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Books on the topic 'Conventional Political Participation'

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Published: 4 June 2021
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1

Ayres, Jeffrey McKelvey. Defying conventional wisdom: Political movements and popular contention against North American free trade. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998.

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2

Conventional idiocy: Why the new America is sick of old politics. New York: New American Library, 2010.

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3

Avritzer, Leonardo, Clóvis Henrique Leite de Souza, and Ramos Alfredo. Conferências nacionais: Atores, dinâmicas participativas e efetividade. Brasília: Ipea, 2013.

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4

Silva, Clovis Pires da. Participação popular e cultura política: As emendas populares na Assembléia Constituinte de 1989 em Santa Catarina. Florianópolis: Editora da UFSC, 1999.

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5

Palau. Constitutional Convention Post Convention Political Education Committee. Post 2nd Constitutional Convention Political Education Committee report: September 2008. [Ngerulmud?]: Second Palau Constitutional Convention, Post Convention Political Education Committee, 2008.

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Committee, Palau Constitutional Convention Post Convention Political Education. Post 2nd Constitutional Convention Political Education Committee report: September 2008. [Ngerulmud?]: Second Palau Constitutional Convention, Post Convention Political Education Committee, 2008.

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7

Almén, Oscar. Authoritarianism constrained: The role of local people's congresses in China. [Göteborg]: Göteborg University, 2005.

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8

Hellmyn, Morávek, ed. Mujeres hacia la Asamblea Constituyente. La Paz: Fundación de Apoyo al Parlamento y a la Participación Popular, 2005.

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9

Bolivia), Seminarios-Taller "Participación Política y. Ciudadanía de las Mujeres" (2nd Cycle 2003. Las mujeres rumbo a la asamblea constituyente : segundo ciclo de Seminarios-Taller "Participación Política y Ciudadanía de las Mujeres" Noviembre a diciembre de 2003. La Paz, Bolivia: FUNDAPPAC, 2003.

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10

Asamblea constituyente y pueblos originarios. [S.l.]: Ediciones Jach'a Uru, 2006.

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11

A elite possível: Congresso constituinte de 1988. São Paulo: Expressão & Arte Editora, 2007.

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12

Villa-Gómez, Andrés Tórrez. Asamblea constituyente en Bolivia: Simulación : una visión diversa pero conjunta de país. [Bolivia]: USAID, 2006.

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13

Martha, Oviedo Aguilar, Diez Orla de, and United States. Agency for International Development., eds. Simulación-Asamblea constituyente en Bolivia: Una visión diverse pero conjunta del país. [La Paz, Bolivia: Iniciativas Democráticas Bolivia], 2005.

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14

Horizontes de la Asamblea Constituyente. [Bolivia]: Yachaywasi, 2006.

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15

Movimiento de Mujeres Presentes en la Historia (Bolivia). Argumentación de las propuestas de las mujeres hacia la asamblea constituyente: Argmumentación y propuesta jurídica. La Paz: Movimiento de Mujeres Presentes en la Historia, 2006.

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16

Valencia, María del Pilar. Los pueblos indígenas de tierras bajas en el proceso constituyente boliviano. Santa Cruz: CEJIS, Centro de Estudios Jurídicos e Investigación Social, 2010.

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17

Los pueblos indígenas de tierras bajas en el proceso constituyente boliviano. Santa Cruz: CEJIS, Centro de Estudios Jurídicos e Investigación Social, 2010.

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18

Zakharchenko, Tatʹi︠a︡na. On the way to transparency: A comparative study on post-Soviet states and the Aarhus Convention. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2009.

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19

Agency, Canadian International Development, ed. Meaningful youth participation in international conferences: A case study of the International Conference on War-Affected Children, Winnipeg, Canada, September 2000. Hull, Quebec: Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), 2001.

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20

Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, ed. On the way to transparency: A comparative study on post-Soviet states and the Aarhus Convention. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, 2009.

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21

Mealla, Luis Tapia. Política salvaje. La Paz, Bolivia: Muela del Diablo Editores, 2008.

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22

1960-, Tapia Mealla Luis, and Prada Alcoreza Raúl, eds. La transformación pluralista del estado. La Paz: Muela del Diablo, 2007.

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23

Nations, United. The United Nations and the advancement of women, 1945-1996. New York: Dept. of Public Information, United Nations, 1996.

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24

Bee, Cristiano, and Ayhan Kaya, eds. Conventional Versus Non-conventional Political Participation in Turkey. Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351266963.

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25

Kaya, Ayhan, and Cristiano Bee. Conventional Versus Non-Conventional Political Participation in Turkey: Dimensions, Means, and Consequences. Taylor & Francis Group, 2017.

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26

Dalton, Russell J. For Richer or Poorer, Politically Speaking. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0003.

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The civic voluntarism model holds that individual skills and resources are essential in predicting who will participate in politics. The chapter reviews the theoretical literature on why skills and resources matter. Analyses of the ISSP show the wide social-status gap in all forms of political participation, especially by education levels. Income, occupation, and other status attributes have additional effects. The rising levels of political participation, and the shift to new, direct forms of action produce a wide participation gap as a function of social status. This applies to conventional political activity such as contributing funds to a cause or contacting a political official, as well as contentious forms of action such as joining a demonstration or signing a petition. This large participation gap presents a theoretical and political dilemma for contemporary democracies.
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27

Dalton, Russell J. Democracy in Unequal Terms. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198733607.003.0011.

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This chapter summarizes the results of this study: changes in social structure and participation patterns are increasing social-status-based inequality in political participation. Those with higher educational levels, incomes, or occupation have greater political voice, while lower-status individuals are less politically involved. Moreover, the politically rich are getting richer, and the politically poor are getting poorer. The chapter then discusses the implications of these results. The chapter considers claims that participation erodes governance and some form of epistocracy (rule by the knowledgeable) is preferable. Cross-national analysis shows that well-governed democracies have high levels of citizen participation, including both conventional and contentious forms of action. In addition, the size of the SES participation gap is negatively related to good governance. The conclusion discusses ways that democracies might narrow the participation gap and give voice to those citizens who need government support.
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28

Moseley, Mason W. Protest from the Top Down. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694005.003.0004.

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This chapter tests another observable implication of the protest state theory; namely that where protest has normalized as an everyday form of political voice, political elites actively mobilize demonstrators in pursuit of their goals. In other words, rather than serving only as a spontaneous political expression of the masses, protest is often orchestrated and managed by formal political organizations. I first investigate how linkages to political organizations fuel contentious behavior in protest states like Argentina and Bolivia, but are more strongly associated with conventional participation in strongly institutionalized contexts like Chile and Uruguay. Then, utilizing a unique battery of questions from the AmericasBarometer national surveys of Argentina and Bolivia, I also test the hypothesis that clientelism can motivate protest participation in a context where protest has normalized as a standard form of political voice.
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29

Beresford, Peter. Participatory Ideology. Policy Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447360490.001.0001.

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The COVID-19 pandemic, Black Lives Matter movement and renewed action against climate change all highlight the increasing gulf between narrowly based dominant political ideologies and popular demands for social justice, global health, environmentalism and human rights. This book examines for the first time the exclusionary nature of prevailing political ideologies. Bringing together theory, practice and the relationship between participation, political ideology and social welfare, the book offers a detailed critique of how the crucial move to more participatory approaches may be achieved. It is concerned with valuing people's knowledge and experience in relation to ideology, exploring its conventional social construction including counter ideology and the ideological underpinnings and relations of participation. It also offers a practical guide for change.
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30

Justicia, Bolivia Ministerio de, ed. Mujeres y hombres excluidos en la Asamblea Constituyente. La Paz: Ministerio de Justicia, 2007.

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31

Moseley, Mason W. Protest State. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190694005.001.0001.

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In the midst of an unprecedented era of democratic governments and economic prosperity, why are a record number of Latin American citizens choosing to participate in protests? This book argues that increasingly engaged citizenries, forged by economic progress and technological advances throughout the region, combined with dysfunctional political institutions have fueled more contentious modes of participation in Latin America, as citizens’ demands for government responsiveness have overwhelmed many regimes’ institutional capacity to provide it. Where weak institutions and active citizenries collide, countries can morph into “protest states,” where contentious participation becomes so common as to render it a conventional characteristic of everyday political life. Drawing on cross-national surveys from Latin America and a case study of Argentina, which includes a rich dataset of protest events and dozens of interviews with political elites and citizen activists, Moseley tests this explanation against other leading theories in the contentious politics literature. Rather than emphasizing how worsening economic conditions and mounting grievances fuel protest, this book builds the case that it is actually the improvement of economic conditions amid low-quality political institutions that lies at the root of surging contention in the region. In presenting and systematically defending this novel approach, Protest State offers a comprehensive multilevel, mixed-methods study of one of the most intriguing puzzles in Latin American politics today.
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32

Participação popular e cultura política. jose, 2000.

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33

Washington State Rainbow Coalition founding convention: The Evergreen State College, Olympia, Washington, February 10-11, 1989. [Seattle: The Coalition, 1989.

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34

Caudill, Edward. Into the Mainstream. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252038013.003.0007.

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This chapter examines how creationists were able to work their way into the political mainstream that allowed them to carve a prominent place on the national agenda from the mid-1990s to about 2005. Although the creationists lost in Dover and Kansas, the events reflected a movement that had crept from an intellectual backwater to the center of U.S, politics. Before 2005, the teaching of evolution already was designated marginal to failing in half of the states, as various legislatures and local school boards avoided, disclaimed, and renounced evolution. This chapter first considers the creationists' participation in a May 2000 congressional briefing on intelligent design before discussing how creationism became an issue in the 1996 and 2008 presidential elections and in the Republicans' presidential candidacy in 2012. It also looks at President George W. Bush's endorsement of creationism via “teach the controversy” in 2005 and the backlash against creationism in less conventional mass media. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the institutionalization of creationism led by the Discovery Institute.
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35

Red Mujeres y Economía (Bolivia), ed. Mujeres y asamblea constituyente: Sistematización de la participación de las mujeres en la construcción de la constitución política del Estado. La Paz, Bolivia: Remte, Red Boliviana de Mujeres Transformando la Economía, 2008.

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36

Coordinadora de la Mujer (Bolivia) and Red Nacional de Trabajadoras de la Información y la Comunicación (Bolivia), eds. Asamblea constituyente: Fundamentación sobre la representación y paridad de género. La Paz: Coordinadora de la Mujer, 2004.

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37

Red Mujeres y Economía (Bolivia), ed. Mujeres y asamblea constituyente: Sistematización de la participación de las mujeres en la construcción de la constitución política del Estado. La Paz, Bolivia: Remte, Red Boliviana de Mujeres Transformando la Economía, 2008.

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38

Red Mujeres y Economía (Bolivia), ed. Mujeres y asamblea constituyente: Sistematización de la participación de las mujeres en la construcción de la constitución política del Estado. La Paz, Bolivia: Remte, Red Boliviana de Mujeres Transformando la Economía, 2008.

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39

Representación Presidencial para la Asamblea Constituyente (Bolivia), ed. Base de datos de sistematización de propuestas para la Asamblea Constituyente: Manual del usuario. [La Paz]: Representación Presidencial para la Asamblea Constituyente, 2007.

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40

Costain, Anne N., and W. Douglas Costain. Protest Events and Direct Action. Edited by Holly J. McCammon, Verta Taylor, Jo Reger, and Rachel L. Einwohner. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190204204.013.19.

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This chapter reviews literature that asks the following: How do women protest? Are their protests successful? And which is more successful for women, protest or conventional politics? The distinction between protest and conventional politics is less straightforward than it first appears, since the public roles of American men and women have long been gender specific. To look at changes in the way women have used direct action and protest, the chapter examines the anti-slavery, suffrage, civil rights, and second and third wave women’s movements. Context appears to play a large role in shaping the tactics women use within these movements. Scholarship finds that, in general, protest is a necessary component of women’s efforts to achieve their goals. Future research on movements that examines the context of women’s participation across a range of issues should provide a clearer picture of the tactics open to them in specific eras.
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41

Catholic Church. Conferencia Episcopal Boliviana. Comisión Episcopal de Pastoral Social Cáritas., ed. Propuestas de la sociedad civil para una nueva Constitución Política del Estado: Encuentro departamental de [name of department]. La Paz: Comisión Episcopal de Pastoral Social, Caritas Boliviana, 2006.

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42

Catholic Church. Conferencia Episcopal Boliviana. Comisión Episcopal de Pastoral Social Cáritas., ed. Resultados del encuentro nacional proyecto camino a la Asamblea Constituyente: ¿cómo hacemos el país que queremos?. La Paz, Bolivia: Comisión Episcopal de Pastoral Social, 2006.

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43

Catholic Church. Conferencia Episcopal Boliviana. Comisión Episcopal de Pastoral Social Cáritas., ed. "Proyecto Camino a la Asamblea Constituyente" Encuentros Locales: Derechos, deberes y garantías participación ciudadana : propuesta de la sociedad civil. La Paz: Comisión Episcopal de Pastoral Social, Cáritas Boliviana, 2006.

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44

Hiskes, Richard P. Suffer the Children. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197565988.001.0001.

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This book begins with the recognition that continued practical denial of the human rights of children globally is due to the absence of any theoretical foundation justifying such rights. The goal of this book is to provide that foundation, which will depart from the eighteenth-century rationalist justification for human rights generally and provide a new conceptualization that embraces the facts of human vulnerability and capacity for promising as the real basis for all human rights. As such, children also qualify for full human rights, including to a safe environment; to dignity; and to full participation as citizens, including voting rights. The theoretical foundation of children’s human rights expands upon the “participation” rights included in the 1990 UN Convention on the Rights of the Child. Furthermore, full recognition of children’s rights alters the composition and focus of human rights to include those of future generations, group rights, and the preeminence of social and economic rights over civil and political rights.
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45

Lee, Francis L. F., and Joseph M. Chan. Media and Protest Logics in the Digital Era. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190856779.001.0001.

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Digital and social media are increasingly integrated into dynamics of protest movements. They strengthen the mobilization power of movements, extend movement networks, facilitate new modes of protest participation, and lead to the emergence of new protest formations. Meanwhile, conventional media remain an important arena where the contest for public support between protesters and their targets play out. This book examines the role of the media—understood as an integrated system composed of both conventional media institutions and digital media platforms—in the formation and dynamics of the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong in 2014. It grounds the analysis into the broad background of the rise of protest politics in Hong Kong since the early 2000s. More important, this book connects the case of the Umbrella Movement to recent theorizations of new social movement formations. It treats the Umbrella Movement as a case where connective action intervenes into a collective action campaign, leading to an extended occupation mixing old and new protest logics. The analysis shows how the media had not only empowered the protest movements in certain ways, but also introduced forces not conducive to the sustainability and efficacy of the movement. Conventional and digital media could also be used by the state to undermine protests. Through a combination of protester surveys, population surveys, analyses of news contents, and social media activities, this book reconstructs a rich and nuanced account of the Umbrella Movement, which helps shed light on numerous issues about the media-movement nexus in the digital era.
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46

Cervera, Ignacio Campoy. Spain. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786627.003.0013.

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The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) became part of the Spanish legal system on 3 May 2008, being placed at the highest normative level. Accordingly, since then the CRPD has been directly applicable by different Spanish courts, which have to interpret fundamental rights in line with CRPD. Nevertheless, the application of CRPD by different Spanish courts has not followed a smooth path. This chapter examines how the CRPD has been used by different Spanish courts, from the lower courts to the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court, focusing on the rights that have been most frequently referred to the courts: the rights to equality and non-discrimination; equal treatment as a person before the law; access to justice; personal liberty; honour, reputation and privacy; to education; an adequate standard of living; and participation in political and public life.
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47

Tarlau, Rebecca. Occupying Schools, Occupying Land. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190870324.001.0001.

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Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.
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48

Larsen, Timothy. Congregationalists. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199683710.003.0002.

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The nineteenth century was a period of remarkable advance for the Baptists in the United Kingdom. The vigour of the Baptist movement was identified with the voluntary system and the influence of their leading pulpiteers, notably Charles Haddon Spurgeon. However, Baptists were often divided on the strictness of their Calvinism, the question of whether baptism as a believer was a prerequisite for participation in Communion, and issues connected with ministerial training. By the end of the century, some Baptists led by F.B. Meyer had recognized the ministry of women as deaconesses, if not as pastors. Both domestic and foreign mission were essential to Baptist activity. The Baptist Home Missionary Society assumed an important role here, while Spurgeon’s Pastors’ College became increasingly significant in supplying domestic evangelists. Meyer played an important role in the development, within Baptist life, of interdenominational evangelism, while the Baptist Missionary Society and its secretary Joseph Angus supplied the Protestant missionary movement with the resonant phrase ‘The World for Christ in our Generation’. In addition to conversionism, Baptists were also interested in campaigning against the repression of Protestants and other religious minorities on the Continent. Baptist activities were supported by institutions: the formation of the Baptist Union in 1813 serving Particular Baptists, as well as a range of interdenominational bodies such as the Evangelical Alliance. Not until 1891 did the Particular Baptists merge with the New Connexion of General Baptists, while theological controversy continued to pose fresh challenges to Baptist unity. Moderate evangelicals such as Joseph Angus who occupied a respectable if not commanding place in nineteenth-century biblical scholarship probably spoke for a majority of Baptists. Yet when in 1887 Charles Haddon Spurgeon alleged that Baptists were drifting into destructive theological liberalism, he provoked the ‘Downgrade Controversy’. In the end, a large-scale secession of Spurgeon’s followers was averted. In the area of spirituality, there was an emphasis on the agency of the Spirit in the church. Some later nineteenth-century Baptists were drawn towards the emphasis of the Keswick Convention on the power of prayer and the ‘rest of faith’. At the same time, Baptists became increasingly active in the cause of social reform. Undergirding Baptist involvement in the campaign to abolish slavery was the theological conviction—in William Knibb’s words—that God ‘views all nations as one flesh’. By the end of the century, through initiatives such as the Baptist Forward Movement, Baptists were championing a widening concern with home mission that involved addressing the need for medical care and housing in poor areas. Ministers such as John Clifford also took a leading role in shaping the ‘Nonconformist Conscience’ and Baptists supplied a number of leading Liberal MPs, most notably Sir Morton Peto. Their ambitions to make a difference in the world would peak in the later nineteenth and early twentieth century as their political influence gradually waned thereafter.
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49

1941-, Deas Malcolm D., Sánchez Efraín, and Great Britain. Public Record Office., eds. Santander y los ingleses, 1832-1840. Santafé de Bogotá: Fundación para la Conmemoración del Bicentenario del Natalicio y el Sesquicentenario de la Muerte del General Francisco de Paula Santander, 1991.

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