Journal articles: 'Conventional Political Participation'

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Kaim, Marcin. "Rethinking Modes of Political Participation." Democratic Theory 8, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2021.080104.

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Political participation is frequently defined as either being conventional or unconventional. This distinction is based on dualistic thinking. Participation is likened to other dualisms, such as legal–illegal, collective–individual, and unity–plurality. Drawing on Niklas Luhmann’s system theory, I argue that understanding political participation in terms of dualisms is reductive, as it overlooks those acts of participation that do not fit the conventional–unconventional distinction. To address this issue, the article introduces the notion of alternative political participation. This category is established by conceiving the existing dualism between conventional and unconventional political participation as a continuum of options existing between polar opposites.

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Reichert, Frank. "How internal political efficacy translates political knowledge into political participation: Evidence from Germany." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 12, no. 2 (May 31, 2016): 221–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v12i2.1095.

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This study presents evidence for the mediation effect of political knowledge through political self-efficacy (i.e. internal political efficacy) in the prediction of political participation. It employs an action theoretic approach—by and large grounded on the Theory of Planned Behaviour—and uses data from the German Longitudinal Election Study to examine whether political knowledge has distinct direct effects on voting, conventional, and/or unconventional political participation. It argues that political knowledge raises internal political efficacy and thereby indirectly increases the chance that a citizen will participate in politics. The results of mediated multiple regression analyses yield evidence that political knowledge indeed translates into internal political efficacy, thus it affects political participation of various kinds indirectly. However, internal political efficacy and intentions to participate politically yield simultaneous direct effects only on conventional political participation. Sequentially mediated effects appear for voting and conventional political participation, with political knowledge being mediated by internal political efficacy and subsequently also by behavioural intentions. The mediation patterns for unconventional political participation are less clear though. The discussion accounts for restrictions of this study and points to questions for answer by future research.

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Adugu, Emmanuel, and Pearson A. Broome. "Exploring Factors Associated With Digital and Conventional Political Participation in the Caribbean." International Journal of E-Politics 9, no. 2 (April 2018): 35–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijep.2018040103.

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The use of social media is becoming a feature of political engagement in the Caribbean. This article investigates factors associated with digital and conventional political participation in Jamaica, Trinidad & Tobago, Guyana, Surinam and Haiti using 2012 AmericasBarometer dataset. Based on logistic regression, attitudinal factors positively associated with digital political participation are: political understanding, support for democracy, conventional political participation, and internet usage. Digital political action is less likely for the politically tolerant. Engagement in protest is positively associated with digital political action, signing petition, greater levels of education, being male but less likely for those who use the internet. These findings demonstrate that digital political action and conventional political participation are mutually reinforcing.

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Lee, Jae Chul. "Comparison of Political Participation : Conventional and Unconventional Political Participations in the Metropolitan Area of Korea." JOURNAL OF CONTEMPORARY POLITICS 12, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 35–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.52594/jcp.2019.12.12.3.35.

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Str⊘msnes, Kristin. "Political Consumerism: A Substitute for or Supplement to Conventional Political Participation?" Journal of Civil Society 5, no. 3 (December 2009): 303–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17448680903351834.

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Persson, Mikael. "Education and Political Participation." British Journal of Political Science 45, no. 3 (November 22, 2013): 689–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123413000409.

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What affects who participates in politics? In most studies of political behaviour it is found that individuals with higher education participate to a larger extent in political activities than individuals with lower education. According to conventional wisdom, education is supposed to increases civic skills and political knowledge that functions as the causal mechanisms triggering participation. However, recently a number of studies have started dealing with the question of whether education is a direct cause for political participation or merely works as a proxy for other factors, such as pre-adult socialization or social network centrality. This review article provides an introduction and critical discussion of this debate.

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Bee, Cristiano, and Ayhan Kaya. "Conventional versus non-conventional political participation in Turkey: dimensions, means, and consequences." Turkish Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 1–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14683849.2016.1272049.

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Chavez, Jenina Joy. "Challenging conventional (political) wisdom: revaluing democratic participation and representation." Philippine Political Science Journal 35, no. 2 (July 3, 2014): 269–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01154451.2014.964797.

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Adugu, Emmanuel. "Political Consumption as Supplement to Conventional Political Participation in Promoting Social Change." International Journal of Information Systems and Social Change 7, no. 1 (January 2016): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijissc.2016010103.

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Research indicates that individual consumers with food safety, environmental and ethical concerns regarding the provisioning of food may be motivated to use the marketplace as a site for political action to promote social change—a phenomenon known as political consumption (PC). Using data from Ohio 2007 Survey of Food, Farming and Environment, this research examined individual level attributes shaping engagement in PC and conventional political action. Findings based on logistic regression analyses, reveal that engagement in conventional political behavior is positively related to the likelihood of engagement in political consumption. This suggests that engagement in conventional political action and political consumption are not mutually exclusive. The main factors associated with engagement in political consumption are: knowledge about food production, environmental and food safety concerns. These findings suggest that consumers with concerns about the organization and character of food production believe they can create social changes via their consumptive decisions.

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Graziano, Paolo R., and Francesca Forno. "Political Consumerism and New Forms of Political Participation." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, no. 1 (October 3, 2012): 121–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212454839.

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Political consumerism has become one of the most promising research fields in social movement and political participation studies. However, most research has focused mainly on the more personalized and less collective version of such forms of action, leaving largely unexplored the nature and dynamic of some new local grassroots organizations (such as the so-called Gruppi di Acquisto Solidale, or Solidarity Purchasing Groups [SPGs] in Italy). The influence of such forms of political participation in contemporary democracies has been scarcely investigated. The aim of this article is to provide an in-depth exploratory case study of SPGs in Italy, which more specifically focuses on the main definitional, organizational, and sociodemographic features of SPG participation. The article shows that the Italian SPGs are locally based hybrid pressure movements that go beyond conventional forms of political consumerism by adopting innovative organizational and participatory tools.

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Hayes, Bernadette C., and Clive S. Bean. "Gender and Local Political Interest: Some International Comparisons." Political Studies 41, no. 4 (December 1993): 672–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01665.x.

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Since the 1970s, political science research suggests no significant gender differences in overall levels of participation. For example, an examination of current rates of conventional political participation and voter turnout indicates little difference between men and women in either the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, Italy or other western industrial nations.1 Despite this disappearance of gender differences in political participation, however, both national and international research suggests an enduring gender gap in political interest. Regardless of country of origin, women remain less politically interested than men.2

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Alaminos, Antonio, Clemente Penalva, Luca Raffini, and Óscar Santacreu. "Cognitive mobilisation and the dynamics of political participation among EU movers." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 13, no. 2 (December 23, 2018): 467. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2018.13.2.01.

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Non-conventional participation has dramatically spread because of cultural and social change, favouring a deinstitutionalisation of politics. To verify if there is a link between this spread of non-conventional participation and the mobility of Europeans living in other European countries, we have explored the data gathered by the MOVEACT European project, including data on the political behaviour of “old Europeans” (British and Germans), and “new” Europeans” (Poles and Romanians), resident in Greece, France, Italy and Spain. Our analysis has confirmed that a plurality of variables affect the relation between movers and non-conventional participation. There are three relevant dimensions to explain the unconventional political participation of EU movers: social integration, situational context and individual characteristics. On the other hand, the key aspect to understand the non-conventional participation of EU movers is the degree of Cognitive Political Mobilisation, together with other factors such as membership of associations, family socialisation, expectations of living in the country of residence in the future or the political culture in the country of origin.

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Pavlopoulos, Vassilis, Dimitra Kostoglou, and Frosso Motti-Stefanidi. "From Political Interest to Participation in EU-related Actions: The Mediating Role of European Identity and Political Efficacy." Psychology: the Journal of the Hellenic Psychological Society 24, no. 2 (October 15, 2020): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/psy_hps.24920.

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European youth’s civic engagement and political participation in EU-related issues is a timely imperative. Research findings on youth citizenship range from political apathy to alternative forms of participation, although theoretical evidence remains poor. This study is based on empirical data from the Greek contribution to the European program CATCH-EyoU (Horizon 2020), aiming to explore different forms and predictors of youth’s civic engagement and political participation on EU-related issues. Based on social psychological theoretical background, we assumed that the expressed political interest for the EU translates to specific forms of action. Identification with the EU and perceived political efficacy/alienation were expected to mediate the above relationship. The sample consisted of 749 young adults aged 18-27 (M = 22.2, 50.7% women, 89.7% Greek citizens, 72% university students, 75.5% employed). In addition to voting, four components of political participation and civic engagement were studied, namely conventional participation (in support of political parties and goals), activism (acts of protest against the authorities), online participation (social networks), and volunteering (non-profit actions). Mediation analyses showed that the relationship between political interest and participation can be explained by different mechanisms: The sense of belonging in the EU lead to more frequent electoral participation, but to less activism and online participation. On the contrary, EU identity exploration and reconsideration contributed to increased conventional participation. Political efficacy seemed to promote activism and online participation, while political alienation tended to decrease activism. These findings reveal the multiple connotations of youth’s politicalparticipation regarding EU issues.

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Guðjohnsen, Ragný Þóra, and Sigrún Aðalbjarnardóttir. "Viðhorf ungs fólks til pólitískrar þátttöku." Veftímaritið Stjórnmál og stjórnsýsla 13, no. 2 (December 14, 2017): 287. http://dx.doi.org/10.13177/irpa.a.2017.13.2.6.

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The aim of the study is to explore young people’s attitudes towards political participation, both towards social-movement participation, such as taking part in protecting the environment and advocate for human rights; and towards more conventional participation such as voting. Their attitudes are examined in relation to their understanding of democracy, their empathy level, their parents’ support, and both their own and their parents’ conventional and social-movement participation. The study is a part of the research project, Young People’s Civic Engagement in a Democratic Society. The participants are Icelandic, age 14 and 18, in total 1042. They all responded to a questionnaire and 21 of them were interviewed. The study’s main findings were: Proportionally more young people emphasized social-movement participation than conventional participation. The more understanding they had of democracy and the higher level of empathy they expressed, the more positive attitudes they had towards social-movement participation. Furthermore, those who experienced more parental support and reported their own or their parents’ conventional and social-movement participation had more positive attitudes towards social-movement participation. Fewer factors were related to the young people’s attitudes towards conventional participation. The more girls found characteristics of democracy important, the more positive attitudes they had towards conventional participation; also, if their parents had participated in political parties. The interviews revealed that the young people felt social-participation an important way to have a voice, be active, and to have an impact on societal issues. Lack of trust towards authorities reduced their political participation. Also, they called for information about ways and fields to be active.

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Forsé, Michel, and Caroline Guibet Lafaye. "La démocratie participative et les devoirs du citoyen." European Journal of Sociology 49, no. 2 (August 2008): 173–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975608000076.

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AbstractThe analysis of the 2004 ISSP survey, limited to nine of the countries participating in this programme of representative opinion polls, shows that the way people consider the duties of a citizen are divided into four types, depending on whether the emphasis is placed on norms or on others, and whether the morality governing normative judgements about the “good” citizen is conventional or post-conventional. These different axiological directions are linked with attitudes towards participative democracy. The duty of civility, which can be associated with democratic public ethics, is approved quite widely. But a much more active participation, closed in some regards to a deliberative democracy, seems to require post-conventional morality, especially when it is founded on liberal or reasonable pluralism.

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Bartiromo, Marianna, and Enrico Ivaldi. "Political Participation in the Risk Society: The Italian Case." Journal of Risk and Financial Management 14, no. 9 (September 9, 2021): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/jrfm14090435.

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The risk society has profoundly changed our way of life. Among the social phenomena most affected by its effects is undoubtedly political participation and the degree of trust in institutions. This work aims, through the construction of two different indices, to answer the question “How does the risk society influence conventional participation and trust in institutions?”. The Indagine Multiscopo sulle famiglie and the Benessere Equo Sostenibile surveys provide a complete set of indicators to assess specific aspects of Italian daily life and well-being. This work uses a series of data from these surveys to analyze political participation and trust in institutions in Italy in 2019 at regional level using two composite indices obtained through the application of the MPI method. The result of this paper shows no particular effects of the risk society on conventional forms of political participation. Instead, the effects of the risk society are fully visible on levels of trust in institutions.

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Collinge, Michel. "La participation politique en Belgique ... : Essai de mesure des attitudes." Res Publica 32, no. 4 (December 31, 1990): 511–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v32i4.19253.

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Political participation in Belgium is analysed according to two types of political participation : conventional participation and protestation, measured by a Guttman scale. The study describes the two types of political participation in the different regions in Belgium: Flanders, Wallonia and Brussels. A comparaison with some western countries is made. Political participation in Belgium is weak. It depends on the regional division and the sociological characteristics. Moreover, political participation is linked to the Belgian traditionnal clivages.

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Putri Yolanda, Heni, and Umar Halim. "Partisipasi Politik Online Generasi Z Pada Pemilihan Presiden Indonesia 2019." CoverAge: Journal of Strategic Communication 10, no. 2 (March 29, 2020): 30–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.35814/coverage.v10i2.1381.

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The purpose of this study is to examine online political participation among Generation Z. Many previous studies have reviewed offline and onlie political participation. The offline participation is measured by conventional and non-conventional, while online participation has not been much studied in the form of dimensions. Then online participation in this study will be examined with the level of digital literacy from the concept of Digital Divide. The sample in this study amounted to 92 respondents from the students of the Faculty of Communication, University of Pancasila. Overall, results showed that online political participation in the form of instrumental and informative is mostly utilized by the majority of respondents. While the strategic participation were very few carried out by respondents (7.6% - 17.3%). The results of this study can also be concluded that participation in watching, reading and seeking political information is more done by generation Z compared to participation involving other people such as interacting and influencing people to choose certain candidates.

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Pichardo Almanzar, Nelson, Heather Sullivan-Catlin, and Glenn Deane. "Is the Political Personal? Everyday Behaviors as Forms of Environmental Movement Participation." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 3, no. 2 (October 1, 1998): 185–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.3.2.f1j01263w5623361.

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Most studies of behaviors associated with social movements focus on activists and are limited to conventional forms of social movement participation (e.g. movement organization membership and event participation). We argue for an expansion of the forms of movement participation beyond those carried out by activists to include the everyday behaviors of the general public. We examine five behaviors (conserving water, gasoline, energy, and purchasing products made from recycled materials, and purchasing such products when they are more expensive) and explore whether they are being carried out as expression of social movement adherence. Using data from a telephone survey conducted by The University at Albany's Center for Social and Demographic Analysis we explore this issue. Factoring in stated motivations for actions taken and employing continuation-ratio logistic regressions examining the relationship between forms of social movement participation (conventional vs. everyday) and movement identity, we found strong support for conceptualizing everyday behaviors as sites of social movement participation. Significant (though varying) percentages of individuals reported environmental motivations for their everyday behaviors. Additionally, results indicate that self-reported environmentalist identity is associated with both conventional movement and everyday behaviors, although the relationship with everyday behaviors is more complex. We argue that the relationship between personal identity and everyday behaviors is in part governed by the inconvenience associated with the behavior as well as the presence of alternate motivations for engaging in the behavior.

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PETROSYAN, Astghik. "Methodological Analysis of Political Participation Indicator Evaluation Tools." wisdom 2, no. 7 (December 9, 2016): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v2i7.159.

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The article analyzes issues of political participation. The article discusses main stages and features of formation of the concept of political participation in sociology and political science. Definition of political participation is offered based on the analysis of the interpretations available in professional literature. Political participation is involvement of citizens (in the broader sense including public subjects like organizations, groups, etc.) in political processes, decision making ceremonies, as well as citizen influence on the formation of political systems and institutions, their operation, drafting political decision. Several classifications of political engagement are observed: conventional and unconventional; orthodox and unorthodox, offensive; latent and evident; individual and collective; direct and indirect; acceptable active, acceptable passive, unacceptable active and unacceptable passive, and so on. Based on logical operationalization, the toolkit for political participation types and index assessment is analyzed. Proposal is made to implement a more comprehensive and sensitive chart. Some attractive results gained after employing a survey in the RA are presented.

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Wajzer, Mateusz. "Long-Term Trends in Conventional Political Participation in the Federal Republic of Germany." Historia i Polityka, no. 30 (37) (November 11, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/hip.2019.034.

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WATTS, MEREDITH W. "Orientations toward Conventional and Unconventional Participation among West German Youth." Comparative Political Studies 23, no. 3 (October 1990): 283–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414090023003001.

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Castle, Jeremiah J., Shannon Jenkins, Candice D. Ortbals, Lori Poloni-Staudinger, and J. Cherie Strachan. "The Effect of the #MeToo Movement on Political Engagement and Ambition in 2018." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 4 (June 5, 2020): 926–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912920924824.

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Conventional wisdom holds that the #MeToo movement increased awareness of sexual harassment and drove sympathizers, particularly women, to increased participation in the 2018 midterm elections. In this paper, we assess whether #MeToo increased awareness of sexual harassment, as well as whether #MeToo increased self-reported interest in various forms of political participation. Using an original dataset from October 2018, we find that although the #MeToo movement increased awareness and concern about sexual harassment and sexual assault, it did not affect interest in political participation among most Americans. We also find that the people most likely to report being aware of and mobilized by the movement were Democrats, those with high levels of political interest, and those who have personally experienced sexual harassment in professional settings. Surprisingly, in most of our models, women were no more likely to report that #MeToo increased their interest in participating than men. The results suggest that the primary effect of #MeToo may have been increasing the salience of sexual harassment and interest in political participation in 2018 among those who possessed the resources to participate and who were ideologically predisposed to support the movement’s goals from the beginning.

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Castenmiller, Peter, and Paul Dekker. "Politieke betrokkenheid en activiteit in Nederland 1973-1986." Res Publica 31, no. 1 (March 31, 1989): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v31i1.18886.

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In 1985 Cleymans showed in this journal that politica! participation in Belgium did not differ much from what was found in international research in other European countries. In this article some pieces of "conventional wisdom" in the international literature about structure and selectivity of political participation are questioned with Dutch data. Furthermore, information about participation in the Netherlands is important in itself. As neighbouring countries with close connections and interrelated histories, Belgium and Holland certainly deserve more attention as objects for comparative study. In a range of ten activities from trying to contact politicians to joining a demonstration it seems to make less and less sense to look for a polarity of conventional and unconventional participation in the Netherlands. The overall political participation since 1973 appears to remain at the same level. This finding questions popular beliefs about shifts from a rebellious beginning of the seventies to a quiet period in the second half of that decade to spectacular outbursts of unconventional political behaviour at the beginning of the eighties (new social movements) and resulting in political apathy at the moment. On a macro-level the stability of participation seems to be combined with a constant or slowly rising passive political involvement. Political involvement and participation in the 1980'sare still related with individual and social background characteristics as education, sex, age, involvement in the Labour force and religion. However, relationships are not very strong in the 1980's. Following political participation of some social categories in the 1973-1986 period, it appeared that education and leftright-selfrating are of most and possibly still growing importance. Besides the higher educated and leftisht people, public employees are the "big participators" during all the years. Students evidently lose position. The gap between the sexes seems to disappear. Whereas in Belgium working outside the home does not seem to be a factor that stimulates the participation of wamen, in the Netherlands it seems to be of an utmost importance.It turns out that there are similarities and differences in political involvement and participation between Belgium and the Netherlands. Same differences may result from the fact that Cleymans used data of 1975, whereas we used data until 1986. It is clear, however, that there have been developments in the structure andselectivity of participation in the Netherlands and it would be interesting to have more recent comparative information about Belgium.

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Henn, Matt, Mark Weinstein, and Dominic Wring. "A Generation Apart? Youth and Political Participation in Britain." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 167–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00001.

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Conventional wisdom holds that young people in Britain are alienated from politics, with some claiming that this reflects a wider crisis of legitimacy that should be met by initiatives to increase citizenship. This article addresses these areas, presenting both panel survey and focus group data from first-time voters. It concludes that, contrary to the findings from many predominantly quantitative studies of political participation, young people are interested in political matters, and do support the democratic process. However, they feel a sense of anticlimax having voted for the first time, and are critical of those who have been elected to positions of political power. If they are a generation apart, this is less to do with apathy, and more to do with their engaged scepticism about ‘formal’ politics in Britain.

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Gotlieb, Melissa R., and Chris Wells. "From Concerned Shopper to Dutiful Citizen." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 644, no. 1 (October 3, 2012): 207–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716212453265.

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Young citizens are increasingly seeking fulfillment in expressive modes of political participation, and scholars have begun to examine the implications of this trend for engagement in formal politics. While some argue that expressive practices are “crowding out” participation in more conventional civic activities, others more optimistically contend that they have expanded the political repertoires of young citizens, affording them with more opportunities to be engaged. The authors add clarity to this debate by specifying the conditions under which engagement in one particular form of expressive politics, political consumerism, is associated with conventional participation. An analysis of survey data shows that identification with other political consumers significantly enhances the relationship between political consumerism and traditional political engagement, particularly among younger generations of Americans. The authors argue that engaging in political consumerism alongside others provides an important opportunity for young citizens to develop the civic competencies necessary for engagement in the formal political sphere.

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Chan, Nathan K., and Davin L. Phoenix. "The Ties that Bind: Assessing the Effects of Political and Racial Church Homogeneity on Asian American Political Participation." Politics and Religion 13, no. 3 (May 18, 2020): 639–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s175504832000022x.

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AbstractResearch consistently emphasizes the importance of religious institutions for influencing political action among Asian Americans. The social capital literature offers two theoretical explanations for why churches increase political activity: bridging capital between different groups and bonding capital among similar groups. The latter argues that individuals who attend racially homogeneous churches are more participatory. This paper expands on these accounts by examining another aspect of bonding. That is, how does similarity in political views among church members affect Asian Americans' political participation? Results from the 2016 Collaborative Multi-Racial Post-Election Survey show that Asian Americans who attend politically homogeneous churches are more likely to vote and participate in conventional activities. The effects of racial homogeneity are limited once taking political homogeneity into consideration. These findings provide evidence that political homophily within religious organizations may facilitate the bonding of social capital between racial/ethnic minorities, and this homophily is indeed salient to democratic participation.

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Quaranta, Mario. "Repertoires of political participation: Macroeconomic conditions, socioeconomic resources, and participation gaps in Europe." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 4 (August 2018): 319–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715218800526.

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The European economic crisis has stimulated a great deal of research linking contextual macroeconomic conditions and political outputs, as conventional and unconventional political participation. Nevertheless, such research has often treated forms of political participation as independent from each other, overlooking how citizens can choose from combinations of political actions to influence politics in contexts with varying levels of macroeconomic performance. This article, instead, focuses on two common forms of participation – voting and protesting – and studies whether engagement in “repertoires” of participation – the “disengaged” (abstaining and not protesting), the “duty-based” (voting and not protesting), the “protest” (abstaining and protesting), and the “all-round” (voting and protesting) repertoires – varies according to countries’ macroeconomic conditions in Europe in 30 countries over time. This article also considers that the effect of macroeconomic conditions on repertoires of participation might depend on citizens’ socioeconomic resources – such as education, employment status, and income – with consequences for participation gaps or inequalities. Using multilevel models and data from seven rounds of the European Social Survey, this article shows that in contexts where macroeconomic conditions are worse, the probability of engaging in the “protest” repertoire increases, while the probability of engaging in the other three repertoires does not depend on the economy. In addition, the article finds that participation gaps narrow in the “disengaged” and “duty-based” repertoires in contexts with poorer macroeconomic performance, while the gaps in the “protest” and “all-round” repertoires do not change across contexts with different economic conditions.

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Hyun, Ki Deuk. "Dissenting public or engaged citizens? Predictors of general and contentious online political expression in China." Global Media and China 1, no. 4 (December 2016): 450–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2059436416687574.

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Online political engagement in China has been explained as both conventional and contentious forms of political participation. Depending on the explanations, potentially contradicting factors are assumed to promote online political engagement. To resolve this contradiction, this research distinguished general and contentious online political expression. The analyses of two datasets showed that general online political expression positively related to variables associated with conventional participation, such as personal resources, political interest, efficacy, and satisfaction with personal and China’s general economic situations. On the other hand, expression regarding contentious food safety issues was mainly explained by factors related to contentious participation such as support for alternative political ideas (i.e. freedom of expression and giving more voice to citizens) and the perception of injustice. In both datasets, political expression was positively associated with social media use for news. The results from the two studies suggest that different factors may be at work in explaining general and contentious political expression. The potential of the two different types of political expression for political change in China is discussed.

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Martínez, M. Loreto, Patricio Cumsille, Ignacio Loyola, and Juan Carlos Castillo. "Patterns of Civic and Political Commitment in Early Adolescence." Journal of Early Adolescence 40, no. 1 (January 23, 2019): 5–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0272431618824714.

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Interest in understanding how civic engagement emerges has been fueled by worries about the decline of youth participation in conventional political activities. Acknowledging the developmental nature of civic engagement, this study analyzes involvement in civic activities during early adolescence. We used latent class analysis to identify patterns of participation in a representative sample of Chilean adolescents. A four-class model was highlighted by two contrasting classes: an involved class, with high probabilities of participation, and an uninvolved class, with low probabilities of participation. A third class— volunteers—mostly participates in organizations involved in community service, religious or social causes. This type of participation conforms to the preservation of the status quo, in contrast to a more political or activist form of participation that challenges it. Classes were partially invariant by gender and socioeconomic status. Females were more prevalent in the involved class, and males in the uninvolved class. Adolescents’ interest in politics, discussion of political issues, citizenship self-efficacy, and school involvement were associated with higher odds of belonging to the involved class.

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Busenberg, George J. "Resources, Political Support, and Citizen Participation in Environmental Policy: A Reexamination of Conventional Wisdom." Society & Natural Resources 13, no. 6 (September 2000): 579–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941920050114628.

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CHANG, WEN-CHUN. "Culture, Citizenship Norms, and Political Participation: Empirical Evidence from Taiwan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 17, no. 2 (April 27, 2016): 256–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109916000062.

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AbstractThis study investigates the role of religion in shaping the norms of citizenship from a cultural perspective for an East Asian country that exhibits fundamental differences in social contexts from Western advanced democracies. Using data drawn from the Taiwan Social Change Survey, we find that the Eastern religions of Buddhism, Taoism, and Folk Religions are important for explaining the formation of the concept of being a good citizen. This study further examines the relationships between citizenship norms and various conventional and unconventional types of political participation. The empirical results herein suggest that duty-based citizenship and engaged citizenship have significant differences in their effects on political participation.

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BLATTMAN, CHRISTOPHER. "From Violence to Voting: War and Political Participation in Uganda." American Political Science Review 103, no. 2 (May 2009): 231–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090212.

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What is the political legacy of violent conflict? I present evidence for a link from past violence to increased political engagement among excombatants. The evidence comes from northern Uganda, where rebel recruitment generated quasiexperimental variation in who was conscripted by abduction. Survey data suggest that abduction leads to substantial increases in voting and community leadership, largely due to elevated levels of violence witnessed. Meanwhile, abduction and violence do not appear to affect nonpolitical participation. These patterns are not easily explained by conventional theories of participation, including mobilization by elites, differential costs, and altruistic preferences. Qualitative interviews suggest that violence may lead to personal growth and political activation, a possibility supported by psychological research on the positive effects of traumatic events. Although the generalizability of these results requires more evidence to judge, the findings challenge our understanding of political behavior and point to important new avenues of research.

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Rochira, Alessia, Evelyn De Simone, Terri Mannarini, and Sergio Salvatore. "What do we talk about when we talk about participation? Sense of community and social representations of participation." Europe’s Journal of Psychology 15, no. 2 (June 7, 2019): 312–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/ejop.v15i2.1588.

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The relationship between sense of community (SOC) and citizen participation has been extensively studied in community psychology. Connecting Social Representations and SOC theory, this study explored the lay meanings of citizen participation and its association with SOC. A word association task and a measure of territorial SOC were administered to 390 participants, and data analyzed to explore the contents of the social representations of citizen participation conveyed by the interviewees and their salience. Results revealed that different levels of SOC were associated with variations in the social representation of citizen participation. Specifically, among high-SOC participants the notion of formal political participation prevailed, while among low-SOC participants a more articulated vision emerged, encompassing social and community participation, and also conventional and non conventional types of participatory behaviors.

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Ardèvol‐Abreu, Alberto, Homero Gil de Zúñiga, and Elena Gámez. "The influence of conspiracy beliefs on conventional and unconventional forms of political participation: The mediating role of political efficacy." British Journal of Social Psychology 59, no. 2 (April 2020): 549–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/bjso.12366.

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Linssen, Rik, Peer Scheepers, Manfred te Grotenhuis, and Hans Schmeets. "Conventional and unconventional political participation in times of financial crisis in the Netherlands, 2002–2012." Acta Politica 53, no. 2 (June 29, 2017): 283–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41269-017-0051-3.

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Brooks, Rachel. "Young People and Political Participation: An Analysis of European Union Policies." Sociological Research Online 14, no. 1 (January 2009): 63–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5153/sro.1862.

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There is now widespread recognition that, far from being politically apathetic, young people across Europe are engaged in a wide range of ‘political’ activities. While turnout at national and European elections among the 18-25 age group may be low, researchers have highlighted diverse and creative new forms of political participation. In relation to young women, in particular, Harris (2005) has presented a compelling analysis of the new ‘borderspaces’ opened up between public and private domains by young women through the use of new technologies. She contends that in the face of greater surveillance and regulation brought about by the shift to neo-liberal forms of governmentality, carving out a protected space for oneself is a political act, in itself. Moreover, the creative ways in which young women across the world use such spaces – to question dominant narratives about the nature of contemporary girlhood, to resist discourses which construct young women as merely passive consumers, and to trouble conventional notions of ‘youth participation’ – are highly political. Some EU representatives have indicated an awareness of these new forms of engagement and professed a desire to develop links between them and more traditional forms of party politics and policy making (Hoskins, 2005). Nevertheless, the degree to which these sentiments have been translated into policy remains unclear. This article draws on recent documents on young people, citizenship and political participation to assess the extent to which these new spaces of young women's politics are, firstly, recognised and, secondly, valued within EU policy.

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Cleymans, Anne. "De niet-aanwezige burger midden de jaren zeventig." Res Publica 27, no. 1 (March 31, 1985): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/rp.v27i1.20381.

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The object of this article is to focus on a survey on political participation in Belgium in the mid seventies. By political participation, the author refers to a set of political activities - conventional and less conventional, electoral and pre-electoral - which are hierarchical structured on a Guttman scale.Although the research is more or less unique - in Belgian terms - in this respect, the results are at first glance compatible with earlier findings. Most Belgians are rather passive citizens; 30 % of the survey sample performs none of the activities integrated in the scale.A closer look learns that male, middle aged citizens with some education and a decent job are most involved in polities, but it reveals also that gender, age, socio-economie class and educational attainment are not the one and only reliable predictors of political activity.

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Petrosyan, Astghik. "The Features of Political Participation in Conditions of Information Society." WISDOM 12, no. 1 (June 29, 2019): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v12i1.238.

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In the 21st century the Internet and information technologies form new opportunities for political participation. The Internet wide coverage has created unprecedented opportunities for dissemination of information on social-political processes, for enlargement of the aware sector and for their active involvement in social-political processes. Use of the Internet in politics leads to the evolution of the conventional model of political participation, thus, securing the impact of broad masses on the political decision-making processes. Political Internet participation makes it possible to overcome such obstacles as time and distance. The political discourse that had acquired features of horizontal communication is turning into a multi-component, multi-lateral model of interactive communication. The article presents the role and influence of the Internet and means of electronic communication on political ongoings and participatory processes. An analysis is given on the role of the Internet and information technologies in the revolutionary events and power turnover processes of 2018 in Armenia. The author come to the conclusion that neutralization of abuses and risks of the opportunities given by continually developing technologies, supposes not only philosophical consideration but also moral and legal studies and practical mechanisms.

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Wyatt, Robert O., Joohan Kim, and Elihu Katz. "How Feeling Free to Talk Affects Ordinary Political Conversation, Purposeful Argumentation, and Civic Participation." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 77, no. 1 (March 2000): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769900007700108.

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Scholars have examined how specific opinion climates affect political discourse, but little attention has been given to how perceived freedom to talk in general is related to congenial political conversation in ordinary spaces or willingness to argue with an opponent—or how each mode of talk affects civic participation. Respondents in a nationwide survey felt free to talk about politics. Freedom to talk, issue-specific news, and newspaper use were most strongly related to ordinary political conversation. With argumentation, issue-specific news, issue-specific talk, and local opinion climate dominated. Ordinary political conversation was significantly related to conventional participation; argumentation was not.

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Gibson, Rachel K., Wainer Lusoli, and Stephen Ward. "Online Participation in the UK: Testing a ‘Contextualised’ Model of Internet Effects." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 7, no. 4 (November 2005): 561–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2005.00209.x.

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This article offers a new test of the mobilisation thesis of Internet effects on individual political participation using data from an NOP survey of 1,972 UK adults during May 2002. The analysis differs from that of previous studies in that it significantly widens the understanding of the dependent variable—online participation—as well as introducing new Internet-specific variables as explanatory factors for this new type of participation. Using this broader ‘contextualised’ model of online political activity we find support for the idea that the Internet is expanding the numbers of the politically active, specifically in terms of reaching groups that are typically inactive or less active in conventional or offline forms of politics. In drawing these conclusions our article joins with a growing body of literature calling for the re-evaluation of the so-called normalisation thesis which argues that ultimately the Internet will lead to a further narrowing of the pool of politically active citizens by reinforcing existing levels of engagement. At a broader level we consider the findings point to the need for scholars in the area to work towards a more sophisticated theoretical and empirical modelling of participation in the online environment.

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Chen, Anqi, and Yongxin Lu. "Beyond Ethnic Enclave: Social Integration of Chinese Immigrants in Paris’s “Little Asia”." Journal for Undergraduate Ethnography 10, no. 2 (October 19, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15273/jue.v10i2.10354.

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This paper studies the integration of Chinese immigrants in the Triangle de Choisy neighborhood in Paris, which is known for being an exotic hub of Chinese commercial and cultural activities. Based on Serge Paugam’s model, we investigated the social integration of Chinese residents in the neighborhood. Our ndings show that while dense social bonds allowed for better connection, our respondents are generally reluctant to address political engagement, which Paugam (2017) considers as one of the four key aspects of social integration. The apparent result seems to con rm the so-called Chinese ethics of diligent work and political indi erence. However, after closer examination, we found diverse forms of participation that have not been captured by the conventional ethnic- centric understanding of political engagement. First, universalistic welfare policies reduced incentives for community-based mobilization. Second, a high level of internal heterogeneity within the community and exclusion of ethnic-particularistic experience in mainstream politics both led to individualized, subtle forms of participation. By situating individual political choice within their particular memories and life histories and reconceptualizing minorities’ political engagement beyond ethnicity, more forms of political engagement can be understood and appreciated. Finally, we argue that the conventional ethnic-centred understanding of minority political participation needs to be challenged.

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Rowe, Pia, and David Marsh. "Between the Social and the Political." Democratic Theory 5, no. 2 (December 1, 2018): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/dt.2018.050207.

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While Wood and Flinders’ work to broaden the scope of what counts as “politics” in political science is a needed adjustment to conventional theory, it skirts an important relationship between society, the protopolitical sphere, and arena politics. We contend, in particular, that the language of everyday people articulates tensions in society, that such tensions are particularly observable online, and that this language can constitute the beginning of political action. Language can be protopolitical and should, therefore, be included in the authors’ revised theory of what counts as political participation.

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Haste, Helen, and Amy Hogan. "Beyond conventional civic participation, beyond the moral‐political divide: young people and contemporary debates about citizenship." Journal of Moral Education 35, no. 4 (December 2006): 473–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057240601012238.

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Chiu, Marcus, and Kenneth Chan. "The Politics of Citizenship Formation: Political Participation of Mental Health Service Users in Hong Kong." Asian Journal of Social Science 35, no. 2 (2007): 195–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853107x203432.

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AbstractIn Hong Kong as elsewhere, there have been calls for an active and inclusive notion of citizenship to empower people affected by mental illness service users (hereinafter users) in addition to conventional altruistic or non-discrimination principles in policy initiatives. In this paper we take a somewhat different perspective to consider how the users may contribute individually and collectively to empower themselves, and how political participation might help to re-assert the status and practice of citizenship. It shows that participation matters in the formation of citizenship for the users. We further assume that political participation is attributable to individual resources, motivations for getting involved and the presence of advocacy agencies to facilitate participation. We then proceed to analyse the level of political participation by the users and the general public based on data from two comparable surveys. We argue that voter empowerment is the most essential factor in bringing about a stronger sense of citizenship among the users. The findings will be discussed in the light of the practice of citizenship and the implications for public policy development.

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Norris, Pippa. "Gender Differences in Political Participation in Britain: Traditional, Radical and Revisionist Models." Government and Opposition 26, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 56–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1991.tb01124.x.

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IN RECENT YEARS QUESTIONS ABOUT THE EXTENT AND nature of gender differences in political participation have proved controversial. Within the literature we can identify three main perspectives. The traditional view, common in the 1950s and 1960s, was that women tended to be less involved and interested in most conventional forms of political life, whether in terms of elected office, party membership, interest group activity, or campaign work, and, to a lesser extent, in voting. The paucity of women in parliamentary elites therefore seemed consistent with their general lack of interest in political life. Debates about the causes of the participation gap tended to revolve around the relative importance of gender differences in structural life-styles (domestic constraints, socio-economic resources, and organizational affiliations) and/or political attitudes (sex role socialization, political efficacy and confidence). The traditional perspective may have become less popular but it continues to receive support from some recent studies.

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Sigurova, A. Yu. "The Right to Form Associations Enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation as a Form of Political Participation (the Case of Trade Unions)." Bulletin of Irkutsk State University. Series Political Science and Religion Studies 35 (2021): 16–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.26516/2073-3380.2021.35.16.

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The article discusses the implementation of the right to form trade unions as a form of political participation in contemporary Russian society. The right to form associations is enshrined in the Constitution of the Russian Federation and is a conventional form of political participation. The author indicated methodological aspects of this problem through the prism of the concept of “professional interest” viewed as a desire of individuals to secure oneself against possible difficulties in the process of professional self-realization in the system of labor law relations or professional activity. Joining a trade union has a rational basis, because such behavior is thought to ensure an “effective result” – restoration of the violated right, assistance in realization of the right, etc. Another important methodological point is related to the consideration of cultural factors that do not determine political participation, although they are stable over time and related to other factors. Political culture is a reflection of the current political system. This area of concern reveals grounds and contradictions that determine the existing behavioral attitudes towards consensual political participation through joining trade unions.

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Mascheroni, Giovanna. "Remediating Participation and Citizenship Practices on Social Network Sites." MedienJournal 34, no. 3 (March 27, 2017): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.24989/medienjournal.v34i3.185.

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Being mainstream places where a variety of online practices converge and are integrated, social network sites have also witnessed the emergence of grassroots and topdown political uses: from candidates’ and parties’ profiles, to single-issues campaigns’ discussion groups, to petitions and forms of ‘political fandom’, political content is now a constant presence in social media. Since social network sites are pervasive in young people’s everyday lives, questions of the efficacy of the internet in engaging disaffected youth and expanding the opportunities for participation are under debate. This paper discusses the findings of a qualitative study aimed at investigating political uses of social network sites and emerging practices of online participation among Italian youth. Participatory uses of social network sites are unevenly distributed among young people: political content tends often to be incorporated as identity marker, while other young people actively engage in citizenship practices online. Therefore, it is argued, civic and political uses of social media have to be contextualised in young people’s every day lives, especially in their ‘civic cultures’ and in the particular ‘convergent media ecology’ in which they are immersed. Depending on the civic cultures young people form and shape, and the digital literacy they develop, political uses are either a further outcome of networked individualism or the signal of new modes of participation which is mainly grassroots, non conventional and concerning identity and lifestyle choices.

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Pierre, Jon, Asbjørn Røiseland, B. Guy Peters, and Annelin Gustavsen. "Comparing local politicians’ and bureaucrats’ assessments of democratic participation: the cases of Norway and Sweden." International Review of Administrative Sciences 83, no. 4 (December 29, 2015): 658–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020852315598214.

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Given the increasing emphasis on delivery and output as a source of legitimacy for local government, how do politicians and civil servants perceive conventional, input-based channels for citizens’ influence on government in relationship to performance and output-oriented opportunities to influence public service? This article compares the attitudes of senior local politicians and civil servants in Norwegian and Swedish local authorities on these issues. The analysis draws on a data set collected among political and administrative leaders in Norwegian and Swedish local authorities. We also compare a service sector where public management reform has been extensive (care of the elderly) with a service sector where regulation and law enforcement dominates (planning and construction). The analysis suggests that there is a significant similarity between politicians’ and bureaucrats’ attitudes, although politicians accord greater importance to input-based channels of influence and to throughput than do bureaucrats. Points for practitioners Public management reform provides a new channel for clients to influence public service directly through the providers of those services and not through conventional political channels. This article studies how politicians and public servants in Norwegian and Swedish municipalities evaluate conventional and new channels for clients to influence service delivery. We also compare service sectors where such choice is extensive with areas where choice is much more constrained. Overall, we find that politicians tend to favor conventional political channels for clients’ influence whereas public servants take a more positive view of clients approaching the executive side of the local authority.

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Sanz, David, Alfonso Calera, Santiago Castaño, and Juan José Gómez-Alday. "Knowledge, participation and transparency in groundwater management." Water Policy 18, no. 1 (July 9, 2015): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wp.2015.024.

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Water in sufficient amounts and quality is essential for meeting both human and ecological needs. Most water used by mankind is destined for agriculture, and demand is steadily growing. Under this pressure, water management faces significant environmental problems. In the case of groundwater, these difficulties are exacerbated by intensive, unregulated exploitation, and the spatial distribution of wells. Challenges to current water management therefore encompass multiple levels (environmental, technological, social, economic, and political), and their solution requires focus and a range of spatial and temporal scales to ensure integrated water resource management. Knowledge, participation and transparency are all crucial to help in conflict prevention and resolution. New challenges require new technologies that can help to resolve them. This paper analyses how the coordinated use of new technologies provides important results to support decision-making in planning and water management in irrigated agriculture. This case study is especially applicable to groundwater management in large areas where conventional planning, monitoring and control methods are extremely expensive and imprecise. The specific case of the Mancha Oriental Aquifer (SE Spain) is examined as it is an area where such conventional methods have proven to be inadequate.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Conventional Political Participation'

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