Academic literature on the topic 'Contrarietà'

L'articolo prende lo spunto da un caso clinico in cui l'utente esprime la sua contrarietà rispetto al trattamento ricevuto dalla rete tribunale-servizi. Vengono evidenziate alcune criticità: l'eccesso di prudenza nella protezione, la sottovalutazione delle risorse della famiglia per il trattamento, la frattura che viene imposta agli utenti tra la fase di valutazione e quella di terapia.

Di fronte alla richiesta della donna, la prescrizione di sostanze estroprogestiniche con funzione contraccettiva è da considerarsi un atto cui il medico è tenuto, oppure al medico è lasciato uno spazio di libertà per opporsi alla richiesta e seguire i dettami della propria coscienza? La questione venuta alla ribalta con una sentenza del Tribunale di Milano (1997) è affrontata a partire da un’indagine ricognitiva di carattere giuridico relativa all’introduzione nel nostro ordinamento della contraccezione. Viene poi fatta la triplice distinzione: c.d. “contraccezione d’emergenza”, contraccettivi che potrebbero avere un’efficacia abortiva e contraccezione vera e propria. Mentre nel primo caso è possibile ricorrere all’art. 9 L. 194/1978 (obiezione di coscienza all’aborto), nel secondo e nel terzo la lettera e la ratio dell’art. 9 conducono ad una sua non applicabilità. Questo tuttavia non significa obbligare il medico a prestazioni contrarie alla propria coscienza o al proprio convincimento clinico. Alla luce di alcune norme della legislazione sanitaria e del codice deontologico emerge il ruolo centrale della fiducia rapporto medico-paziente e il criterio della libera scelta che presiede tale rapporto. Il carattere fiduciario basato sulla libera scelta, comprende anche la sfera delle convinzioni morali del medico. Questi può dunque contare su un margine di libertà per esprimere contrarietà a quanto richiesto da paziente e il paziente può avvalersi della sua libertà di cambiare medico.

Il democratico Jimmy Carter venne eletto presidente degli Stati Uniti nel novembre del 1976.Pochi mesi prima, il Partito comunista italiano (Pci) aveva ottenuto uno straordinario risultatoelettorale che aveva garantito incarichi istituzionali ad alcuni suoi esponenti. Durante lacampagna elettorale, i membri dell'entourage di Carter rilasciarono dichiarazioni che sembravanopreludere all'abbandono del veto anticomunista posto dai governi precedenti e per circaun anno dall'insediamento l'amministrazione mantenne una posizione ambigua. Il 12 gennaio1978, tuttavia, gli Stati Uniti ribadirono ufficialmente la contrarietà a qualsiasi forma dipartecipazione dei comunisti nel governo italiano. Utilizzando fonti di natura diversa e includendonell'analisi una pluralità di attori non statali tra cui think tank e centri di ricerca universitari,questo saggio mira a ricostruire il dibattito interno all'amministrazione Carter sulla "questione comunista" in Italia e a collocarlo all'interno di una discussione più ampia che attraversòla cultura liberal statunitense.

Il democratico Jimmy Carter venne eletto presidente degli Stati Uniti nel novembre del 1976.Pochi mesi prima, il Partito comunista italiano (Pci) aveva ottenuto uno straordinario risultatoelettorale che aveva garantito incarichi istituzionali ad alcuni suoi esponenti. Durante lacampagna elettorale, i membri dell'entourage di Carter rilasciarono dichiarazioni che sembravanopreludere all'abbandono del veto anticomunista posto dai governi precedenti e per circaun anno dall'insediamento l'amministrazione mantenne una posizione ambigua. Il 12 gennaio1978, tuttavia, gli Stati Uniti ribadirono ufficialmente la contrarietà a qualsiasi forma dipartecipazione dei comunisti nel governo italiano. Utilizzando fonti di natura diversa e includendonell'analisi una pluralità di attori non statali tra cui think tank e centri di ricerca universitari,questo saggio mira a ricostruire il dibattito interno all'amministrazione Carter sulla "questione comunista" in Italia e a collocarlo all'interno di una discussione più ampia che attraversòla cultura liberal statunitense.

The aim of this thesis is to examine the meanings and functions of paradox in the late Renaissance. My understanding of Renaissance paradox, in contrast to that of most critics and historians, rests entirely on contemporary definitions of the term, rather than on its present-day meaning. Paradoxes as they are envisaged in this study begin to appear in the wake of the humanist rediscovery and dissemination of Cicero's Paradoxa Stoicorum. In this work, paradoxes are characterized as 'admirabilia contraque opinionem omnium', a definition that draws attention to two important traits of paradox, repeatedly invoked in the Renaissance: its association with wonder, and its opposition to common opinion. This thesis examines the history of classical paradox as it was revived, expanded beyond the narrow confines of Stoic ethics, and adapted to new purposes so successfully that it became a recognisable genre of polemical writing, with hundreds of works in Latin and the vernacular being described as paradoxes. Previous studies of Renaissance paradox have centred almost exclusively on its literary and vernacular manifestations, and on the paradoxical encomium in particular. My own work charts the rise to prominence and the ensuing transformations of paradox in a range of disciplines: rhetoric and ethics, theology, law, medicine, and natural philosophy. I compare the different associations that paradoxes acquire in all these areas, and the argumentative strategies that they deploy. My analysis of specific examples of paradox is informed by the methods of both literary analysis and intellectual history. Paradoxes, I argue, offered their authors the possibility of departing from established norms and of voicing novel views in a period of intellectual unrest. In their challenge to received and common opinion, they paved the way for more radical ideas in the following century, and they have much to tell us about dissident ways of thinking in the late Renaissance.

The agreement, currently known in judiciary praxis as patto di quota lite, through which a lawyer undertakes the defence of a client with the understanding that he will receive as fee a part of the amount the latter will achieve in case of victory of the lawsuit, derives from Roman juridical experience. The institution of quota litis is often subject to unbending prohibitions: examples of such reaction of the legal system, even if with different gradation, are found in both the Swiss and Italian norms. On the one hand, in the Helvetian Confederation, both at cantonal and federal level, the pactum de quota litis has been always prohibited to protect the public interest so that the lawyer handling a lawsuit might be independent in his decisions and not forced by personal interests that somehow could undermine his neutrality. On the other hand, this institution in Italy has been subject to several reforms that sometimes have apparently produced a partial opening of the legal system but, in essence, have always maintained firm the principle of its unlawfulness; this, as emerges from the sentences of the Corte di Cassazione, aims to avoid the lawyer taking advantage of his influence to ascribe to himself the majority of the dispute and consequently does not guarantee a role of independence in regard to the lawsuit he is handling. After this initial comparative digression, the Roman sources which in all probability concern the illicit covenant, have been examined with exegetic method. A dubitative attitude is obligatory because the expression pactum de quota litis, continuously recalled in the juridical literature of every later time, is not a creation of the Roman people but of their medieval exegetes, glossators and commentators, who first created the expression we know nowadays. It is mostly a question of late classical juridical sources, in particular of two responsa of the jurist Ulpianus (D.50.13.1.12; D.2.14.53), a text taken from the Institutio Oratoria of the rhetor Quintilianus and a pair of constitutions of the emperor Constantinus (C.2.6.5 and C.Th.2.10.4), which show the blame that such agreement between the lawyer and his client (or sometimes between the procurator ad litem and his dominus litis too) provoked. Its contrariety to boni mores is understandable in these texts through expressions like malo more, non licet, abominanda negotiatio and illicita compendia. However, the ratio of this opposition to morality is not made clear; this issue has been pursued considering social and economic reasons that have marked the passage, from the unbreakability of the principle of gratuity of lawyer activity to provisions legally defined and certified by imperial constitutions. However, it was not possible to leave another issue out of consideration because of its strict relation and complexity within the doctrinal opinions that have been studied and compared in the present analysis. I refer to the institution of redemptio litis that, according to jurists of the XVI and XVII century (for instance Johann Schiller, Johann Brunnemann, Iacobus Curtius), was completely assimilable to the hypothesis of the so called patto di quota lite. I have attempted to take up a position following the literature of the last century about the subject (for instance Vittorio Scialoja and the up-to-date Mariano Scarlata Fazio and Gianni Santucci). According to their opinions there are two behaviours, although equally illegal, different as to content. Redimere litem generally means “taking on the risk of the lawsuit” against the payment of a fee (as D.17.1.6.7, D.17.1.7; C.2.12.15 and C.4.35.20 explain), by having recourse to the mechanism of trial replacement that made the transfer of credits and debts possible for a procurator in rem suam, but it assumes also the meaning of “purchasing a credit at low cost” to recover from the transferred debtor the whole nominal value (as in C.4.35.22, where the content of the lex Anastasiana is reported). In both cases speculation is dominant and both cases in point were not tolerated by the system of laws because considered opposite to morality. Certainly the redemptio litis could be used also to pay the lawyer (or the substitute in a trial), like the pactum de quota litis which shared the imputation of immorality, but in any case it was a different agreement in nature (transfer of contentious credit and not simple pactum) and in content (purchase of the whole trial position of the surrender and not of a part of the proceeds in case of victory of the lawsuit). The inseparable linkage between the technical contrivance by means of which the redemptio litis was carried out, the procuratio ad litem in rem suam, and the mandate have been the crucial points to elaborate the final considerations about the unlawfulness of such an agreement within the classical Roman legal and late classic experience.
Die Vereinbarung, welche gegenwärtig in der Rechtspraxis als quota-litis-Vereinbarung bekannt ist, hat ihre Wurzeln im römischen Recht. Bei dieser Vereinbarung übernimmt der Rechtsanwalt die Vertretung des Mandanten mit der Absprache, dass jener als Honorar einen Teil von dem erhalten soll, was dieser im Fall eines Prozessgewinns erlangen wird. Das Institut der quota-litis-Vereinbarung ist häufig Gegenstand strenger Verbote. Beispiele einer solchen Reaktion der Rechtsordnung findet man – wenn auch mit verschiedenen Abstufungen – im schweizerischen wie auch im italienischen Recht. Einerseits war die quota-litis-Vereinbarung in der Schweizer Eidgenossenschaft sowohl auf kantonaler als auch auf föderaler Ebene schon seit jeher verboten, um das öffentliche Interesse daran zu schützen, dass der Berufsträger in seinen Entscheidungen unabhängig ist, wenn er eine Rechtssache führt, und sich nicht von persönlichen Interessen leiten lässt, die auf irgendeine Art seine Neutralität gefährden können. Andererseits erfuhr sie in Italien verschiedene Reformen, die zwar bisweilen eine Teilöffnung der Rechtsordnung mit sich brachten, aber stets an dem Prinzip ihrer Widerrechtlichkeit festhielten; wie sich aus der höchstrichterlichen Rechtsprechung ergibt, verfolgt man damit den Zweck zu vermeiden, dass der Rechtsanwalt seinen Einfluss missbraucht, um den Großteil der streitgegenständlichen Sache zu beanspruchen, und infolgedessen keine Position der Unparteilichkeit und Unabhängigkeit im Hinblick auf den Rechtsstreit gewährleistet, an dem er mitwirkt. Nach diesem anfänglichen rechtsvergleichenden Exkurs werden mit Hilfe der exegetischen Methode diejenigen römischen Quellenzeugnisse untersucht, welche höchstwahrscheinlich diese rechtswidrige Vereinbarung betreffen. Eine skeptische Haltung ist zwingend erforderlich, da die Urheberschaft des Ausdrucks pactum de quota litis, anders als in der juristischen Literatur aller Epochen immer behauptet wird, nicht den Römern selbst zuzuerkennen ist, sondern ihren mittelalterlichen Exegeten, den Glossatoren und den Kommentatoren, die als erste den Ausdruck geprägt haben, den wir heute kennen. Es handelt sich hauptsächlich um klassische und spätantike Rechtsquellen, insbesondere um zwei responsa des Juristen Ulpian (D. 50, 13, 1, 12; D. 2, 14, 53), um einen Ausschnitt aus der Institutio Oratoria des Rhetors Quintilian (Inst. 12, 7, 11) und um zwei constitutiones des Kaisers Konstantin (C. 2, 6, 5 und CTh. 2, 10, 4), in denen das missbilligende Empfinden aufscheint, welches eine solche Vereinbarung zwischen dem Anwalt (oder zuweilen auch zwischen dem procurator ad litem und dem dominus litis) und dem Klienten auslöste. Ihr Widerspruch zu den boni mores ergibt sich in den Texten aus Wendungen wie malo more, non licet, abominanda negotiato und illecita compendia. Allerdings geht aus diesen nicht die ratio dieses Widerspruchs zu den guten Sitten hervor. Auf diese Frage wurde versucht, eine Antwort zu geben, indem auf die sozialen und wirtschaftlichen Beweggründe verwiesen wurde, welche den Übergang von der Unabdingbarkeit des Prinzips der Unentgeltlichkeit der Anwaltstätigkeit zu der Festlegung gesetzlich bestimmter Honorare kennzeichneten, die auch durch kaiserliche Reskripte bezeugt sind. Es konnte jedoch nicht von der Vertiefung einer weiteren Frage abgesehen werden, deren enger Zusammenhang und deren gleichzeitige Komplexität in den Lehrmeinungen deutlich wurde, die an dieser Stelle untersucht und überprüft wurden. Ich beziehe mich auf das Institut der redemptio litis, welches gemäß der allgemeinen Überzeugung der Gelehrten des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts (z. B. Johann Schilter, Johann Brunnemann, Iacobus Curtius) mit dem Fall einer quota-litis-Vereinbarung völlig vergleichbar war. Es wurde versucht, hierzu Stellung zu nehmen, indem der Literatur des vergangenen Jahrhunderts zu diesem Thema zugestimmt wurde (z. B. Vittorio Scialoja und jüngst Mariano Scarlato-Fazio und Gianni Santucci), gemäß der es sich um zwei Tatbstände handeln soll, die zwar gleichermaßen unrechtmäßig gewesen seien, sich aber dem Inhalt nach unterschieden hätten. Redimere litem bedeutet in den Quellen für gewöhnlich “das Prozessrisiko übernehmen” gegen Zahlung eines Entgelts (so in D. 17, 1, 6, 7; D. 17, 1, 7; C. 2, 12, 15; C. 4, 35, 20), indem man auf den Mechanismus der Prozessübernahme zurückgreift, der die Übertragung von Forderungen und Schulden auf den procurator in rem suam gestattete; dieser Terminus erlangt auch die Bedeutung “kostengünstig eine Forderung erwerben”, um von dem Schuldner der abgetretenen Forderung ihren gesamten Nominalwert einzutreiben (so in C. 4, 35, 22, wo der Inhalt der lex Anastasiana berichtet wird). In beiden Fällen herrscht das spekulative Element vor und beide Tatbestände wurden von der Rechtsordnung nicht toleriert, da man sie als den guten Sitten zuwider beurteilte. Sicherlich konnte auch die redemptio litis ebenso wie die quota-litis-Vereinbarung, mit der sie die Sittenwidrigkeit gemein hatte, verwendet werden, um den Anwalt (oder den Prozessübernehmer) zu entlohnen; aber es handelte sich in jedem Fall um eine nach Art (Zession einer streitbefangenen Forderung und nicht einfach ein pactum) und Inhalt (Erwerb der ganzen prozessualen Lage des Zedenten und nicht eines Teils des Erlöses im Fall des Prozessgewinns) andere Vereinbarung. Die untrennbare Verbindung zwischen dem technischen Hilfsmittel, mit dem man die redemptio litis verwirklichte, der procuratio ad litem in rem suam, und dem Mandat bildete den Schwerpunkt der Ausarbeitung von abschließenden Erwägungen betreffend die Widerrechtlichkeit einer derartigen Vereinbarung im römischen Recht der Klassik und Spätklassik.

À partir d'une étude philologique attentive de l'Esprit géométrique, je montre l'évolution épistémologique de Pascal qui, découvrant la corruption naturelle d'un langage humain impuissant à assurer ses propres fondements, quitte ses positions cartésiennes. Par contrecoup, la prétention de la raison à formuler des principes universels est anéantie : toute connaissance rationnelle se fonde sur un socle autoritaire. Je souligne alors l'importance actuelle de l'œuvre mathématique pascalienne par sa mise en perspective dans la crise moderne des fondements. En lui appliquant les méthodes de la poétique aristotélicienne, je la caractérise par sa sensibilité figurative, qui s'étend à l'œuvre non scientifique et en révèle l'unité esthétique. Je montre ensuite l'originalité philosophique de Pascal qui sort du scepticisme en recherchant de nouveaux usages de la langue propres à communiquer la certitude. Je reprends le débat sur le chantier des Pensées pour en distinguer les éditions objectives, qui restituent le seul classement dont nous disposons effectivement, des éditions apologétiques qui le recomposent à partir de certaines des indications laissées par l'auteur. La grande originalité des Pensées classées est de proposer une recherche du bonheur sans a priori religieux. Elles établissent les contrariétés de la condition humaine, que philosophies et sciences humaines sont impuissantes à décrire ou résoudre car elles refusent, par principe, la contradiction. L'Écriture chrétienne entre alors en scène pour présenter le seul langage capable de faire aboutir la recherche, parce qu'acceptant et faisant signifier la contradiction. La double nouveauté est ici d'introduire la Bible dans le champ de l'existence par nécessité, et comme un simple livre, dont il s'agit de décrire le pouvoir cognitif. Structuré par la narration et par la figure (typologique), ce modèle biblique élargit la connaissance rationnelle et son référentiel spatio-temporel restreint. Il ouvre ainsi à son lecteur un horizon d'existence et lui montre un chemin pour réparer ses ses contrariétés. On voit là chez Pascal un profond renouveau de la pensée figurative et de l'approche littéraire de la Bible
A thorough philological study of l'Esprit géométrique shows an evolution in Pascal's epistemology. Discovering a form of natural corruption in the incapacity of self foundation of the human langage, he leaves his former Cartesian positions. As a consequence, Reason's pretention to formulate universal principles is erased : every rational knowledge is based on a form of authority. This reveals the importance of Pascal's scientific work as regards to the crisis of fundation in modern Science. Using Aristotle's Poetic's methods, I show that Augustinian notion of figuration both applies to mathematics and Biblic litterature, and gives the aesthetic unity of the whole Pascal’s work . Its originality in philosophy is to get rid of scepticism by searching new languages capable of certitude. I reopen a long debate on the unaccomplished Pensées. I propose to distinguish between objective and apologetic editions. The latter are based on some of the author's indications on his intentions, the former use the only classification available. The thorough originality of what I call Les Pensées classées is to propose a quest for happiness with no religious a priori. After having established the contrarieties of humain condition which no philosophy or human science can describe or resolve because they reject contradiction, as a principle, this classification introduces the Christian Scripture as it carries the only language capable of accepting contradiction and giving a meaning to it. There are two new approaches here : introducing the Bible in the field of existence by necessity, and as a simple book with cognitive power. Structured by narration and figuration (typology), this Biblical model extends rational knowledge by extending its restricted space-time referential. It enlarges the horizon of existence of the reader and shows a path for repairing their contrarieties. Pascal deeply renews the classic figurative thought and the poetic approach of the Bible

Oxygenated treatment (OT) is an excellent choice for supercritical (SC) and ultrasupercritical (USC) fossil units to alleviate flow accelerated corrosion (FAC). Unfortunately, many large utility boilers had suffered series bursts caused by exfoliation of duplex scale in steam path after adopting OT measures. It has been hopeful always about that OT should be independent of scale exfoliation, but many tube failures in fossil power plants go by contraries. Ecocide hypothesis which has been verified reveals the secret of the causal relationship between OT and exfoliation. Ecocide is the abbreviation of “Evaporating Consumption of Chromium Induced Disastrous Exfoliation” and that’s the essence of our hypothesis. We can explain the mechanism of exfoliation of duplex scale in oxygenated steam path with the help of ecocide hypothesis, and furthermore we can predict the risk of OT. Concerned with operating utility boilers which intend to apply OT, the longer the operating history, the greater the risk; the higher the concentration of oxygen in steam, the greater the risk; the higher the parameters of steam, the greater the risk. To avoid the risk of exfoliation, OT should be synchronously scheduled in commissioning.