photographic assessment was done based on resolution of number of lesion in each follow up visit for 4 weeks. Any side effects present were noted at each visit. Statistical Analysis Data was entered in Microsoft Excel and SPSS software was used for the analysis. Results were expressed in percentages and proportions. Chi- square test, unpaired T- test, was used for analysis Ethics Statement Study was conducted after taking ethical committee clearance.

Introduction: Brutal?The word “brutal” has associations with cruelty, inhumanity, and aggression. Within the field of architecture, however, the term “Brutalism” refers to a post-World War II Modernist style, deriving from the French phrase betón brut, which means raw concrete (Clement 18). Core traits of Brutalism include functionalist design, daring geometry, overbearing scale, and the blatant exposure of structural materials, chiefly concrete and steel (Meades 1).The emergence of Brutalism coincided with chronic housing shortages in European countries ravaged by World War II (Power 5) and government-sponsored slum clearance in the UK (Power 190; Baker). Brutalism’s promise to accommodate an astonishing number of civilians within a minimal area through high-rise configurations and elevated walkways was alluring to architects and city planners (High Rise Dreams). Concrete was the material of choice due to its affordability, durability, and versatility; it also allowed buildings to be erected quickly (Allen and Iano 622).The Brutalist style was used for cultural centres, such as the Perth Concert Hall in Western Australia, educational institutions such as the Yale School of Architecture, and government buildings such as the Secretariat Building in Chandigarh, India. However, as pioneering Brutalist architect Alison Smithson explained, the style achieved full expression by “thinking on a much bigger scale somehow than if you only got [sic] one house to do” (Smithson and Smithson, Conversation 40). Brutalism, therefore, lent itself to the design of large residential complexes. It was consequently used worldwide for public housing developments, that is, residences built by a government authority with the aim of providing affordable housing. Notable examples include the Western City Gate in Belgrade, Serbia, and Habitat 67 in Montreal, Canada.Brutalist architecture polarised opinion and continues to do so to this day. On the one hand, protected cultural heritage status has been awarded to some Brutalist buildings (Carter; Glancey) and the style remains extremely influential, for example in the recent award-winning work of architect Zaha Hadid (Niesewand). On the other hand, the public housing projects associated with Brutalism are widely perceived as failures (The Great British Housing Disaster). Many Brutalist objects currently at risk of demolition are social housing estates, such as the Smithsons’ Robin Hood Gardens in London, UK. Whether the blame for the demise of such housing developments lies with architects, inhabitants, or local government has been widely debated. In the UK and USA, local authorities had relocated families of predominantly lower socio-economic status into the newly completed developments, but were unable or unwilling to finance subsequent maintenance and security costs (Hanley 115; R. Carroll; The Pruitt-Igoe Myth). Consequently, the residents became fearful of criminal activity in staircases and corridors that lacked “defensible space” (Newman 9), which undermined a vision of “streets in the sky” (Moran 615).In spite of its later problems, Brutalism’s architects had intended to develop a style that expressed 1950s contemporary living in an authentic manner. To them, this meant exposing building materials in their “raw” state and creating an aesthetic for an age of science, machine mass production, and consumerism (Stadler 264; 267; Smithson and Smithson, But Today 44). Corporeal sensations did not feature in this “machine” aesthetic (Dalrymple). Exceptionally, acclaimed Brutalist architect Ernö Goldfinger discussed how “visual sensation,” “sound and touch with smell,” and “the physical touch of the walls of a narrow passage” contributed to “sensations of space” within architecture (Goldfinger 48). However, the effects of residing within Brutalist objects may not have quite conformed to predictions, since Goldfinger moved out of his Brutalist construction, Balfron Tower, after two months, to live in a terraced house (Hanley 112).An abstract perspective that favours theorisation over subjective experiences characterises discourse on Brutalist social housing developments to this day (Singh). There are limited data on the everyday lived experience of residents of Brutalist social housing estates, both then and now (for exceptions, see Hanley; The Pruitt-Igoe Myth; Cooper et al.).Yet, our bodily interaction with the objects around us shapes our lived experience. On a broader physical scale, this includes the structures within which we live and work. The importance of the interaction between architecture and embodied being is increasingly recognised. Today, architecture is described in corporeal terms—for example, as a “skin” that surrounds and protects its human inhabitants (Manan and Smith 37; Armstrong 77). Biological processes are also inspiring new architectural approaches, such as synthetic building materials with life-like biochemical properties (Armstrong 79), and structures that exhibit emergent behaviour in response to human presence, like a living system (Biloria 76).In this article, we employ an autoethnographic perspective to explore the corporeal effects of Brutalist buildings, thereby revealing a new dimension to the anthropological significance of these controversial structures. We trace how they shape the physicality of the bodies interacting within them. Our approach is one step towards considering the historically under-appreciated subjective, corporeal experience elicited in interaction with Brutalist objects.Method: An Autoethnographic ApproachAutoethnography is a form of self-narrative research that connects the researcher’s personal experience to wider cultural understandings (Ellis 31; Johnson). It can be analytical (Anderson 374) or emotionally evocative (Denzin 426).We investigated two Brutalist residential estates in London, UK:(i) The Barbican Estate: This was devised to redevelop London’s severely bombed post-WWII Cripplegate area, combining private residences for middle class professionals with an assortment of amenities including a concert hall, library, conservatory, and school. It was designed by architects Chamberlin, Powell, and Bon. Opened in 1982, the Estate polarised opinion on its aesthetic qualities but has enjoyed success with residents and visitors. The development now comprises extremely expensive housing (Brophy). It was Grade II-listed in 2001 (Glancey), indicating a status of architectural preservation that restricts alterations to significant buildings.(ii) Trellick Tower: This was built to replace dilapidated 19th-century housing in the North Kensington area. It was designed by Hungarian-born architect Ernő Goldfinger to be a social housing development and was completed in 1972. During the 1980s and 1990s, it became known as the “Tower of Terror” due to its high level of crime (Hanley 113). Nevertheless, Trellick Tower was granted Grade II listed status in 1998 (Carter), and subsequent improvements have increased its desirability as a residence (R. Carroll).We explored the grounds, communal spaces, and one dwelling within each structure, independently recording our corporeal impressions and sensations in detailed notes, which formed the basis of longhand journals written afterwards. Our analysis was developed through co-constructed autoethnographic reflection (emerald and Carpenter 748).For reasons of space, one full journal entry is presented for each Brutalist structure, with an excerpt from each remaining journal presented in the subsequent analysis. To identify quotations from our journals, we use the codes R- and N- to refer to RB’s and NC’s journals, respectively; we use -B and -T to refer to the Barbican Estate and Trellick Tower, respectively.The Barbican Estate: Autoethnographic JournalAn intricate concrete world emerges almost without warning from the throng of glass office blocks and commercial buildings that make up the City of London's Square Mile. The Barbican Estate comprises a multitude of low-rise buildings, a glass conservatory, and three enormous high-rise towers. Each modular building component is finished in the same coarse concrete with burnished brick underfoot, whilst the entire structure is elevated above ground level by enormous concrete stilts. Plants hang from residential balconies over glimmering pools in a manner evocative of concrete Hanging Gardens of Babylon.Figure 1. Barbican Estate Figure 2. Cromwell Tower from below, Barbican Estate. Figure 3: The stairwell, Cromwell Tower, Barbican Estate. Figure 4. Lift button pods, Cromwell Tower, Barbican Estate.R’s journalMy first footsteps upon the Barbican Estate are elevated two storeys above the street below, and already an eerie calm settles on me. The noise of traffic and the bustle of pedestrians have seemingly been left far behind, and a path of polished brown brick has replaced the paving slabs of the city's pavement. I am made more aware of the sound of my shoes upon the ground as I take each step through the serenity.Running my hands along the walkway's concrete sides as we proceed further into the estate I feel its coarseness, and look up to imagine the same sensation touching the uppermost balcony of the towers. As we travel, the cold nature and relentless employ of concrete takes over and quickly becomes the norm.Our route takes us through the Barbican's central Arts building and into the Conservatory, a space full of plant-life and water features. The noise of rushing water comes as a shock, and I'm reminded just how hauntingly peaceful the atmosphere of the outside estate has been. As we leave the conservatory, the hush returns and we follow another walkway, this time allowing a balcony-like view over the edge of the estate. I'm quickly absorbed by a sensation I can liken only to peering down at the ground from a concrete cloud as we observe the pedestrians and traffic below.Turning back, we follow the walkways and begin our approach to Cromwell Tower, a jagged structure scraping the sky ahead of us and growing menacingly larger with every step. The estate has up till now seemed devoid of wind, but even so a cold begins to prickle my neck and I increase my speed toward the door.A high-ceilinged foyer greets us as we enter and continue to the lifts. As we push the button and wait, I am suddenly aware that carpet has replaced bricks beneath my feet. A homely sensation spreads, my breathing slows, and for a brief moment I begin to relax.We travel at heart-racing speed upwards to the 32nd floor to observe the view from the Tower's fire escape stairwell. A brief glance over the stair's railing as we enter reveals over 30 storeys of stair casing in a hard-edged, triangular configuration. My mind reels, I take a second glance and fail once again to achieve focus on the speck of ground at the bottom far below. After appreciating the eastward view from the adjacent window that encompasses almost the entirety of Central London, we make our way to a 23rd floor apartment.Entering the dwelling, we explore from room to room before reaching the balcony of the apartment's main living space. Looking sheepishly from the ledge, nothing short of a genuine concrete fortress stretches out beneath us in all directions. The spirit and commotion of London as I know it seems yet more distant as we gaze at the now miniaturized buildings. An impression of self-satisfied confidence dawns on me. The fortress where we stand offers security, elevation, sanctuary and I'm furnished with the power to view London's chaos at such a distance that it's almost silent.As we leave the apartment, I am shadowed by the same inherent air of tranquillity, pressing yet another futuristic lift access button, plummeting silently back towards the ground, and padding across the foyer's soft carpet to pursue our exit route through the estate's sky-suspended walkways, back to the bustle of regular London civilization.Trellick Tower: Autoethnographic JournalThe concrete majesty of Trellick Tower is visible from Westbourne Park, the nearest Tube station. The Tower dominates the skyline, soaring above its neighbouring estate, cafes, and shops. As one nears the Tower, the south face becomes visible, revealing the suspended corridors that join the service tower to the main body of flats. Light of all shades and colours pours from its tightly stacked dwellings, which stretch up into the sky. Figure 5. Trellick Tower, South face. Figure 6. Balcony in a 27th-floor flat, Trellick Tower.N’s journalOutside the tower, I sense danger and experience a heightened sense of awareness. A thorny frame of metal poles holds up the tower’s facade, each pole poised as if to slip down and impale me as I enter the building.At first, the tower is too big for comprehension; the scale is unnatural, gigantic. I feel small and quite squashable in comparison. Swathes of unmarked concrete surround the tower, walls that are just too high to see over. Who or what are they hiding? I feel uncertain about what is around me.It takes some time to reach the 27th floor, even though the lift only stops on every 3rd floor. I feel the forces of acceleration exert their pressure on me as we rise. The lift is very quiet.Looking through the windows on the 27th-floor walkway that connects the lift tower to the main building, I realise how high up I am. I can see fog. The city moves and modulates beneath me. It is so far away, and I can’t reach it. I’m suspended, isolated, cut off in the air, as if floating in space.The buildings underneath appear tiny in comparison to me, but I know I’m tiny compared to this building. It’s a dichotomy, an internal tension, and feels quite unreal.The sound of the wind in the corridors is a constant whine.In the flat, the large kitchen window above the sink opens directly onto the narrow, low-ceilinged corridor, on the other side of which, through a second window, I again see London far beneath. People pass by here to reach their front doors, moving so close to the kitchen window that you could touch them while you’re washing up, if it weren’t for the glass. Eye contact is possible with a neighbour, or a stranger. I am close to that which I’m normally separated from, but at the same time I’m far from what I could normally access.On the balcony, I have a strong sensation of vertigo. We are so high up that we cannot be seen by the city and we cannot see others. I feel physically cut off from the world and realise that I’m dependent on the lift or endlessly spiralling stairs to reach it again.Materials: sharp edges, rough concrete, is abrasive to my skin, not warm or welcoming. Sharp little stones are embedded in some places. I mind not to brush close against them.Behind the tower is a mysterious dark maze of sharp turns that I can’t see around, and dark, narrow walkways that confine me to straight movements on sloping ramps.“Relentless Employ of Concrete:” Body versus Stone and HeightThe “relentless employ of concrete” (R-B) in the Barbican Estate and Trellick Tower determined our physical interactions with these Brutalist objects. Our attention was first directed towards texture: rough, abrasive, sharp, frictive. Raw concrete’s potential to damage skin, should one fall or brush too hard against it, made our bodies vulnerable. Simultaneously, the ubiquitous grey colour and the constant cold anaesthetised our senses.As we continued to explore, the constant presence of concrete, metal gratings, wire, and reinforced glass affected our real and imagined corporeal potentialities. Bodies are powerless against these materials, such that, in these buildings, you can only go where you are allowed to go by design, and there are no other options.Conversely, the strength of concrete also has a corporeal manifestation through a sense of increased physical security. To R, standing within the “concrete fortress” of the Barbican Estate, the object offered “security, elevation, sanctuary,” and even “power” (R-B).The heights of the Barbican’s towers (123 metres) and Trellick Tower (93 metres) were physically overwhelming when first encountered. We both felt that these menacing, jagged towers dominated our bodies.Excerpt from R’s journal (Trellick Tower)Gaining access to the apartment, we begin to explore from room to room. As we proceed through to the main living area we spot the balcony and I am suddenly aware that, in a short space of time, I had abandoned the knowledge that some 26 floors lay below me. My balance is again shaken and I dig my heels into the laminate flooring, as if to achieve some imaginary extra purchase.What are the consequences of extreme height on the body? Certainly, there is the possibility of a lethal fall and those with vertigo or who fear heights would feel uncomfortable. We discovered that height also affects physical instantiation in many other ways, both empowering and destabilising.Distance from ground-level bustle contributed to a profound silence and sense of calm. Areas of intermediate height, such as elevated communal walkways, enhanced our sensory abilities by granting the advantage of observation from above.Extreme heights, however, limited our ability to sense the outside world, placing objects beyond our range of visual focus, and setting up a “bizarre segregation” (R-T) between our physical presence and that of the rest of the world. Height also limited potentialities of movement: no longer self-sufficient, we depended on a working lift to regain access to the ground and the rest of the city. In the lift itself, our bodies passively endured a cycle of opposing forces as we plummeted up or down numerous storeys in mere seconds.At both locations, N noticed how extreme height altered her relative body size: for example, “London looks really small. I have become huge compared to the tiny city” (N-B). As such, the building’s lift could be likened to a cake or potion from Lewis Carroll’s Alice in Wonderland. This illustrates how the heuristics that we use to discern visual perspective and object size, which are determined by the environment in which we live (Segall et al.), can be undermined by the unusual scales and distances found in Brutalist structures.Excerpt from N’s journal (Barbican Estate)Warning: These buildings give you AFTER-EFFECTS. On the way home, the size of other buildings seems tiny, perspectives feel strange; all the scales seem to have been re-scaled. I had to become re-used to the sensation of travelling on public trains, after travelling in the tower lifts.We both experienced perceptual after-effects from the disproportional perspectives of Brutalist spaces. Brutalist structures thus have the power to affect physical sensations even when the body is no longer in direct interaction with them!“Challenge to Privacy:” Intersubjective Ideals in Brutalist DesignAs embodied beings, our corporeal manifestations are the primary transducers of our interactions with other people, who in turn contribute to our own body schema construction (Joas). Architects of Brutalist habitats aimed to create residential utopias, but we found that the impact of their designs on intersubjective corporeality were often incoherent and contradictory. Brutalist structures positioned us at two extremes in relation to the bodies of others, forcing either an uncomfortable intersection of personal space or, conversely, excessive separation.The confined spaces of the lifts, and ubiquitous narrow, low-ceilinged corridors produced uncomfortable overlaps in the personal space of the individuals present. We were fascinated by the design of the flat in Trellick Tower, where the large kitchen window opened out directly onto the narrow 27th-floor corridor, as described in N’s journal. This enforced a physical “challenge to privacy” (R-T), although the original aim may have been to promote a sense of community in the “streets in the sky” (Moran 615). The inter-slotting of hundreds of flats in Trellick Tower led to “a multitude of different cooking aromas from neighbouring flats” (R-T) and hence a direct sensing of the closeness of other people’s corporeal activities, such as eating.By contrast, enormous heights and scales constantly placed other people out of sight, out of hearing, and out of reach. Sharp-angled walkways and blind alleys rendered other bodies invisible even when they were near. In the Barbican Estate, huge concrete columns, behind which one could hide, instilled a sense of unease.We also considered the intersubjective interaction between the Brutalist architect-designer and the inhabitant. The elements of futuristic design—such as the “spaceship”-like pods for lift buttons in Cromwell Tower (N-B)—reconstruct the inhabitant’s physicality as alien relative to the Brutalist building, and by extension, to the city that commissioned it.ReflectionsThe strength of the autoethnographic approach is also its limitation (Chang 54); it is an individual’s subjective perspective, and as such we cannot experience or represent the full range of corporeal effects of Brutalist designs. Corporeal experience is informed by myriad factors, including age, body size, and ability or disability. Since we only visited these structures, rather than lived in them, we could have experienced heightened sensations that would become normalised through familiarity over time. Class dynamics, including previous residences and, importantly, the amount of choice that one has over where one lives, would also affect this experience. For a full perspective, further data on the everyday lived experiences of residents from a range of different backgrounds are necessary.R’s reflectionDespite researching Brutalist architecture for years, I was unprepared for the true corporeal experience of exploring these buildings. Reading back through my journals, I'm struck by an evident conflict between stylistic admiration and physical uneasiness. I feel I have gained a sympathetic perspective on the notion of residing in the structures day-to-day.Nevertheless, analysing Brutalist objects through a corporeal perspective helped to further our understanding of the experience of living within them in a way that abstract thought could never have done. Our reflections also emphasise the tension between the physical and the psychological, whereby corporeal struggle intertwines with an abstract, aesthetic admiration of the Brutalist objects.N’s reflectionIt was a wonderful experience to explore these extraordinary buildings with an inward focus on my own physical sensations and an outward focus on my body’s interaction with others. On re-reading my journals, I was surprised by the negativity that pervaded my descriptions. How does physical discomfort and alienation translate into cognitive pleasure, or delight?ConclusionBrutalist objects shape corporeality in fundamental and sometimes contradictory ways. The range of visual and somatosensory experiences is narrowed by the ubiquitous use of raw concrete and metal. Materials that damage skin combine with lethal heights to emphasise corporeal vulnerability. The body’s movements and sensations of the external world are alternately limited or extended by extreme heights and scales, which also dominate the human frame and undermine normal heuristics of perception. Simultaneously, the structures endow a sense of physical stability, security, and even power. By positioning multiple corporealities in extremes of overlap or segregation, Brutalist objects constitute a unique challenge to both physical privacy and intersubjective potentiality.Recognising these effects on embodied being enhances our current understanding of the impact of Brutalist residences on corporeal sensation. This can inform the future design of residential estates. Our autoethnographic findings are also in line with the suggestion that Brutalist structures can be “appreciated as challenging, enlivening environments” exactly because they demand “physical and perceptual exertion” (Sroat). Instead of being demolished, Brutalist objects that are no longer considered appropriate as residences could be repurposed for creative, cultural, or academic use, where their challenging corporeal effects could contribute to a stimulating or even thrilling environment.ReferencesAllen, Edward, and Joseph Iano. Fundamentals of Building Construction: Materials and Methods. 6th ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons, 2013.Anderson, Leon. “Analytic Autoethnography.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 35.4 (2006): 373-95.Armstrong, Rachel. “Biological Architecture.” Forward, The Architecture and Design Journal of the National Associates Committee: Architecture and the Body Spring (2010): 77-79.Baker, Shirley. “The Streets Belong to Us: Shirley Baker’s 1960s Manchester in Pictures.” The Guardian, 22 Jul. 2015. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/gallery/2015/jul/22/shirley-baker-1960s-manchester-in-pictures>.Biloria, Nimish. “Inter-Active Bodies.” Forward, The Architecture and Design Journal of the National Associates Committee: Architecture and the Body Spring (2010): 77-79.Brophy, Gwenda. “Fortress Barbican.” The Telegraph, 15 Mar. 2007. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/property/3357100/Fortress-Barbican.html>.Carroll, Lewis. Alice in Wonderland. London: Macmillan, 1865.Carroll, Rory. “How Did This Become the Height of Fashion?” The Guardian, 11 Mar. 1999. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.theguardian.com/theguardian/1999/mar/11/features11.g28>.Carter, Claire. “London Tower Blocks Given Listed Building Status.”Daily Telegraph, 10 Jul. 2013. 16 Feb. 2016<http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/property/10170663/London-tower-blocks-given-listed-building-status.html>.Chang, Heewon. Autoethnography as Method. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast, 2008.Clement, Alexander. Brutalism: Post-War British Architecture. Marlborough: Crowood Press, 2012.Cooper, Niall, Joe Fleming, Peter Marcus, Elsie Michie, Craig Russell, and Brigitte Soltau. “Lessons from Hulme.” Reports, Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 1 Sep. 1994. 16 Feb. 2016 <https://www.jrf.org.uk/report/lessons-hulme>.Dalrymple, Theodore. “The Architect as Totalitarian: Le Corbusier’s Baleful Influence.” Oh to Be in England. The City Journal, Autumn 2009. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.city-journal.org/2009/19_4_otbie-le-corbusier.html>.Denzin, Norman K. “Analytic Autoethnography, or Déjà Vu All Over Again.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 35.4 (2006): 419-28.Ellis, Carolyn. The Ethnographic I: A Methodological Novel about Autoethnography. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 2004.emerald, elke, and Lorelei Carpenter. “Vulnerability and Emotions in Research: Risks, Dilemmas, and Doubts.” Qualitative Inquiry 21.8 (2015): 741-50.Glancey, Jonathan. “A Great Place To Live.” The Guardian, 7 Sep. 2001. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.theguardian.com/education/2001/sep/07/arts.highereducation>.Goldfinger, Ernö. “The Sensation of Space,” reprinted in Dunnet, James and Gavin Stamp, Ernö Goldfinger. London: Architectural Association Press, 1983.Hanley, Lynsey. Estates: An Intimate History. London: Granta, 2012.“High Rise Dreams.” Time Shift. BB4, Bristol. 19 Jun. 2003.Joas, Hans. “The Intersubjective Constitution of the Body-Image.” Human Studies 6.1 (1983): 197-204.Johnson, Sophia A. “‘Getting Personal’: Contemplating Changes in Intersubjectivity, Methodology and Ethnography.” M/C Journal 18.5 (2015).Manan, Mohd. S.A., and Chris L. Smith. “Beyond Building: Architecture through the Human Body.” Alam Cipta: International Journal on Sustainable Tropical Design Research and Practice 5.1 (2012): 35-42.Meades, Jonathan. “The Incredible Hulks: Jonathan Meades’ A-Z of Brutalism.” The Guardian, 13 Feb. 2014. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2014/feb/13/jonathan-meades-brutalism-a-z>.Moran, Joe. “Housing, Memory and Everyday Life in Contemporary Britain.” Cultural Studies 18.4 (2004): 607-27.Newman, Oscar. Creating Defensible Space. U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), 1996.Niesewand, Nonie. “Architecture: What Zaha Hadid Next.” The Independent, 1 Oct. 1998. 16Feb. 2016 <http://www.independent.co.uk/arts-entertainment/architecture-what-zaha-hadid-next-1175631.html>.Power, Anne. Hovels to Highrise: State Housing in Europe Since 1850. Taylor & Francis, 2005.Segall, Marshall H., Donald T. Campbell, and Melville J. Herskovits. “Cultural Differences in the Perception of Geometric Illusions.” Science 139.3556 (1963): 769-71.Singh, Anita. “Lord Rogers Would Live on This Estate? Let Him Be Our Guest.” The Telegraph, 20 Jun. 2015. 16 Feb. 2016 <http://www.telegraph.co.uk/culture/art/architecture/11687078/Lord-Rogers-would-live-on-this-estate-Let-him-be-our-guest.html>.Smithson, Alison, and Peter Smithson. “But Today We Collect Ads.” Reprinted in L’Architecture Aujourd’hui Jan./Feb (2003): 44.Smithson, Alison, and Peter Smithson. “Conversation with Jane Drew and Maxwell Fry.” Zodiac 4 (1959): 73-81.Sroat, Helen. “Brutalism: An Architecture of Exhilaration.” Presentation at the Paul Rudolph Symposium. University of Massachusetts Dartmouth, MA, 13 Apr. 2005. Stadler, Laurent. “‘New Brutalism’, ‘Topology’ and ‘Image:’ Some Remarks on the Architectural Debates in England around 1950.” The Journal of Architecture 13.3 (2008): 263-81.The Great British Housing Disaster. Dir. Adam Curtis. BBC Documentaries. BBC, London. 4 Sep. 1984.The Pruitt-Igoe Myth. Dir. Chad Friedrichs. First Run Features, 2012.