Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Contestation'
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Dannenmüller, Sophie. ""California assemblage" : récupération, contestation, tradition." Paris 1, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA010530.
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Cette thèse retrace l'histoire de l'assemblage en Californie, c'est-à-dire d'oeuvres tridimensionnelles constituées d'objets et matériaux récupérés. Le "Museum of Unknown and Little Known Objects" (1949) de Clay Spohn marque l'apparition du médium à San Francisco, puis une esthétique du déchet se développe dans les années 1950 au sein d'une communauté underground et rebelle, en marge des courants dominants, avec Wallace Berman, Bruce Conner, Wally Hedrick, George Herms, Jess, Edward Kienholz, Gordon Wagner. En 1961-62, la reconnaissance du médium grâce à "The Art of Assemblage" pousse certains assemblagistes à modifier leur pratique, voire à l'abandonner. Les plus engages exploitent les possibilités plastiques de l'assemblage pour exprimer leur désaccord avec la société américaine des années 1960. En réaction aux émeutes de Watts, des artistes afro-américains comme Noah Purifoy, Betye Saar, John Outterbridge, rejettent les formes d'art conventionnelles et trouvent dans l'assemblage un mode d'expression militant, tandis que des artistes chicanos comme David Avalos et Amalia Mesa-Bains fusionnent l'assemblage et les traditions mexicaines pour engendrer des formes hybrides qui valorisent leur multiculturalisme. Apparue dans les années 1980, la formule "California Assemblage" invite à examiner ce qui est californien dans l'assemblage californien de l'époque notamment chez Alexis Smith, Nancy Rubins ou Michael McMillen et à interroger la notion de tradition. Au début du XXI" siècle le mouvement californien se réinvente dans le nouveau paradigme écologiste et revient au classicisme en réinvestissant son territoire attitre entre peinture et sculpture.
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Gribinski, Jean-François. "La contestation anti-missiles des années quatre-vingt : une contestation pacifiste? : analyse et description d'un mouvement social." Paris 2, 1992. http://www.theses.fr/1992PA020126.
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La contestation anti-missiles des années 1980, qui s'affirme au lendemain de la double décision de l’OTAN , a été a l'origine d'une des mobilisations populaires les plus massives depuis le second conflit mondial. Qualifier, tel que cela a été fait par la grande majorité des observateurs ce mouvement de "pacifiste" , ne relevait-il pas, "au mieux", d'un souci simplificateur excessif et ne traduisait-il pas, "au pire", l'intention d'en discréditer les tenants, au regard de l'acception péjorative qui empreint généralement ce terme ? Au-delà de cet aspect sémantique, se pouvait-il qu'une mobilisation d'une telle ampleur ait eu pour seule cause une modernisation qui ne différait pas fondamentalement d'autres, passées en leur temps presque inaperçues ? Derrière cet enjeu apparent, les pacifistes n'en soulevaient-ils pas d'autres, relatifs à certaines contradictions ou problèmes non résolus des sociétés industrielles avancées ? Finalement, n'assistait-on pas à la naissance d'un nouveau mouvement social porteur de quelques-uns des grands enjeux à venir ? Cette recherche montre l'inadéquation du concept de pacifisme pour éclairer de manière satisfaisante les ressorts de la contestation, et ce pour la raison que les motivations profondes des activistes semblent se situer au-delà du paradigme des questions de la guerre et de la paix. L'approche sociologique apparait, en revanche, d'un intérêt bien supérieurFollowing the nato dual track, the antimissile protest in the 80s has inaugurated one of the largest popular mobilization since the second world war. To call this movement "pacifist" - as a large majority of observers have done - wasn't it, "at best", a simplification, and, at worse an intention to discredit the pacifists, regarding the fact that there is usually a pejorativ accaptance of this word ? Beyond this semantic aspect, would such a mobilization be justified and explained by a modernization that would not basically differ from others, that in their times went unnoticed ? Behind this apparent issue, didn't the pacifists raise other questions related to certain insolved contradictions of our advanced industrial society ? At the end, wasn't the emergence of a new social movement that would bear some of the large question at stake ? This research shows the inadequacy of the concept "pacifism" to clarify the causes of the contestation. At first because the deep motivations of the activists seem to be beyond the paradigm of war and peace. The sociological approach seems to be of a greater interest : it contributes particularly to bring out the following idea : the antimissile contestation of the 80s would prefigurate the emergence of a "popular consciouness" wich role would be to
3
Brillant, Bernard. "Du Vietnam au quartier latin : les intellectuels et la contestation : Mai 68 et ses prodromes en France : de la légitimité de la contestation à la contestation d'une légitimité." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2002. http://www.theses.fr/2002IEPP0001.
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C'est sous le signe de l'essor des sciences humaines marquées par le succès du structuralisme, de l'effervescence des débats autour d'un marxisme revisité, de l'avant-gardisme culturel et politique, des luttes contre la guerre du Vietnam, et de la crise de l'Université, sur fond de " montée de la jeunesse ", que se développe, dans les années soixante, une pensée critique puis une contestation qui explose en mai-juin 1968. Ayant apporté à celle-ci une partie de sa légitimité, les intellectuels n'en voient pas moins leur statut de spécialistes des "choses de l'esprit"et leur fonction de médiateur contestés. L'occupation des établissements d'enseignement supérieur et de certains lieux symboliques de la création littéraire ou artistique, durant quelques semaines, donne lieu à un vaste travail de remise en cause d'un rapport à la culture fondé sur le modèle enseignant-enseigné, créateur-consommateur, mais aussi à la refonte des structures qui organisent leurs activités professionnelles. Les mois qui suivent Mai 68 sont consacrés à un travail d'interprétation qui cristallise durablement les représentations de l'événement autour du concept de " contestation ". A travers ce foisonnement éditorial, les intellectuels s'interrogent sur leur statut et leur fonction, témoignant ainsi d'une crise de leur légitimité. Les réponses qu'ils y apportent révèlent le trouble et les fractures qui traversent l'intelligentsia française après le printemps 1968.
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Souiah, Farida. "Les harraga en Algérie : émigration et contestation." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0049.
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Cette thèse est consacrée aux « brûleurs » de frontières – les harraga – qui tentent de quitter l’Algérie sans passeport, ni visa sur des embarcations de fortune, au péril de leur vie. Elle s’appuie et discute le modèle « exit, voice et loyalty » développé par Albert Hirschman afin de stimuler la réflexion et explorer la relation entre émigration et contestation. À partir de sources très diverses – des entretiens semi-directifs avec des harraga et des membres de leur famille, l’observation de procès de harraga, des articles de presse, des productions culturelles, des discours politiques, des textes de lois et des documents d’orientation politique – cette thèse documente les facteurs et les modalités de départ des harraga. Elle s’intéresse également au processus de publicisation et politisation de ce phénomène migratoire en Algérie et analyse les politiques mises en œuvre par les autorités algériennes afin de lutter contre la harga. Les harraga estiment qu’ils appartiennent aux marges d’un système socio-économique corrompu et inégalitaire dans lequel ils n’ont aucune perspective d’amélioration. Confrontés aux politiques migratoires restrictives, ils ne peuvent quitter le pays en respectant les lois imposées par les États. En raison des profils des harraga et de la dangerosité des itinéraires migratoires empruntés, la harga nourrit un discours critique qui porte à la fois sur la responsabilité des autorités dans la perpétuation d’un ordre socio-économique et politique qui pousse de jeunes algériens à quitter le pays, et sur la politique répressive mise en œuvre en réponse à la harga. En réponse à ce phénomène migratoire, les autorités algériennes mettent en œuvre une politique répressive qui s’inscrit dans des dynamiques de politique intérieure et extérieure. Le durcissement des lois sur l’émigration-immigration « irrégulière » en Algérie s’inscrit dans un contexte régional et dans le cadre de l’externalisation des frontières extérieures de l’Union européenneThis dissertation examines the political implications of harga in Algeria. Literally translated, harga means “burn”. In the Maghreb dialects, the term has come to describe a specific form of migration. Harragas (literally “those who burn”) are those who try to leave their home country without a passport or visa, on small boats, risking their lives. This dissertation uses Albert Hirschman’s model of “Exit, Voice and Loyalty” in order to stimulate reflection and explore the link between exit (emigration) and voice (protest). Drawing from a wide variety of sources – semi-structured interviews with harraga and their family members, observations of trials, newspaper articles, cultural products (movies, novels, paintings, etc.), political speeches, legal texts and policy papers – this dissertation documents the causes of migration and the emigration patterns from Algeria of harraga. It also studies the publicization and politicization process of harga in Algeria. Last, it analyzes the policies implemented by the Algerian government to limit harga. Harragas are trapped in the margins of a corrupt and unequal socio-economic system that offers no prospects of improvement. They cannot leave the country legally because of the restrictive policies implemented by the destination states. Therefore, they try to leave Algeria on small boats, risking their lives. Harragas do not leave in silence. Many newspaper articles and cultural products talk about harragas, who are referred to as undeniable proof that there is something wrong in Algeria. The Algerian authorities are deemed responsible for the departure of these young Algerians and are criticized for the repressive policies implemented as a response to harga. Domestic and international factors influence Algerian migration policy. Domestically, the policy is a response to the criticism that harga provoke. Internationally, the toughening migration laws and increasing penalties in Algeria
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Anstee, Jodie. "Constructivism, contestation and the international detention regime." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/70953.
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The international detention regime has been placed under a considerable amount of strain in the context of the war on terror. Political elites in both the USA and UK have significantly challenged accepted standards of appropriateness regarding detention, even though these states are traditionally strongly associated with the promotion of human rights internationally. Such defections and contestations present researchers with an intriguing process to understand, as these practices, by definition, challenge our settled assumptions about the post Cold-war international order. This thesis examines one element of this puzzle, assessing how the normative constraints associated with the international detention regime were negotiated by the Blair government and Bush administration so as to allow for contestation and apparent defection in 2001-2006. Generally, the IR literature on norms has focused on their constraining power, considering simple dichotomies of compliance and defection, often drawing on pre-defined interests to explain behaviour. Whilst constructivists have recognised the constitutive nature of norms, they lack a persuasive account of the micro-foundational processes of norm influence which prevents them from engaging with the contestation of seemingly embedded international normative standards. In order to address this problem I draw from the social identity approach in social psychology, where scholars focus on the multiplicity of social identities and the interactive processes of norm influence and contestation at a micro-foundational level. I demonstrate that by firmly embedding individuals in the broader social identities context and focusing on the management strategies employed by political elites we can better understand the nature of normative constraint in these cases, and whether or not an enabling framework for such counter-normative practices was established. This thesis aims to bridge some of the gap that exists between research that focuses on international norms and that which concentrates on state leaders, demonstrating the importance of the broader interactive processes of contestation, generally missing from current constructivist accounts of international norms.
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Al-Masri, Muzna. "Political theatre : football and contestation in Beirut." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 2016. http://research.gold.ac.uk/18235/.
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This thesis explores the relationships between political elites and their constituencies, looking specifically at the emergence and production of a new type of political elite in post-war Lebanon. Based on micro-level ethnographic research amongst Beirut’s Sunni communities, mainly within Nejmeh Sports Club, I explore the crystallisation of the model of an ‘entrepreneurial elite’ as exemplified by the late Prime Minister Rafic Hariri, who came to be the club’s patron. The most popular football club – and indeed sports club – in Lebanon, Nejmeh embraced members from different social classes, sectarian affiliations and political camps. It therefore provided a rare fieldwork site from which to observe the negotiation of clientelistic relationships, and to do so over an extended period, including times of heightened political – and occasionally violent – conflict. The stadiums provided a theatre for the spectacular performance of politics, wealth and power, and the events which took place in them mirrored the interplay of both local and global transformations occurring over the span of almost two decades. My research argues that the post-war period ushered in a new ‘glocal’ model of political elite which combined a corporate background and the performative use of wealth with well-tried tactics of ascendance to power, namely philanthropy, sectarianism and clientelism. It is a model which amalgamated seemingly contradictory rhetoric and practice. Its rhetoric of professionalism, democracy, championing of state institutions, and nonviolence often paralleled practices of corruption, vote-buying, and the support of strong-arm racketeering. This model of an elite functioning at the highest level of Lebanese politics, moved the locus of power, as well as economic opportunities, into the control of an ever smaller number of people, marginalising both the power and roles of those actors operating further down the class and clientelistic hierarchy of relationships. Within such a hierarchy, public demonstrations of loyalty performed by those in the lower echelons of society served to simultaneously lay claim to the elite’s favours and to suppress alternative or dissident voices.
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Gruszka, Katarzyna. "Framing the collaborative economy - Voices of contestation." Elsevier, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.eist.2016.09.002.
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Within the context of multiple crises and change, a range of practices discussed under the umbrella term of collaborative (or sharing) economy have been gaining considerable attention. Supporters build an idealistic vision of collaborative societies. Critics have been stripping the concept of its visionary potential, questioning its revolutionary nature. In the study, these debates are brought down to the local level in search for common perceptions among the co-creators of the concept in Vienna, Austria. Towards this aim a Q study is conducted, i.e. a mixed method enabling analyses of subjective perceptions on socially contested topics. Four framings are identified: Visionary Supporters, Market Optimists, Visionary Critics, and Skeptics, each bringing their values, visions, and practical goals characteristic of different understanding of the collaborative economy. The study questions the need for building a globally-applicable definition of the concept, calls for more context-sensitivity, exploratory studies, and city-level multi-stakeholder dialogues.
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Ng, Joel. "Negotiating norms." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2018. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c43b4869-f1b1-4062-8a05-52a5ed3d2122.
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This thesis examines the practice of normative contestation in the African Union (AU) and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Dissatisfied with existing liberal, realist, and rationalist accounts of normative change, the thesis develops a new theoretical approach involving competing 'norm circles,' actors committed to endorsing or enforcing a norm, whose perceived utility of a norm determines their stance. The model suggests that under conditions of contestation involving at least two norm circles, actors compete according to the terms of their domain, the regional organization. The differences involve actors' competencies in controlling the initiative, their mastery of other shared norms, and their ability to seek other opportunities of influence, termed 'metis.' Empirically, the thesis examines six case studies, three each from the AU and ASEAN, in which significant new norms testing member state sovereignty were proposed, after which the norms were either accepted, rejected, or qualified, according to how the contest unfolded. Each case reviews the historical origins of the norm and the proposal, followed by analysing how each norm circle used the factors mentioned above to seek approval for their proposals. It then assesses the relative importance of the factors, alternative explanations, and future implications for the norms in each case. In the AU, the three cases were the proposals for the United States of Africa, the Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa, and the Pan-African Parliament. In ASEAN, the thesis examines the question of human rights in the ASEAN Charter, the attempt to formalize the 'ASEAN minus X' principle, also during the charter drafting, and the contestation over the creation of a regional human rights mechanism, which eventually became the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights.
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Sapmaz, Semih. "Conscientious Objection: A Contestation Of Citizenship In Turkey." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615145/index.pdf.
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This thesis discusses the politics of conscientious objection in Turkey within a framework of citizenship. In this study citizenship is identified with being political and conceived as a process comprised of acts and practices. According to this conception, while practices reproduce the discourse of citizenship in a given context, acts are the deeds that challenge this discourse. Conscription, within this framework, is defined as a citizenship practice which re/produces the militaristic, nationalistic and gendered content of the Turkish citizenship. Conscientious objection is approached as an act of citizenship that contests and challenges the established citizenship regime in the country. This challenge and contestation is presented through the interviews with the conscientious objectors and activists as well as a review of the already published material by and on them. Conscientious
objection challenges the citizenship regime in Turkey on three inter-related grounds: 1. It challenges and exposes the militaristic content of the discourse of citizenship in Turkey. 2. It challenges the political content of &lsquoTurkishness&rsquo
&ndash
that is the nationalistic content of Turkish citizenship- with particular reference to Kurdish issue
and 3. It challenges the prevailing gender roles and the values of hegemonic masculinity in Turkey.
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Watt, James. "Disputing Gothic : the contestation of romance 1764-1832." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.243053.
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Ben, Slimen Mouna. "Utopie et contestation dans le post-marxisme blochien." Phd thesis, Ecole normale supérieure de lyon - ENS LYON, 2013. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00989706.
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Rêver d'un monde parfait caractérise la pensée de l'homme. C'est l'utopie. Le rêve de ce monde idéal inspire les écrivains ainsi que les philosophes dont Ernst Bloch qui appelle à qu'une vie autre qui commence. C'est par une attitude de contestation et de révolution qu'il accède à réaliser son rêve. Or nous nous demandons si l'utopie exprime les rêves comment pourrait-elle être un outil pour appréhender le monde réel ? Pour dépasser cette objection à l'utopie, il faut la considérer comme refus positif de l'ordre institué et ouverture à des possibilités de création historique. C'est-à-dire une utopie concrète. L'œuvre de Bloch et essentiellement Le principe espérance en offre un soubassement précieux. L'insatisfaction face à l'existant et le sentiment tristement éprouvé que " quelque chose manque " forment cet apport d'où émerge la conscience utopique. Celle-ci marque une projection dans un futur grâce à la pensée et l'imagination ; une projection qui témoigne d'une capacité proprement humaine.
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Pessôa, Marcio. "Defiant civil society : power and contestation in Mozambique." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2018. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/78869/.
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This thesis looks at defiance in civil society and aims to contribute towards a deeper understanding of contestation against regimes that restrict the expansion of the political playing field in sub-Saharan Africa. It also analyses the role of contemporary African activists in these contestations, and examines why some social contestation process are successful and others not. The role of Mozambican activists from aid-supported NGOs in relevant political movements between 2010 and 2015 is a key issue. The first part of the thesis offers a theoretical overview of civil society as contesting actor in Africa and Mozambique, and outlines the construction of concepts of civil society latency, defiance and co-construction through a theoretical framework that draws on the literature on moral economy, social movements, contentious politics, the public sphere, power and competitive authoritarianism. Analysis of two contrasting civil society organisations, the LDH (the League for Human Rights) and UNAC (the Mozambican Peasants' Union), aims to give a better understanding of public spaces for participation and defiance, and to follow the movement of activists from urban areas towards traditional indigenous sectors so as to ensure that vital issues for communities are brought into the public sphere. It also looks at the neutralisation processes suffered by organisations that offer support and/or directly organise contestation of government initiatives and policies that have a negative impact on the population. The case studies draw on research over a period of three years in the city of Maputo and the provinces of Nampula, Cabo Delgado, Tete, Zambezia and Manica. They examine the reasons for contestations around land issues between 2010-2015, focusing on peasants' and NGOs' resistance to the ProSAVANA agrarian development project, and on urban protests against abductions and against the 2012-2015 return to civil war, investigating the role of European donors and government in the near destruction of one of the most well-known NGOs in Africa.
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Lamchichi, Abderrahim. "La contestation islamiste des pouvoirs politiques au Maghreb." Amiens, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988AMIE0004.
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Cette recherche s'attache à analyser le phénomène de la montée de l'islamisme dans le Maghreb actuel : conditions socio-économiques et politiques de son eéergence, terrains de son implantation, effets de ses discours et de ses actions sur les orientations politico-religieuses des pouvoirs politiques. Elle vise, plus généralement, à rendre compte de la dialectique des rapports entre religion et politique et des luttes qui se déroulent au sein du champ politico-religieux. La logique qui a sous-tendu la problématique de cette recherche a donné sa configuration au plan adopté : partie préliminaire : islam-isme, modernité et politique. Première partie : le contexte socio-économique et politique de l'émergence de l'islamisme au Maghreb; deuxième partie : la production du discours islamiste; troisième partie : les manifestations de l'islamisme au maghreb et enfin quatrième partie : la dialectique des relations entre pouvoirs politiques et mouvements islamistes. Le choix du cas maghrébin a permis de construire une typologie comparative des 3 régimes politiques (Maroc, Algérie, Tunisie) qui ont fondé, de manière différenciée, leur stratégie de légitimation politico-religieuse et d'institutionnalisation de l'Islam. Il a permis, en outre, non seulement de situer la nature et la diversité de ces mouvements dans le cadre des conditions politiques et des formes institutionnelles spécifiques à chaque pays, mais également de mesurer le degré de leur influence et de leur implantation et leur impactThis research tries to analyze the phenomenon of the rise of Islamism in the Maghreb of today : the socio-economic and political conditions of its growth, its settling areas, the results of its teaching and its action upon the politicoreligious tendencies of the political regimes involved. Thus, its purpose is to explain the dialectic of the relationships between religion and politics, and of the different disputes within the politico-religious area. Choosing the Maghreb issue has enabled us to compare three types of political regimes (Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria) which have set up their strategies of politico-religious recognition and establishment of Islamism in very different ways. The analysis of the different governments' reactions to the movements of radical islamism has enabled us to build up a comparative typology of the three political regimes of the maghreb
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Coutron, Laurent. "La contestation incidente des actes de l'Union européenne." Montpellier 1, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005MON10044.
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Le principe de !a " Communauté de droit" garantit une protection juridictionnelle effective aux personnes physiques et morales qui se prévalent du droit de l'Union européenne. Compte tenu de la quasi-exclusion des particuliers de l'accès au recours en annulation des actes normatifs de l'Union européenne, le droit au juge est assuré par les voies de contestation incidente que sont l'exception d'illégalité et le renvoi préjudiciel en appréciation de validité. La mise en cause d'un acte de portée générale intervient ainsi à l'occasion d'un recours formé contre un acte pris pour son application. Dès lors que l'exécution du droit de l'UE relève essentiellement des autorités nationales, l'accès au juge est prioritairement garanti par les juridictions nationales. L'effectivité de l'accès au(x) juge(s) de la légalité des actes de l'UE est ainsi garantie par la diversité des voies de contestation incidente. L'exception d'illégalité et le renvoi en appréciation de validité sont, en effet, susceptibles de se greffer sur n'importe quel type de contentieux. L'évaluation de l'effectivité du droit de recours dont disposent les justiciables conduit toutefois à ne pas se focaliser sur la seule question de l'accès au juge. Un recours n'est, en effet, véritablement effectif que si le droit d'accès se concrétise par un droit au jugement, puis par un droit à l'exécution de ce jugement. L'accès au(x) juge(s) de la légalité des actes de droit dérivé, le degré du contrôle juridictionnel et enfin l'exécution des déclarations d'illégalité et d'invalidité constituent ainsi les trois éléments permettant d'apprécier qualité de la protection juridictionnelle qu'offre le droit de l'UE.
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Lamchichi, Abderrahim. "La Contestation islamiste des pouvoirs politiques au Maghreb." Lille 3 : ANRT, 1990. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37614911p.
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Elecho, Kolawolé. "Biyi Bandele : crise sociale et contestation politique au Nigeria." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011CERG0537/document.
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Biyi Bandele est un écrivain d'origine nigériane dont l'œuvre novatrice et très riche reste encore peu connue du milieu universitaire en France. Aucune étude de grande ampleur n'a encore été consacrée à sa production et le présent travail essaie de combler ce grand vide. Cette étude qui s'appuie principalement sur les quatre romans de l'auteur a pour objectif de montrer que Biyi Bandele est un romancier carnavalesque et que tout son effort consiste à s'interroger sur les conditions de vie de ses concitoyens nigérians, la nature du pouvoir politique et ses modes d'exercice et les raisons pour lesquelles la construction d'une vraie nation semble impossible au Nigeria tant d'années après l'indépendance. A travers ces diverses interrogations, Biyi Bandele peint surtout un pays dont l'état de déconfiture et d'anomie est tel qu'il semble inconcevable d'en rendre compte avec les moyens traditionnels du roman réaliste européen. Mais grâce à son exceptionnel talent de conteur, Biyi Bandele réussit à nous faire prendre conscience de cette réalité grâce à une langue riche, et un nouvel art de conter inspiré des traditions yoruba et d'autres éléments de la culture populaire nigérianeBiyi Bandele is a Nigerian writer whose innovative and very rich writings are still little known by academics in France. No large-scale study has been devoted to his writings yet, and this work tries to make up for this gap. This study which is mainly based on the four novels written by Biyi Bandele aims at showing that he is a Carnivalesque novelist and that all of his effort consists in raising questions about the living conditions of his fellow countrymen, the nature of political power and its functioning, and the reasons why nation-building seems impossible in Nigeria so many years after independence . Through these different questions, Biyi Bandele mainly portrays a country in shambles, in such a state of anomy that one can no longer rely on the means of the Europen realist novel to render its situation. But thanks to his exceptional talent as a storyteller, Biyi Bandele manages to make us become aware of this reality by inventing a rich language and a new way of telling story inspired by yoruba traditions and other elements of Nigerian popular culture
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Procopio, Maddalena. "Negotiating governance : Kenyan contestation, cooperation, passivity toward the Chinese." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2016. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/3446/.
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The scholarship on Sino-African relations has been too pre-occupied with China’s behaviour and impact on Africa and paid little attention to the role played by African actors, contexts and processes of governance. This thesis addresses this deficiency through an examination of the interaction between Kenyan state and non-state actors in the relationship with China. In doing so, it focuses on how such interactive relation is mobilised and negotiated through Kenyan ‘agency’, and how it constitutes a means of building national capacity in domestic as well as foreign policy, paving the way for a less dependent and more sustainable developmental nation. The thesis adopts a state-society approach which combines macro (national)-, meso (sectoral)- and micro-(issue-specific) level dynamics within a single country case study. Such complex and differentiated design helps to reach a nuanced understanding of actor agendas and mobilisation strategies within specific systems of governance. The cases are grouped into three main sectors, i.e. trade, healthcare and education, cutting across trade and aid type of engagements between a variety of Chinese and Kenyan actors. Negotiations are mainly characterised by strategies of contestation and cooperation domestically and with the Chinese. Passivity, contrary to the mainstream literature, is more rarely observed. The thesis demonstrates that the factors that contribute to Kenya’s control of the relations with China should not be identified in the state’s aggregate power, or the sum of state’s resources, but rather are situated within the context and the structure of the specific negotiations. The ability to safeguard interests is then determined by the ability of Kenyan actors to guarantee conformity of specific negotiation processes to the prevailing system of norms and practices as understood and legitimised by Kenyans.
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CAUSSIN, PLENUS DELPHINE. "La nouvelle-caledonie a l'epreuve de la contestation kanak." Nice, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998NICE0050.
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Depuis la prise de possession de l'ile au nom de la france en 1853 jusqu'a la fin des annees 1980, la vie politique, institutionnelle et sociale de la nouvelle-caledonie a ete marquee par le reveil ethnique des melanesiens marginalises par une societe a deux vitesses. La marche vers la revolte du " peuple kanak " a contribue a fissurer le carcan de l'indivisibilite de la republique francaise. La france, enlisee dans le dossier caledonien, a ete confrontee, d'une part, aux revendications identitaires des kanak independantistes, d'autre part, au desir des autres communautes vivant sur le territoire de demeurer au sein de la " mere patrie ". Le " confetti " caledonien, aux prises avec la guerre civile dans les annees 1980, a souleve le probleme du devenir du dogme de l'unite territoriale de la republique francaise et, par-dela meme, celui de la pertinence de la politique de la metropole menee a l'egard de ses possessions ultra-marines. Toutefois, le 26 juin 1988 etaient signes par l'etat, le rassemblement pour la caledonie dans la republique ( le rpcr, le parti favorable au maintien de la nouvelle-caledonie dans le giron de la republique francaise ), le front de liberation nationale kanak socialiste ( le flnks, organisation independantiste ), les accords de matignon-oudinot retablissant ainsi la paix sur le territoire grace a un dispositif politique et institutionnel mettant en place sur le " caillou " une societe plus egalitaire. La voie consensuelle ainsi amorcee, la question de l'avenir statutaire de la nouvelle-caledonie etait renvoyee en 1998 par l'intermediaire d'un scrutin d'autodetermination. Le 21 avril 1998, cependant une " solution consensuelle " est venue se substituer a ce " referendum-couperet ". Au terme d'une evolution statutaire chaotique, la nouvelle-caledonie semble etre sur le chemin de son emancipation politique.
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Lalancette, Katéri. "La contestation des résultats électoraux au Québec (1841-1875)." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28293.
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Les campagnes électorales québécoises du XIXe siècle sont, dans l’imaginaire collectif, synonymes de violence, d’intimidation et de pratiques douteuses menées par les partis politiques dans le but de gagner le vote de l’électeur illettré et peu politisé. Or, est-ce vraiment le cas? Ce mémoire a d’abord pour objectif d’analyser les irrégularités électorales à travers le prisme de la contestation faite par le biais de pétitions déposées à l’Assemblée législative de la province du Canada puis du Québec entre 1841 et 1875. Ensuite, il s’agit d’étudier le contrôle de la légitimité de l’élection et de la contestation fait par l’administration parlementaire. Pour y arriver, dans un premier temps, le déroulement des élections à l’ère du vote public est présenté, de même que les modalités encadrant la contestation électorale. Dans un deuxième temps, le contenu des pétitions est analysé, de sorte que sont relevées les différentes raisons évoquées par les pétitionnaires pour contester le résultat d’un scrutin. Dans un troisième temps, le processus parlementaire est analysé, de façon à montrer de quelle façon les députés arbitrent les litiges concernant les scrutins contestés. Le rôle des différents acteurs impliqués – l’électorat, les «partis» politiques, les contestataires et les députés – est également mis de l’avant tout au long du mémoire, de même que l’évolution des processus légaux entourant la contestation. Il ressort de l’analyse des 108 pétitions déposées en Chambre entre 1841 et 1875 que ce « passé mythique » de corruption et de brutalité électorale est bien réel, mais mérite d’être nuancé. La culture politique québécoise évolue grandement pendant cette courte période. Malgré tout, des pratiques frauduleuses ont non seulement libre cours pendant les élections, mais elles ont en plus l’aval des parlementaires, qui rejettent les doléances des contestataires dans plus de 90 % des cas.In the collective imagination, Quebec’s 19th-century electoral campaigns are associated with violence, intimidation and dubious practices by political parties in order to get votes from illiterate and unpoliticized voters. However, is it really the case? The first objective of this thesis is to analyze electoral irregularities through the petitions challenging the legality of some elections tabled in the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada and of Quebec between 1871 and 1875. The second one is to study the control of the legitimacy of these disputed elections by parliamentary administration. To do so, the election process during public votes and the contested elections laws are carefully examined. Petitions are analyzed in order to reveal the various reasons raised by the protestors. Then the parliamentary process is examined to demonstrate how members of the Legislative Assembly arbitrate the disputed ballots. Simultaneously, the role of the various actors involved – voters, political parties, protesters and members of parliament – is presented, as well as the evolution of the legislation about controverted elections. Finally, the analysis of the 108 petitions tabled in the House between 1841 and 1875 suggests that this "mythical past" of corruption and electoral violence is real, but deserves to be qualified. The political culture evolves a lot during this short period. Those dubious practices are not only free of consequences during the elections, they also have the endorsement of the members of parliament, who reject petitioners’ grievances in more than 90% of the cases.
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Nazerian, Lua. "Rethinking representative democracy : Representation beyond contestation & partisan politics." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Internationella relationer, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-38583.
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The current forms of representative democracy have come to face various fundamental challenges such as: decrease in political participation, distrust in partisan politics and politicians and perhaps increase of ideological polarization. To take solace in the belief that the current democratic tools are far from perfect yet the finest in modern societies, has not contributed to solution-oriented modifications of its efficacy. In this thesis Lua Nazerian intends to address the inadequacies and inherent limitations in the current form of representative democracy, by analyzing its underlying assumptions through a critical examination of the fundamental challenges in Classical pluralism, Agonist and Deliberative democratic theory. Furthermore, it proposes some modifications drawn from the Socratic idea of the non-pursuit of power, the bottom-up political approach and the learnings from the worldwide Baha’i community. The study is carried out within the field of international relations with a normative approach as well as it incorporates a case study of the Baha’i electoral and decision-making principle. Nevertheless, by using the Socratic idea together with the Baha’i principles in a bottom-up approach shifts then the paradigm from the inherent competitive culture of representative democracy to a more inclusive solution-oriented culture of learning.
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Repetto, Benedetto. "Le documentaire Italien : la contestation cinématographique dans l'ère Berlusconienne." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLV069.
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La présente étude aborde le documentaire italien sous l'ère berlusconienne tout en réfléchissant sur ses interactions avec les transformations historiques et culturelles de l'Italie. Cette production documentaire témoigne de l’urgence de dénoncer les mécanismes du pouvoir et de rechercher la vérité à une époque où réaliser du cinéma politique paraît difficile. Nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse qu’un documentaire de contestation a bien existé et l’étude du contexte social dans lequel un film a été réalisé permet de constituer un cadre de référence qui manifeste quelle production de sens les auteurs ont voulu contester. Le documentaire s’est concentré sur la réalité, en se posant par rapport à l’histoire et à la mémoire. Il a servi d’archive des luttes. Les images de ces films sont des témoignages d’une histoire douloureuse, mais elles montrent également qu’une partie du peuple résiste. Ces documentaires semblent avoir pour objectif d’être la mémoire de cette Italie-làThe present study debates the Italian documentary in Berlusconi’s era reflecting on its interactions with historical and cultural transformations in Italy. This documentary production reveals the urge to expose power mechanisms and seek truth in a moment when making political cinema looked difficult. We started from the theory that a political protest documentary certainly existed, and the study of the social context in which a certain movie was realized allows us to establish the frame in which the authors operated their criticism. The documentary focused on reality, correlating with history and memory. It served as an archive for struggles. These movies witness painful stories, but also show the resisting fraction of a people. This kind of documentary aspires to being the historical memory of that Italy
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Fetter, Sébastien. "La contestation du loyer initial : étude de l'article 270 CO /." Berne : Stämpfli, 2005. http://aleph.unisg.ch/hsgscan/hm00124041.pdf.
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Peng, Lei. "Rock en Chine : contestation et consommation depuis les années 1980." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014LYO30040/document.
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Si « Rock » dans le monde occidental est marqué par ses traits subversifs et politiques à certaines périodes historiques spécifiques pour être ensuite entièrement récupérée par la raison marchande, son histoire a été prolongée avec son appropriation environ trente ans après en République Populaire de Chine. Ainsi, le Yaogun, dénomination commune du Rock en Chine est depuis son émergence imbriqué dans la constitution d'une « nouvelle Chine socialiste » calquée sur le modèle de « l'État-nation » : « une démarche mimétique par rapport au système occidental, un système, couplé d’idéologies, qui s’est avéré avec la première guerre mondiale non seulement politico-économique mais de plus scientifique et technologique » selon les expressions du Gregory Lee. En même temps, cette construction de « l’État-nation chinois socialiste » est depuis le début véhiculée par les mécanismes de la « mondialisation » économique, culturelle et idéologique selon une logique capitaliste. Cette thèse présente le Rock comme un acteur social qui représente et traduit la société chinoise prise dans la transition radicale et structurelle, d’une société considérée comme « ex-socialiste » vers une société de consommation et spectacle depuis les années 1980. Par ses propres transformations, ses tentatives contestataires et ses récupérations par la consommation, le Yaogun se réapproprie des schèmes, des images et des notions hérités à la fois du Mythe du Rock daté d'un demi siècle, et de « l'Occident » dont il réinterprète le sens originel. Pour ce faire, il sollicite inévitablement des éléments « propres » à la Chine - gestuel ou symbolique – qui pourrait amener à la revendication (ou non) d'une spécificité culturelle propre. Avec cette analyse, nous avons tenté d’une part de démontrer la complexité et les contradictions voilées derrière l'apparence homogène de la production de cette société du spectacle et de consommation qu’est la Chine actuelle, et d’autre part de démystifier la circulation hégémonique sur le plan des connaissances scientifiques du monde actuel. Ce travail est le fruit d’une réflexion alimentée par deux parcours parallèles et complémentaires en Études sur la Chine contemporaine et « Cultural Studies », s’inspirant des différentes approches théoriques transdiciplinaire dans les domaines des sciences sociales et humaines. Il traite la question des relations entre la musique populaire, le Rock, le pouvoir politique et économique ainsi que la vie quotidienne dans le monde chinois contemporain. Enfin ce questionnement dit « local » a par la suite suscité une réflexion critique sur la réalité dominant le monde actuel : « la mondialisation marchande »Born at the same time as the “30 years of China’s Reform and Opening" political discourse, Rock music in China (Yaogun) at its outset is often understood as an ideological weapon with a somewhat “revolutionary” touch to it against the Communist orthodox principles. This is mainly due to some values known as part of the Rock Myth, such as individual freedom, social equality and democracy.However, since the 1980s, there has been a significant transformation in the People's Republic of China (PRC): the shift to a free-market economy and the opening of the country to outside influence have led to the resurgence of a relevant social and cultural diversity. In the meantime, the new ideologies, technologies and mode of economy unavoidably brought about the commodification of the so-called “Chinese Culture” as part of the modern Chinese “Nation-State” construction, both at the level of the authority’s cultural policy and of the collective social imaginary, including the commodification of the so-called “Chinese Rock” or Yaogun. After one decade of development in the 1990s, generally speaking, China’s Rock or “underground” turned out to stay away from politics. It became hip, professionally organized, commercial and partly moving “overground” (not about revolution, but about everyday life). Similarly to other forms of art and cultural production in contemporary China, Rock also engaged in a complex and creative relationship with the PRC’s revolutionary heritage. From the late 1980s onwards, Yaogun has developed from being a rebelling voice in opposition to the ideology of the Chinese authorities to representing a subject of commodification by different agencies in sharing the same signs of the PRC’s revolutionary heritage. This dissertation attempts to shed some light on the complexities and contradictions involved in the tremendous social and cultural transformations of post-socialist China through the rock music scene. It brings into play the sociology of Rock music, Cultural Studies, together with the production and spreading of the culture and ideology of contemporary Chinese society
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Hamdani, Deny, and dehamdani@gmail com. "The Quest for Indonesian Islam: Contestation and Consensus Concerning Veiling." The Australian National University. Faculty of Asian Studies, 2008. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20090714.023401.
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This study examines various transformations in the practice of veiling which have involved changes in its meaning for Indonesian Muslims. It concentrates on a forty-year period from the New Order to the Reform Era. In particular, it focuses on the interplay between the practice of wearing the veil and the changing social and political constellation in Indonesia, and relates these to the presence of both contestation and consensus regarding veiling among Indonesian Muslims.
After conducting one years fieldwork in some regions of Indonesia, I found significant changes in how Muslims negotiate their daily lives in connection with the idea of veiling. While a relaxed form of veiling has long been practiced by santri (devout) Muslims, veiling has assumed an absolute meaning for other Muslims, especially since the increasing Islamisation of various social classes. The practice of veiling has become pervasive among Muslims: at the same time, it is intertwined with fashion trends, commercialisation and the expression of personal and religious identity.¶
Although some Modernist Muslims continue to contest the Islamist discourse regarding veiling, there is a growing trend to make veiling mandatory in certain parts of Indonesia. Veiling became oppressive rather than liberating in the areas where it has been imposed in the public domain. The appearance of the veil also changed: from a modest and traditional practice (kerudung), it was turned into the mandatory jilbab, which covers the head, neck and chest much more strictly. The veil transformed again in some parts of Indonesia, to become a fashion item: this made it a promising product for industry and marketing, due to the growing number of Muslim consumers. At the same time, in some places it has continued to be imposed by local Islam-oriented regimes which tend to want to control public behaviour according to their interpretation. In the light of these changes, I argue that the changing social and political conditions in contemporary Indonesia have impelled Muslims to search for an Indonesian Islam: what form that indigenous version of Islam will take is still being negotiated.
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Marsden, Sarah V. "How terrorism ends : understanding the outcomes of violent political contestation." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3970.
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Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.
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Sinha, Siddhant. "Street-side parallels : Bombay : contestation of everyday life with order." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1365785.
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If there is anything that challenges a discussion about architecture, it would be defining architecture. It is too broad a subject to construct any particular opinion and follow on, even while attempting to create an understanding of it at the level within graduate program. For me, in a way, architecture has constantly re-constructed its character and impression, and that by itself becomes its permanent trait vis-a-vis a given place and time. But, it also subtly shifts its prominence from being an object to being an experience, from being permanent to being ephemeral or from being a summation to being a subtraction. At this moment, my pursuit of understanding architecture lies in its subtraction or absence from a collage of variables that compose everyday life.Revisiting Bombay's busy streets after spending a considerable amount of time in the United States was a familiar experience for me, but it quickly helped me recognize and acknowledge constituents of my everyday living (associated with the events of the city) that were immediately subtracted while living in the West. An everyday experienceassociated with the city, like the vending stalls, convenience stores, songs, noise, people, etc. could not be found in cities I visited in the U.S. All these experiences such as eating at food stalls and having a cup of tea on the street-side, buying electronics and latest music albums from a make-shift stall assembled from pieces of wooden planks; or simply walking on the street-side as if it were never a side walk but a festival of attainable consumerism - collectively form an event that is embedded in Bombay's urbanism. Herein, I chose to get up-close with the actors and their created spaces and interview them in order to gain insights into the totality of making a living on the street-side. Additionally, in order to extend my knowledge of architecture, I designed a vending stall that both acknowledges the worlds of the street-side and vendors, even as it is informed by my training as an architect.I am challenged as a graduate student to consider architecture within the context of my everyday life. A whole new dimension of space (of ad-hoc and tactical nature) that has always been there, gradually and randomly shaping my relationship with the city's streets while challenging the order of the city. Although invisibly present all the time, this study has made me more aware of its influence. Hence, I have tried to readdress everyday life on the street-sides within the local and global settings of Bombay, studying events and people associated with it. Looking for a probable architecture on the street-sides of Bombay within the boundaries of the quotidian and the modem realities becomes my thesis.Department of Architecture
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Boon, Tim. "Films and the contestation of public health in interwar Britain." Thesis, University of London, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266238.
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Lakhdar, Salma. "La contestation masquée dans les histoires comiques au XVIIe siècle." Caen, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CAEN1028.
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Les histoires comiques ne sont pas seulement comiques. Elles inaugurent une nouvelle forme littéraire qui donne corps aux principes de la philosophie libertine. Elles se détachent de l’esthétique traditionnelle des contes et des facéties médiévaux pour instaurer une nouvelle forme romanesque qui défie les normes usuelles et annonce ainsi l’allure narrative du roman moderne : les écrivains comiques fondent, sans être des théoriciens, de nouvelles règles romanesques. Le style, l’esthétique, le langage et les thèmes divergent mais se complètent. La diversité de l’histoire comique a été à l’origine de sa richesse mais aussi de sa disparition. Misant sur l’ambiguïté, les écrivains comiques et libertins choisissent le masque comme moyen de contestation. Dissimulation et simulation s’allient dans un schéma narratif complexe. Dépourvu de son aspect frivole, le comique se fait contestataire. Il est façonné par des écrivains qui n’ont ni la même expérience, ni le même style mais s’allient dans des objectifs communs : tourner en dérision l’idéalisation romanesque héritée du roman chevaleresque, introduire la réalité comme matière première de leur analyse, surtout sociale, et s’imposer face aux dogmatismes de la pensée catholique, surtout lorsqu’ils s’imposent par la violence ou par la force de l’État, notamment contre les protestants. La liberté est un objectif commun, la lutte perpétuelle engage des stratégies savantes. L’écriture contestataire devient signe de refus et de transgression, le comique est le moyen d’ouvrir de nouvelles voies de lecture. Les jeux de masque incitent le lecteur à chercher les interprétations dissimulées dans les textes sous différentes formesComic stories are not just amusing. They reveal a new literary form that embodies the principles of the Libertine Philosophy. They are detached from the traditional aesthetic medieval tales and jokes. Their novelistic form defies the usual standards and thus announces the narrative pace of the modern novel: comic writers based without being theorists, new romantic rules. Style, aesthetics, language and themes diverge but remain complementary. Ironically, the diversity of the comic story made it rich but accelerated its disappearance. Building on ambiguity, comic writers and freethinkers chose the mask as a way to protest. Concealment and simulation are combined in a complex narrative structure. Deprived of its frivolous aspect, the comic becomes a means to convey one's disapproval and contest. It is shaped by writers who did not have the same experience nor the same style but had common goals: deride the romantic idealization inherited from the chivalric novel, use the factual and the real as basis for scrutiny and analysis and face the dogmas of Catholic thought especially when violently or legally imposed on Protestants. As Freedom is the common end, the perpetual struggle engages clever strategies and writing becomes a sign of rejection and a means to refuse transgression, as well. Mask games urge the reader to interpret the different hints hidden in the texts. Hence, the comic openes new reading scopes
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Stasiuk, Davie D. "Contestation of Place: Bear Butte and the Sturgis Motorcycle Rally." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1353509620.
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Simay, Philippe. "Tradition et contestation : éléments pour une éthique de la transmission." Paris 10, 2006. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA100185.
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La notion de tradition occupe aujourd’hui une place centrale dans diverses controverses philosophiques où elle est souvent mobilisée comme un argument d’autorité. Pour autant, la nature de la tradition n’est pas questionnée. Nul ne semble douter que la tradition renvoie à quelque chose d’ancien, se transmettant de génération en génération. Or, depuis plus de cinquante ans, les sciences sociales font la critique d’une telle représentation « chosifiante » de la tradition. Cette thèse propose d’étudier la notion de tradition d’un point de vue philosophique, en abordant cette question à partir des acquis des sciences sociales, notamment de l’anthropologie. Il s’agit non seulement de revenir de manière critique sur les lectures philosophiques de la tradition, et sur les malentendus auxquels elles ont donné lieu mais aussi de questionner philosophiquement les perspectives anthropologiques afin d’aboutir à une meilleure compréhension des phénomènes traditionnelsThe notion of tradition occupies a central place in different philosophic controversies today where it is often mobilized as an argument of authority. For all that, the nature of the tradition is not questioned. Nobody seems to doubt that the tradition dismisses to something former, being passed on of generation in generation. Now, for more than fifty years, the social sciences critisize of such a representation " chosifiante " of the tradition. This thesis suggests studying the notion of tradition of a philosophic point of view, by approaching this question from the experiences of the social sciences, notably the anthropology. It is not only a question of returning in a critical way on the philosophic readings of the tradition, and on the misunderstandings to which they gave place but also to question philosophically the anthropological perspectives to end in a better understanding of the traditional phenomena
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Amand, Emilie. "Le roman de la contre histoire : entre contestation et tradition." Thesis, Lille 3, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIL3H051/document.
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Cette thèse se propose de travailler à la définition d'un sous-genre du roman historique en expansion : le roman de la contre histoire, aussi appelé roman historique subversif. Les œuvres choisies permettent une analyse diachronique du problème, en commençant par la naissance du roman historique et allant jusqu'à nos jours. Pour cela, nous aborderons les œuvres de Scott, Hampâté Bâ, Roa Bastos, et Chamoiseau, s'attachant ainsi à différents continents et cultures, avec l'Europe, l'Afrique, mais également l'Amérique Centrale et l’Amérique du Sud. Pour cette recherche, il est nécessaire d'étudier le contexte de naissance de ces romans, ainsi que les moyens mis en place à l'écriture de cette histoire autre. Nous en viendrons à travailler sur le glissement de l'écriture de l'Histoire à celle d'une identité, ce qui nous poussera à nous interroger sur la place de la littérature dans la constitution de l'identité nationale. Nous ferons ici face à des controverses, étant donné que les romans vont partiellement à l'encontre des Histoires officielles, ce qui permettra de voir l'importance que peut avoir le point de vue autre dans la construction identitaire. La présence des contes et du folklore, sera étudiée afin de déterminer leur rôle dans la création de l'identité. Une étude de la réception de ces œuvres sera menée afin de voir l'impact concret de ces textes sur la construction identitaire. Ceci permettra donc d'avoir une vision totale de ce sous-genre en plein essor, et de voir son réel impact, amenant à une réflexion sur la place de la littérature dans la société actuelle ainsi que sur son rapport à l'histoireThis thesis proposes to work on the definition of a sub-genre of the expanding historical novel: the novel of the counter-history, also called subversive historical novel. The selected works allow a diachronic analysis of the problem, starting with the birth of the historical novel and going until our days. For this, we will cover the works of Scott, Hampâté Bâ, Roa Bastos, and Chamoiseau, thus focusing on different continents and cultures, with Europe, Africa, but also Central America and South America . For For this research, it is necessary to study the birth context of these novels, as well as the means put in place to write this other story. We will come to work on the shift from the writing of history to that of an identity, which will push us to question the place of literature in the constitution of national identity. We will face controversy here, since the novels go partially against the official histories, which will allow to see the importance that the other point of view can have in the construction of identity. The presence of tales and folklore will be studied to determine their role in the creation of identity. A study of the reception of these works will be conducted to see the concrete impact of these texts on the construction of identity. This will allow us to have a total vision of this sub-genre booming, and see its real impact, leading to a reflection on the place of literature in today's society and its relationship to history
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Dahmane, Hadj. "Engagement et contestation dans le théâtre algérien des origines à nos jours." Thesis, Mulhouse, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009MULH3428/document.
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Au départ, l’art dramatique algérien, politisé, s’est orienté vers des thèmes appelant au soulèvement et à la lutte contre l’occupation coloniale. Qu’il s’agisse du théâtre d’expression dialectale, arabe littéraire ou française, le dénominateur commun a été l’engagement. Après l’indépendance cet art connaîtra un autre engagement : il contribuera, à sa façon, à la construction des institutions de l’État et de la société nouvelle. À partir de 1968, il sera traversé par des mouvements de contestation, malgré l’omnipotence de l’État et de la censure. [...]Initially, the Algerian dramatic art was politicized, then moved towards themes calling for a revolt and fight against colonial occupation. Whether the dialectal expression theater, Arabic or French literary, the common denominator was the commitment. After independence, this art experience another commitment: it will contribute in its own way, to building the institutions of the state and of the new society. From 1968 it will be crossed by protest movements, despite the omnipotence of the state and censorship. [...]
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Ambuske, James Patrick. "Minting America coinage and the contestation of American identity, 1775-1800 /." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1164981401.
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Elhajjar, Samer. "Compréhension de la contestation de la publicité environnementale : principes et conséquences." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016STRAB007/document.
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Cette recherche s‘attache à comprendre le phénomène de la contestation de la publicité environnementale. En effet, peu de recherches ont été conduites sur ce sujet. L'objectif de cette thèse est d'explorer les contours de la notion de contestation publicité environnementale tout en identifiant les raisons, les manifestations et les risques qui lui sont associés. Trois études empiriques, une qualitative et deux expérimentales, montrent que qu'il existe des motifs de contestation rattachés aux éléments de la publicité et d'autres liés à la confiance du consommateur envers les publicités vertes. En outre, les manifestations de la contestation peuvent aller de mouvements collectifs et visibles à des comportements plus individuels comme l'évitement et le rejet de la publicité environnementale. De plus, la contestation semble présenter un impact négatif sur l'image de l'entreprise et sur le comportement d'achat du consommateur. Enfin, les résultats indiquent que la provocation - un moyen utilisé par les entreprises selon la littérature pour éviter pas la contestation- a d‘effets négatifs sur les perceptions et les des consommateurs envers la publicité. À la lumière des résultats obtenus, les limites de la thèse sont exposées et les futurs axes de recherche sont proposésThis research seeks to analyze the phenomenon of environmental advertising contestation. In effect, there is a shortage of studies on these issues. The objective of this thesis is to explore the contours of the environmental advertising contestation concept while identifying the reasons, the manifestations and the risks associated with it. Three empirical studies, one qualitative and two experimental, show that that there are reasons of contestation related to creative elements of advertisement and discourse advertisements and others linked to advertising medium and confidence of consumer toward the advertising source. Moreover, the manifestations of contestation can range from collective and visible movements to more individual behaviors such as avoidance and the rejection of environmental advertising. In addition, the contestation seems to have a negative impact on consumer buying behavior and on the firm's image. Finally, the results indicate that provocation- a tool used by companies according to literature to avoid contestation- has negative effects on consumers‘ perceptions and attitudes toward the advertisement. In the light of the obtained results, the limitations of the thesis are outlined and future avenues of research are proposed
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Paddon, Emily. "Taking sides : impartiality, norm contestation and the politics of UN peacekeeping." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:1dda63f4-5e19-4c98-bc57-3d0902dd80f6.
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Impartiality has long been a core norm of United Nations peacekeeping. However, since 2000 the dominant conception of impartiality has changed, leading to more coercive forms of peacekeeping. Claims to impartial authority are no longer based exclusively on terms to which all parties consent. Instead, they are premised on a more ambitious and expansive set of norms related to human rights, around which consensus is presumed but not always affirmed. This dissertation critically examines the change in both the conception and practice of impartiality, which, it argues, is an integral part of the emergence of a more assertive liberal internationalism. In doing so, it challenges dominant constructivist approaches within IR that conceive of norms as linear and static. It advances a framework for a multi-level analysis of impartiality as a “composite” and “contested” norm. Through this framework it elucidates the macro-level politics surrounding the norm’s institutionalisation at the UN, as well as the micro-level politics surrounding its implementation in the specific case of the UN mission in Congo (MONUC). The analysis of the processes of both institutionalisation and implementation reveals an absence of consensus over the norm itself, and over the purposes of and actions involved in contemporary peacekeeping. This contestation, together with varying expectations and incentives created by the norm amongst local actors, frequently results in unintended consequences, which are contrary to the norm’s original intent. And yet, despite these consequences, the very nature of assertive impartiality makes it difficult for those who claim such authority to change course. Given that the legitimacy of peacekeeping derives both from whether it is seen to reflect and promote shared values, as from the degree to which it is actually effective, this difficulty raises troubling questions for peacekeeping itself and for the UN, the institution to which it has become so symbolically linked. This dissertation argues that, ultimately, the UN’s role may be to reflect, rather than to resolve, the differences of normative interpretation among its member states. It concludes that a more practical and prudent conception of impartiality – one which recognises that impartiality is necessarily and inextricably political – will be necessary if scholars and practitioners alike are to navigate the normative tensions inherent to a more assertive liberal international order.
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Reynolds, Laurence. "The production, governance and contestation of genetically modified food and crops." Thesis, University of Essex, 2010. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.528859.
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Izedaren, Fayçal. "Les formes de la contestation sociale en milieu universitaire en Algérie." Paris 8, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA084093.
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Comme le nom de la thèse l’indique, on aborde dans ce document la contestation sociale en milieu universitaire en Algérie. Nous avons abordé l’institution dans sa globalité, notamment le processus de l’élargissement du réseau universitaire, ainsi que le processus des réformes universitaires et les transformations sociopolitiques de l’université en rapport avec la société, en adoptant une approche descriptive et historique. Il s’agit d’analyser le processus de la cristallisation des formes de contestation sociales dans le champ universitaire, à travers l’action des organisations étudiantes, ainsi que les syndicats des enseignants, et de repérer les formes nouvelles. Celles-ci manifestent une ampleur sans précédent de l’anomie de l’université. Cette recherche se focalisera également sur les rapports des mouvements contestataires avec les institutions et les pouvoirs en montrant les effets notamment à travers les transformations sociopolitiques. Seront utilisées les méthodes d’analyse descriptive et historique, pour rendre compte du milieu universitaire étudié aussi bien que les antécédents historiques des évènements, il s’agit aussi d’éclairer sur les processus de l’enseignement et de formation, ainsi que la formation des structures de contestation en milieu universitaire en AlgérieAs the title of the present thesis suggests, we discuss in this paper the social protest in Algeria in the university environment. We discussed the institution as a whole, including the process of enlargement of the university network, and the process of university reforms and the socio-political transformations of the university in relation to society, by adopting a descriptive and historical approach. We analyzed the process of forming of social protest ways in the university through the action of the student organizations and teachers' unions, and identified new forms and methods of protest. Our analysis shows an unprecedented ampleness of the University anomia. This research also focuses on relationships of the protest movements with the institutions and the authorities by showing their effects mainly through sociopolitical transformations. We will use descriptive and historical analysis methods to shed light on the studied university field and the historical events. We will also describe the process of teaching and trainings as well as the development of protest structures in the university field in Algeria
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Slivkoff, Paulina Matvei. "The formation and contestation of Molokan identities and communities : the Australian experience." University of Western Australia. School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2007.0084.
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[Truncated abstract] Molokans are a Russian sectarian community that has been a transnational diasporic community since their exile from southern Russia in 1839. During the 1839 exodus they were relocated to Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. These countries make up a region referred to by Molokans as Transcaucasia located in and around the Caucasus Mountains. A further migration to Turkmenistan followed in 1889. Since that time, Molokans have settled in Iran, the United States of America, Mexico, Australia and Brazil. The colonies in Brazil and Mexico have disbanded with members re-joining Molokan communities in the United States of America and Australia. The communities remain in contact with one another and with various Molokan communities still existing in the Russian Soviet Socialist Federal Republic. Molokans are characterised by a religious structure of lay ministers and elders in a traditional, patriarchal social community. They are a collectivity of churches (there is no hierarchy between the churches) and sub-groups who practise varying degrees of adherence to Molokan dogma. They are a millenarian, charismatic religious community similar to Pentecostals and Anabaptists with the exception that they have ceased to evangelise and have become ‘closed’ communities practising endogamy. Given their closed structure, relatively little is known about this group in mainstream society . . . Spirituality, in the form of prophecy, healing, and the shared expression of religious ecstasy (rejoicing in the Holy Spirit) provides a sense of communitas that helps to bind the communities. Persecution in Russia and in the United States of America promoted mistrust of outsiders and contributed to the closure of social boundaries. Interventionist and reform activities in both Russia and the United States of America reinforced the belief that social closure was the only way to maintain cultural continuity. Their shared history of migration and persecution contributes to the building of a core community identity.
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Guindon, Jocelyn M. "La contestation des espaces gais au centre-ville de Montreal depuis 1950 /." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=38199.
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Urban spaces and their meanings are continually reinvented by daily life and representational practices. Public spaces provide an avenue to analyse the construction and contestation of political and social power in the city. The geography of Montreal's gay men's communities underwent profound changes during the 1980s. The traditional gay areas of the downtown core and the "Red Light" districts have disappeared in favour of a new gay quarter, the Village. This transformation raises questions about the exercise of power in space since the heart of the gay neighbourhood and the downtown area were one in the same. The accumulated symbolism of downtown Montreal was contested and subverted by the growing visibility of sexual minorities. This analysis of urban space reflects a transformation in public discourse that evolved from a tight control of morals, to the confinement of private morality to private spaces, and finally to the constitution of a discourse centered on human rights. A variety of qualitative methods including interviews and documentary sources, such as the community press, have been used to show the political dimension of public space and the manipulation of the symbolic economy allowing the establishment of rights to urban space.Dominion Square is the spatial focus around which collective and social phenomena have been analysed. The impacts of these phenomena on our collective imaginations have been reconstructed. The transformation of central urban space by modernist architecture and urban functionalism, reconfigured public spaces in the downtown core, along with its definitions, its representations and its control. A mapping of gay geographic imagination shows the importance of sexuality, language, social class, religion and national identities in the development of a sense of belonging in space. It has been shown that gay geographic imagination is necessarily linked to other aspects of identity and diverse manifestations of power. This imagination questioned the privileged representations of hegemonic social values through the practices of daily life, the subversion of the meaning of space and political protest. Police repression showed itself to be only one of the strategies used by the municipal establishment in its censorship practices.
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Leahey, Lucie. "Engagement paternel en situation de rupture conjugale et de contestation de garde." Thèse, Universit?? de Sherbrooke, 2014. http://savoirs.usherbrooke.ca/handle/11143/102.
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R??sum?? : Le pr??sent essai doctoral vise ?? d??finir les facteurs de risque ou de protection de l???engagement paternel chez les p??res ayant eu recours ?? la m??diation ordonn??e (Mo) et ?? l???expertise psychosociale (Exp). L?????tude de 222 dossiers l??gaux et la r??alisation de 22 entrevues repose sur une approche exploratoire dont les donn??es quantitatives et qualitatives ont ??t?? recueillies de fa??on ponctuelle (entrevues) et en r??trospective (analyse des dossiers). Cet essai pr??sente ?? notre connaissance des donn??es originales. L'analyse des tendances d??mographiques nomm??e ?? analyse populationnelle dynamique ?? et les donn??es qui en sont issues sont appel??es ?? donn??es populationnelles ??. Elles tracent un portrait des p??res qui tient compte du contexte social dans lequel ils ??voluent et situent les ??chantillons sur la courbe normale ou selon le crit??re ??valu??. Cette m??thode d'analyse soutient avantageusement le mod??le ??cologique de Bronfenbrenner (1979). Les r??sultats indiquent qu???au-del?? des proc??dures de cour, le facteur de risque le plus important ?? l???engagement paternel est la difficile communication avec l???ex-conjointe appel??e ?? communication d??gradant le lien parental ?? dont les deux piliers sont la d??pr??ciation et l'obstruction. Le conflit qui oppose les parents est de longue dur??e et se prolonge parfois sur une d??cennie. Cette intensit?? de conflit discrimine le profil des p??res utilisant la m??diation ordonn??e de celui des p??res utilisant la m??diation volontaire. ?? ce conflit sont associ??s des co??ts psychologiques chez les p??res et leur famille, mais ??galement des co??ts financiers attribuables ?? la longueur des proc??dures de cour. Ces co??ts constituent ??galement un facteur de risque tout comme les caract??ristiques des couples pr??sentant des ??carts d?????ge, de valeurs et de culture. Les recommandations de l???expertise et les ententes de la m??diation ordonn??e ont un effet de courte dur??e sur le conflit qui oppose les parents. Les p??res per??oivent l???expertise comme un facteur de protection de leur engagement, car leur capacit?? parentale y est reconnue et les recommandations que contiennent les expertises influencent les d??cisions de la cour. La capacit?? des p??res ?? valoriser leur r??le parental et les strat??gies utilis??es pour contrer une communication d??nigrante sont ??galement des facteurs de protection. De ces constats se d??gage une s??rie de recommandations visant tant la recherche que les interventions cliniques. // Abstract : This doctoral essay seeks to define the risk or protective factors of paternal involvement among fathers who have recourse to court-ordered mediation (Mo) and custody assessment (Exp). An examination of 222 legal cases and the 22 interviews which were conducted is based on an approach that is exploratory (both quantitative and qualitative), case-by-case (interviews) and retrospective (case-file analysis), which to our knowledge is innovative in many ways. The analysis of demographic trends called "population-based dynamic analysis", while the data derived from it are called "population-based data". They paint a portrait of fathers that takes into account the social context in which they find themselves and place the samples on a normal curve or in accordance with the criterion being evaluated. This method of analysis favorably supports Bronfenbrenner???s ecological model (1979). The results indicate that beyond court procedures, the most significant paternal-involvement risk factor is difficult communication with the ex-wife, called "communication detrimental to the parental relationship", which is based on two major pillars: depreciation and obstruction. These pillars present a conceptual affinity with parental alienation, negative co-parenting and restrictive gatekeeping. The conflict between the parents is long-lasting, sometimes extending over a decade. This conflict intensity distinguishes the profiles of fathers using court-ordered mediation from those using voluntary mediation. Psychological and financial costs for the fathers and their family associated with the length of court procedures constitute a risk factor as well, as do the characteristics of couples of differing ages, values and cultures. Court custody assessments and court-ordered mediation have a short-term effect on parental conflict. However, fathers perceived court custody assessments as a protective factor for their paternal involvement because their parenting ability is thus recognized and recommendations contained in the assessments influence court decisions. The ability of fathers to enhance their parenting role and the strategies they use to counter derogatory communications are also protective factors. These findings result in a series of recommendations aimed both at research and clinical interventions.
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Turner, Michael. "Structures of Participation and Contestation| Publics and Protest on the Tumblr Dashboard." Thesis, The George Washington University, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10003987.
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This project investigates the way that larger power structures and highly specific site architectures affect voices of contestation through a situated ethnographic study of the #BlackLivesMatter movement on Tumblr. Rather than a comprehensive study, this project looks at how protesters may utilize high media and social network literacy to strategically make their voices heard by seemingly isolated and uninvolved users. Rather than ignorant to the structures around them, the specifics of these choices or e-tactics demonstrate a degree of awareness by protesters of larger cultural forces that may limit or constrain their ability to be heard. Through this lens, this thesis compares the role of Tumblr and other social sites as arenas for democratic dialogue and the insertion of previously marginalized peoples and narratives. The use of blogs by #BlackLivesMatter protesters and other counter-hegemonic movements as a realm for civic journalism and “counter media-errorism” is also analyzed. Ultimately, this project shows a clear need for further ethnographic study on the particulars of Internet and information and communication technology structures and how activists pursue social change within these structures.
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Fuentes, y. Colin José Antonio. "Contestation sociale et politique de sécurité en RFA : analyse de l'action pacifiste." Paris 9, 1987. https://portail.bu.dauphine.fr/fileviewer/index.php?doc=1987PA090026.
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La lutte pacifiste actuelle en R. F. A. Fait partie d'une mobilisation sociale internationale. Elle est différente des luttes pacifistes du passe par son organisation indépendante vis-à-vis des partis politiques et des autres institutions sociales. Les significations de l'action sont aussi autres; il s'agit d'une protestation patriotique, démocratique et sociale. L'enjeu de ce conflit - au niveau le plus élevé - est la discussion sur la rationalité et l'orientation de la politique de sécuritéThe current pacifist movement in West Germany is part of an international social movement. It differs from pacifist movements of the past because in its organization it is independent of political parties and other social institutions. The meanings of the action are also different; it is about a patriotic, democratic and social protest. The main issue of this conflict is the discussion about the rationality and orientation of a security policy
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Baena, Andrea. "Spaces of arrival : swamp as a terrain of contestation in Cartagena, Colombia." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2019. https://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/121864.
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Thesis: M. Arch., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture, 2019Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. Page 100 blank.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 81-83).
This project delves into the aqueous terrain where the arrival of people and water coalesce. Specifically, it explores the shifting landscape of the Virgen Swamp, in the coastal city of Cartagena, Colombia, where there is friction between flows of urban occupation and ecological flows. This friction is most noticeable in the 4km south border where urban occupation has taken over a fringe of approximately 80 meters of what used to be water. This water-people relationship is dialectical; urban occupation triggers the swamp to resist with floods, erosion and contamination. The city of Cartagena is full of stories of displacement and contestation with physical manifestations in the border of the swamp. Arrival neighborhoods at the border face a situation of simultaneous uncertain citizenship and ecologic vulnerability. The mangrove forest bordering the Virgen Swamp has been considered wasteland, and thus a place to be reclaimed by immigrants who find no other space in the city.
This mangrove forest serves as gradient between water and land filtering the water, preventing land erosion and protecting from storm surge. The recession of the swamp's shoreline due to urban development has degraded the once continuous loop of mangrove forest. The re-shaping of the border between water and land has occurred in the form of spontaneous occupation by immigrants and striated interventions led by the city and large private stakeholders in an attempt to solve water-land frictions. This thesis questions the idea of the swamp as a space of unchecked development or hard divisions. Instead, it sees the swamp's relationship to the urban and ecological as one of gradient and fluidity. In response to the transient nature of the urban arrival threshold, the thesis re-imagines an integrated development plan which brings together different stakeholders, proposing placemaking strategies for a space of displacement.
The proposed network of spaces catalyzes community reinforcement and livelihood. The project employs a systemic approach, exploring different scales and temporalities, and proposing design strategies that are both incremental and substantial.
by Andrea Baena.
M. Arch.
M.Arch. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Architecture
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Marcus, Rachel E. "Naming Power?: Urban Development and Contestation in the Callowhill Neighborhood of Philadelphia." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1589568987890018.
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Neve, Richard. "The limits of contestation : towards a radical democratic theory of emergency politics." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2012. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8z86x/the-limits-of-contestation-towards-a-radical-democratic-theory-of-emergency-politics.
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The claim that the exception has become the norm dominates the discourse of emergency politics. Theories of emergency politics need not rely on norm/exception binary because it closes down possibilities for radical democratic political contestation. Attempts to define a situation as exceptional by powerful political elites are a claim that politics must be foreclosed until they decide that the exigency has been resolved and a ‘normal’ state of affairs has resumed. A theory which conceptualizes space for radical democratic contestation is essential because such contestation is crucial to preserving and enhancing liberal-democratic governance despite claims that they are facing an existential threat. This thesis lays the foundation for such a theory. First, it presents a criticism of the reliance of the norm/exception binary in the discourses of emergency politics. I argue that ‘normal’ and ‘exceptional’ are polemical concepts used to in the defense of particular articulations of hegemonic and political power not liberal-democracy as such. Second, I develop a radical democratic theory of emergency politics. This theory is based on an account of political contingency which conceives of the political realm as being unstable and continually evolving. Thus liberal-democratic regimes never exist in ‘normal’ states because they are constantly engaging with exigencies which that emanate from the political realm. Furthermore, this thesis contends that emergency politics should be inscribed within wider hegemonic practices. What I identify as a paradox of contestation at the heart of liberal-democratic regimes is the terrain on which emergency politics are contested. Liberal-democratic regimes can absorb situations sometimes defined as emergencies. The goal of this thesis is to demonstrate theoretically how liberal-democratic regimes can preserve the possibility of radical democratic politics in the face of claims on the part of powerful political elites that an emergency or exception exists, which must be met with unrestrained violence and by severely reducing the scope of legitimate political contestation.
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Abubakar, Abdullahi Tasiu. "Media consumption amid contestation : Northern Nigerians' engagement with the BBC World Service." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2011. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/8zwqz/media-consumption-amid-contestation-northern-nigerians-engagement-with-the-bbc-world-service.
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This study primarily examines the dynamics of the long-term relationship between the BBC World Service and its mainly Muslim Northern Nigerian audiences. It broadly explores the pattern and consequences of Northern Nigerians’ interactions with international media, focusing particularly on their engagement with the BBC World Service. Employing a multidimensional qualitative research approach, the study examines the historical background of the relationship, the transformations it has undergone, and how the current dynamics of global geopolitics and advances in communications technologies are redefining it. It looks at the complex processes and procedures of both media content production and reception. On the production side, it unveils the BBC’s contradictory functions of providing ‘impartial’ international news service and promoting British public diplomacy, the complexity of its relationship with the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, and the nature of its engagement with distribution technologies. On the reception side, the mainly Muslim Northern Nigerians are found to be high consumers of BBC news and current affairs programmes but with considerable level of selectivity. Although they see BBC as the most credible international broadcaster that aids their comprehension of international affairs and generally influences their everyday life, they still regard it as essentially a Western cultural and ideological instrument that portrays the West positively and depicts the Muslim world and Africa negatively. The findings point to patterns and particularities of postcolonial transnational audiences’ consumption of media that suggest new conceptual and theoretical strands in reception research. They indicate audiences’ tendency to exhibit a phenomenon of selective believability in their interactions with transnational media; the mediating role of religion, culture and ideology in such interactions; and the dynamics of credibility and believability. Credibility is found to be a necessary but not sufficient condition for believability in audiences’ consumption of dissonant media messages.
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Placquet, Karine. "'The Authority of the Written Word' : ecriture et transgressions dans The Cider House Rules, A Prayer for Owen Meany et A Widow for One Year de John Irving." Phd thesis, Université Toulouse le Mirail - Toulouse II, 2011. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00639587.
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Romans de l'écrivain américain contemporain, John Irving, The Cider House Rules, A Prayer for Owen Meany et A Widow for One Year proposent des univers fictionnels distincts mais dirigés par une question identique : le processus de création, qu'il soit identitaire ou littéraire. Construits autour de la représentation des relations entre les personnages et leur environnement, les trois récits accordent une importance particulière à la transgression, toujours envisagée comme un acte de rébellion mais prenant également une connotation positive lorsqu'elle est entendue comme étape primordiale de la création identitaire. Cette double acception ressurgit dès lors que l'on considère le narrateur ou les techniques narratives, eux aussi caractérisés par une alliance de respect et d'écart par rapport aux normes ou conventions. La combinaison des forces antagonistes identifiées à l'échelle de l'histoire et au niveau narratif produit des romans singuliers alliant tradition et modernité, gravité et ironie. En fin de compte, les romans poursuivent un même but : divertir et contester tout à la fois.
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Carboni, Nicolas. "L’agitation étudiante et lycéenne de l’après-Mai 1968 à 1986. Du cadre national à l’exemple clermontois." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012CLF20004/document.
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Longtemps, l’histoire des universités françaises et des lycées s’est limitée à une histoire institutionnelle, celle des réformes, des politiques scolaires et universitaires. Mais depuis de nombreuses années, de nouvelles problématiques sont au cœur des réflexions. Ainsi, depuis Mai 68, on s’interroge sur les acteurs de la vie universitaire et scolaire, notamment les étudiants et les lycéens. En effet, avec les événements de mai et juin 1968, étudiants et les lycéens français ont pris une place de plus en plus importante sur la scène politique et sociale. Cette évolution est particulièrement remarquable à Clermont‐Ferrand, où la jeunesse estudiantine et lycéenne se fait entendre à intervalles réguliers. Il existe effectivement dans la capitale auvergnate une tradition de lutte étudiante et lycéenne, qui trouve ses racines dans les événements survenus pendant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale, à l’occasion du repli de l’université de Strasbourg à Clermont, ou encore dans les luttes étudiantes et lycéennes contre la guerre d’Algérie et la guerre du Vietnam. De cette tradition de lutte naît un paysage politique et syndical particulier dans les lycées et facultés de la ville. Des années 1960 aux années 1980, lycéens et étudiants clermontois sont particulièrement impliqués dans les combats politiques et dans les luttes sociales, qu’ils concernent directement ou non le monde scolaire et universitaire. Ils s’intègrent à un mouvement plus large, ce mouvement étudiant et lycéen, qui atteint son apogée dans les années 1960 et 1970.Le travail de recherche présenté entend s’interroger sur ces relations entre mouvement local et mouvement national : est‐ce que les lycéens et les étudiants clermontois se distinguent du reste de la population étudiante et lycéenne ? Quels sont les grands sujets de mobilisation à Clermont‐Ferrand entre 1968 et 1986 et sont-‐ils en adéquation avec ceux de la jeunesse française ? Quelles sont les formes de mobilisation de la jeunesse étudiante et lycéenne clermontoise et différent‐elles de celles observables à l’échelle nationale ? C’est sur toutes ces questions que ce travail s’attarde, entendant montrer la place du mouvement étudiant et lycéen clermontois au sein du mouvement social local et françaisFor a long time, the history of French universities and secondary schools has been restricted to an institutional history, the one of reforms, and university policies. But for many years, new issues have been at the centre of much thinking. Thus, since May 68, historians have been about the people involved in the university and school life, in particular students and secondary school students. Indeed, after the events of May and June 1968, French students and secondary school students have had an increasingly important role on the political and social scene. This evolution is all the more noteworthy in Clermont-Ferrand where young people at university and at school regularly make themselves heard. In fact, there is in the Auvergne regional capital a tradition of student and secondary school student struggle dating back to the events that occurred during the Second World War, when the university of Strasbourg withdrew in Clermont-Ferrand, or when students and secondary school students struggle against the war in Vietnam and in Algeria. From this struggle tradition, a special political and trade-union scene arises in the secondary schools and universities of the city. From the 1960s to the 1980s, secondary school students and students are particularly involved in political and social fights, whether they directly concern school and university or not. They are part of a larger movement that reaches its peak in the 1960s and 1970s. This research work is aimed at questioning the relationships between local and national movement : do Clermont-Ferrand 's secondary school students and students stand out from other French students ? What are the main causes and subjects of mobilization in Clermont-Ferrand from 1968 to 1986 ? Are they the same as other French young people or not ? This work is intended to show the role played by Clermont-Ferrand's secondary school students' and students' movement within a social local and national movement
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Moulard-Kouka, Sophie. ""Senegal yewuleen !" Analyse anthropologique du rap à Dakar : liminarité, contestation et culture populaire." Phd thesis, Université Victor Segalen - Bordeaux II, 2008. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00490805.
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A la fin des années quatre-vingt, on assiste à l'émergence d'une nouvelle expression culturelle au Sénégal : le hip-hop. Le rap (la forme vocale du hip-hop) a été introduit à Dakar par les jeunes des classes moyennes, qui avaient accès aux cassettes de rap américain ou français que leurs aînés leur envoyaient de l'étranger. Au début des années quatre-vingt-dix, ce style de musique commença à être diffusé largement dans les radios, et le rap se répandit jusque dans les quartiers les plus populaires de la ville. Au terme d'un travail de terrain de quatorze mois, j'ai essayé de déterminer comment les jeunes Sénégalais, traditionnellement tenus à l'écart du discours et des responsabilités au sein de la sphère publique, ont réussi à jouer un rôle déterminant dans la redéfinition d'un nouvel ordre, sur les plans réels et symboliques. Je me suis demandé si le mouvement rap à Dakar correspondait à la notion de mouvement social, ou revêtait plutôt la forme d'une culture populaire, s'inscrivant dans un milieu urbain. En effet, à l'horizon des élections présidentielles de 2000, les rappeurs, notamment ceux pratiquant le style hardcore, ont montré leur forte capacité à mobiliser les jeunes pour aller voter, mais aussi faire émerger une nouvelle conscience politique et sociale. La jeunesse sénégalaise, placée en situation de liminarité (concept que j'emprunte à l'anthropologue britannique Victor Turner) a ainsi réussi à réinvestir l'espace public. En outre, les rappeurs proposent une nouvelle lecture de l'histoire, de la tradition, élaborent de nouveaux codes musicaux et langagiers, mais aussi mettent en œuvre des processus d'individualisation qui leur permettent de redéfinir leur rapport à la famille ou à la religion, et notamment de l'islam, organisé le plus souvent sous forme de confréries soufies. Enfin, son évolution progressive vers la professionnalisation tend à changer sa relation à la création, et son ouverture croissante sur le monde l'amène à procéder à un rééquilibrage incessant, qui reflète les tiraillements d'une jeunesse désireuse d'appartenir à la fois à un monde « local » et « global ».
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Lama, Kunga Tsering. "Crowded mountains, empty towns: Commodification and contestation in Cordyceps harvesting in eastern Tibet." Connect to online resource, 2007. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:1446079.
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