Journal articles: 'Contemptus mundi'

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Zalewski, Dariusz. "Idea contemptus mundi u Eucheriusza z Lyonu." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 793–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4174.

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The striving after abandoning the world was constantly accompanied by the ancient Christian spirituality. In monasticism the real abandonment of society is becoming one of the most important factors. Among the great monastic centers the monastery in Lérins plays a significant role in the formation of the spiritual tradition of the „separation” on the West. Eucherius, as one of the Lérins’ monks, makes the doctrine of rejection of the world one of the most significant points of his spirituality. One of his works was De contemptu mundi, where the Lérins writer represents an organic conception of the world and puts forward arguments against the world. In this article Eucherius of Lyons idea of contemptus mundi and reasons that could affect his thinking have been analyzed.

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Panasiuk, Joanna. "Late Baroque Manuscript "Supplicant of the Sinner to the Lord Jesus". Eschatological Reflections." Colloquia Humanistica, no. 7 (December 18, 2018): 197–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/ch.2018.012.

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Late Baroque Manuscript Supplicant of the Sinner to the Lord Jesus. Eschatological ReflectionsThe scope of observations in this article will be concerned by Supplicant’s Song of the Lord Jesus(inc. "Jesus, my merciful ..."), belonging to the so-called the popular area. This text was found in a handwritten collection dated to 1744, belonging to the Discalced Carmelite Nuns in Krakow. In this song, we can identify - as a result of eschatological reflections - the idea of contemptus mundi (contempt of the world), originating from the middle ages. Późnobarokowy rękopis Supliki grzesznika do Pana Jezusa. Eschatologiczne refleksjeZakres obserwacji wyznaczy tu należąca do nurtu tzw. popularnego pieśń Suplika grzesznika do Pana Jezusa (inc. „Jezu mój litościwy…”). Tekst odnaleziono w rękopiśmiennym zbiorze datowanym na 1744 rok, należącym do biblioteki karmelitanek bosych w Krakowie. W pieśni – na skutek eschatologicznych refleksji - uobecnia się idea contemptus mundi (pogardy świata), wywodząca się z wieków średnich.

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Klein, Joachim. "Begräbnisdichtung im russischen Barock: Simeon Polockijs Threnodien." Zeitschrift für Slawistik 66, no. 1 (March 30, 2021): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/slaw-2021-0002.

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Summary This article is about Simeon Polotskii’s voluminous lament of 1669 about the death of Mariia Il’inichna, the wife of tsar Aleksei Mikhailovich. The lament is analysed as a specimen of baroque court poetry and as a poetic cycle. Special attention is paid to its religious content. What are the lament’s principal ideas about death and the afterlife? How does it treat the central motif of contemptus mundi, the Christian contempt of life on earth? And how does it relate to the religious tenets of the Orthodox Church?

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Szymański, Tomasz. "« Aimer religieusement le monde et la vie » : la réponse de Pierre Leroux au contemptus mundi." Acta Universitatis Lodziensis. Folia Litteraria Romanica, no. 15 (December 30, 2020): 151–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1505-9065.15.11.

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Dans son ouvrage De l’humanité, de son principe et de son avenir (1840), Pierre Leroux cherche à établir la « vraie définition de la religion », en visant à une synthèse des traditions religieuses de l’humanité et de la philosophie moderne. Aucune des réponses philosophiques que l’homme a tenté jusqu’ici de donner à la question du bonheur et du souverain bien (stoïcisme, épicuréisme, platonisme, christianisme) ne peut être jugée comme satisfaisante. Entre matérialisme qui méprise l’esprit d’un côté et spiritualisme qui méprise la nature et le monde de l’autre, Leroux cherche une troisième voie : « Aimer religieusement le monde et la vie ». Sa philosophie, qui est à la fois une manière de vivre et une réflexion herméneutique sur l’humanité, conduit à l’application véritable et socialement organisée du principe de l’amour, et dépassant égoïsme et altruisme dans la solidarité, permet de libérer la nature et la vie du mépris qui pesait sur elles pendant des siècles.

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Thomas, Neil. "The Celtic Wild Man Tradition and Geoffrey of Monmouth's Vita Merlini: Madness or Contemptus Mundi?" Arthuriana 10, no. 1 (2000): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/art.2000.0017.

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Blanco-Sarto, Pablo. "The idea of work: from Luther to Pentecostals in recent protestant authors." Teologia i Moralność 17, no. 2(32) (December 30, 2022): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/tim.2022.32.2.11.

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For Luther, work was a vocation, while Calvin emphasised the need to glorify God through work. Since the proposal of Weber and Troeltsch, the theology of work and the origin of capitalism has been discussed and studied in different Protestant denominations such as Lutherans, Calvinists, Puritans and Methodists. In this selection of some recent Protestant theologians, we appreciate continuity and evolution in the theology of work that lead us to the Pentecostal inheritance in our days. Some perspectives go back to the contemptus mundi that Luther refused, but the discovering of the action of the Holy Spirit in the daily work needs a Pentecostal theology of the work.

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SURIN, KENNETH. "CONTEMPTUS MUNDI AND THE DISENCHANTED WORLD: BONHOEFFER'S “DISCIPLINE OF THE SECRET” AND ADORNO'S “STRATEGY OF HIBERNATION”." Journal of the American Academy of Religion LIII, no. 3 (1985): 383–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/liii.3.383.

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Triplett, Katja. "The Japanese Contemptus mundi (1596) of the Bibliotheca Augusta: A Brief Remark on a New Discovery." Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 123–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501007.

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The duke of Brunswick-Lüneburg, August the Younger (1579–1666), assembled one of the largest collections of books and manuscripts in seventeenth-century Europe at his residence in Wolfenbüttel, creating a world-renowned library that is today known as the Bibliotheca Augusta. In about 1662, the duke purchased an unusual 1596 print in Latin script of a religious work offered to him as Tractatus de contemptu mundi in lingua Japonica. It was included in the ethica and not, as one would expect, in the theologica section of his collection, and this may be one of the reasons why the Jesuit print has not been listed in the currently most complete bibliography of prints of the Japanese Jesuit mission press compiled in 1940 by Johannes Laures, S.J., and later supplemented. Apart from the Augusta print only two other prints seemed to have survived. The article introduces the new discovery and outlines possible reasons for the hitherto relative invisibility of the print.

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Walthaus, Rina. "Elisa Dido y el contemptus mundi postridentino: simbolismo y moraleja en un drama de Cristóbal de Virués." Bulletin of the Comediantes 37, no. 2 (1985): 191–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/boc.1985.0009.

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Hagens, Jan L. "SPIELEN UND ZUSCHAUEN IN JAKOB BIDERMANNS PHILEMON MARTYR." Daphnis 29, no. 1-2 (March 30, 2000): 103–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18796583-90000703.

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Jacob Bidermann's (1578-1639) Jesuit drama, Philemon Martyr (1618), presents the world as a theater, not only within its plot, but also through structural and stylistic features. Ironically, precisely because of his dubious profession, the pagan comedian Philemon, as he plays a Christian, is granted , and grasps, the chance to convert. Though his perfect model may inspire the audience, Philemon can effect the play's moral only in tandem with Arrianus, his antagonist, who turns from pagan spectator to Christian actor: it is Arrianus' more realistic role conversion which assures the spectator that salvation is actually within reach. Through the ideas of play-acting and play-watching, Bidermann illustrates the Jesuit view, not only of secular theater and society, but also of religion, human nature, and our appropriate role in life. Going beyond a scena vitae, which would merely focus on human performance, the play constructs a more complex theatrum mundi, which includes divine director and spectator. In terms of dramatic genre, Bidermann advocates tragicomedy , in terms of attitude, a contemptus mundi. As school theater, Philemon Martyr provides an antidote to the rigid Jesuit conception of education, activating the students through a playful version of pedagogy.

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Haro Cortés, Marta. "La ejemplaridad de la muerte y la inmortalidad del saber en la literatura sapiencial medieval." Revista de Poética Medieval 36 (November 21, 2022): 189–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rpm.2022.36.36.91502.

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El origen escriturario de la muerte como castigo es el punto de partida de su ejemplaridad que, basada en presupuestos teológicos, le imprimió un halo de penitencia, que se perfila en todos los órdenes de actuación y convivencia del ser humano, en aras de conseguir el perdón y retornar a la gracia divina. En este trabajo se analizan los diferentes motivos que proyectan la ejemplaridad de la muerte en el ámbito de la literatura sapiencial: muerte física y muerte espiritual; trascendencia y sentencia del alma; el hecho maravilloso (milagros, premoniciones, relevaciones o visiones); el miedo (y lo macabro) ligado al arquetipo de la muerte transida y sus plasmaciones en variados tópicos (memento mori, vado mori, contemptus mundi); la buena muerte y las artes moriendi y, por último, la fama póstuma y la inmortalidad del saber.

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Arežina, Mirjana. "Рефлексије о смрти у Ремети другој дубровачког пјесника Мавра Ветрановића." Slavica Wratislaviensia 168 (April 18, 2019): 427–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0137-1150.168.36.

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Reflections on death in the second Remeta of Ragusan poet Mavro VetranovićRagusan poet Mavro Vetranović, as a representative of the Christian Renaissance, expressed in his poetry an appreciation of earthly life and he thought of death as an inevitability. These attitudes were present in both types of his lyrics, religious and mundane. The second Remeta was Vetranović’s most famous satirical poem. Although it belongs to mundane lyrics, its function was to express a religious sentiment. Vetranović begins with general reflections on death, and then he develops this theme with effective comparisons, rhetoric questions and ingenious allegories. He makes it more tangible with a vision of death, armed with a scythe, cutting all around. Vetranović draws attention to human sin, as well as the only way of redemption, counting on wisdom from the Holy Bible. Renouncing earthly pleasures was one of the ways to fight against sin. The absurdity of pleasures was contrasted with naturalistic pictures of a dead man in a grave, of whom little would remain as no one can escape decomposition. He was trying to make people understand, by macabre pictures and images of rotten bodies, that they are mortal. At the same time, he motivated them, by preaching contemptus mundi, to despise and renounce all the pleasures of this life. Размышления о смерти в Ремете второй дубровницкого поэта Мавра ВетрановичаДубровницкий поэт Мавро Ветранович, являясь представителем христианского Ренессанса, в своей поэзии раскрывал ничтожность земной жизни и размышлял о неминуемости смерти. Такое миропонимание отражается в его религиозной и светской лирике. Самым известным сатирическим стихотворением Ветрановича является Ремета вторая. Хотя оно относится к светской лирике, его функция заключается также в выражении религиозных представлений. В Ремете второй поэт размышляет о смерти, используя сравнения, риторические вопросы и остроумные аллегории, поэт рисует образ смерти с косой. Ветранович указывает человеку на его грехи, а также на путь к спасению, опираясь на Святое писание. Один из способов побороть грех заключается в отречении от всех мирских удовольствий. Мысль о бессмысленности мирских удовольствий подтверждается натуралистическим описанием мертвого человека. Смертность человека подчеркивается изображением жутких картин разложения тела. Одновременно, проповедуя contemptus mundi, поэт поощряет пренебрежение и презрение к наслаждению земными благами.

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Cormier, Raymond. "Marek Thue Kretschmer, Latin Love Elegy and the Dawn of the Ovidian Age. A Study of the Versus Eporedienses and the Latin Classics. Publications of The Journal of Medieval Latin, 15. Turnhout: Brepols, 2020, pp. 175." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 430–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.100.

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Abstract: “Verses from Ivrea” (northern suburban town of Turin, Italy, near the Po waterway), an elegiac love poem, dates from the late eleventh century and is attributed to a certain Wido. It celebrates not the usual contemptus mundi of the era but rather worldly pleasures. The poem draws on a wealth of Latin classical sources, Ovid in particular, which leads the editor to view it as a precursor to the twelfth-century Renaissance. Kretschmer (hereafter K.), a Norwegian Classics professor, now based in Paris, publishes herewith his third major work, a book-length edition and study of this unusual and unique poetic text of 150 bisyllabic leonine distichs in elegiac meter. The poem was previously categorized as part of the vernacular pastourelle genre, but K. dispels that argument by listing its manifold divergent features ‐ “…metrical love poetry, descriptio puellae, poet’s pride, poetical expression of the economic and cultural growth of the eleventh century…” ‐ as a classical display that illustrates well the so-called long twelfth century (22).

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Rousseau, Constance M. "Gender Difference and Indifference in the Writings of Pope Innocent III." Studies in Church History 34 (1998): 105–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400013607.

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Both R. Howard Bloch and Jean Leclercq have recently included the name of Pope Innocent HI (1198-1216) among the ranks of medieval misogynistic writers. Such an anti-feminist designation results from his treatise De miseria humanae conditionis (1195), which he authored whilst a cardinal deacon, as Lothario de Segni. However, the passages cited by Bloch and Leclercq only appear misogynistic when we consider them superficially. If we look at the entire corpus of Innocent’s writings and his actions, in their proper contexts, we discover that this Pope can not be so easily categorized. Rather, our analysis will show that there is much more diversity in his perspective on gender than originally thought.The De miseria should be seen in its unique context when evaluating its attitude towards women. Books I and HI of the treatise belonged to the contemptus mundi tradition which emphasised the vileness and misery of human existence. Moreover, John C. Moore has recently proposed that Book II is a speculum curialis which reflected the questionable moral practices Innocent observed during his career in the Roman Curia.

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Ruszkiewicz, Dominika. "Imagination and the Cosmic Consciousness in Chaucer’s The House of Fame." Religions 14, no. 8 (July 25, 2023): 959. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel14080959.

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The aim of this article is to situate Chaucer’s House of Fame in the tradition of exercising the self as practiced by ancient philosophers and theorized by Pierre Hadot. It shows that Chaucer’s poem contains echoes of an ancient exercise referred to as ‘the view from above’, which engages the faculties of the imagination in order to enable an individual to review their life and to situate it in the context of universal nature. The poet’s creative use of the ancient motif of the celestial flight, I will argue, distances him from those writers who use the theme to develop the contemptus mundi topos and affiliates him with those ancient thinkers who, like Marcus Aurelius, employ it to turn their attention to their own self, which may be achieved via meditations on the identity and homogeneity of all things (homoeides). It is Chaucer’s use of the view from above topos that vindicates the role of imagination by showing how it contributes to self-knowledge, that is, to an awareness of where one stands.

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Atkinson, Tyler. "Contemplation as an alternative to curiosity: St Bonaventure on Ecclesiastes 1:3–11." Scottish Journal of Theology 68, no. 1 (January 9, 2015): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930614000878.

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AbstractThis article seeks to offer a christological interpretation of the opening poem in Ecclesiastes (1:3–11) through engagement with St Bonaventure's exegesis of the passage. It begins with a brief survey of contemporary treatments of the passage, which are characterised by an emphasis on cosmic monotony as an illustration of the futility of human labour. Then, it examines the Seraphic Doctor's version of the contemptus mundi interpretation of the book, relating it to his metaphysics of emanation, exemplarity and consummation. It will be suggested that Bonaventure's version of contemptus mundi informs an alternative interpretation to the critical status quo.In his exegesis of the opening poem, Bonaventure begins by describing three kinds of existence: existence in the eternal and unchanging Word, material existence in the cosmos, and abstract existence in the mind. While Bonaventure does not consider existence in the Word in relation to Ecclesiastes 1:3–11, because such existence is not subject to the vanity of mutability, the conclusion of the article will propose that such existence is in view in the text. When Bonaventure considers material existence, his metaphysics will not allow him to read the cosmological motion in Ecclesiastes 1:5–7 as monotonous, but rather as creaturely movement which invites contemplation. When he considers abstract existence, he contrasts the movement of heavenly and elemental creatures with the dissatisfaction of human perception, constrained by curiosity, the vice which characterises the protagonist's pursuits in Ecclesiastes 1:12–2:26. Thus, it will be suggested from Bonaventure's exegesis that the problem in Ecclesiastes 1:3–11 is not an oppressively monotonous universe which shows humans how pointless their own movement is, but rather humanity's failing to treat the cosmos as a book which speaks of God.In the article's final section, a relationship between the contemplative reading of Ecclesiastes 1:3–11 and Bonaventure's Itinerarium will be outlined. The consideration of material existence in Ecclesiastes 1:4–7 will be related to contemplation through vestiges. Then a contrast between the perceptual rupture of Ecclesiastes 1:8–11 and contemplation through the divine image in humanity will be shown. Finally, a christological reading of Ecclesiastes 1:10a will be offered, suggesting that this verse gestures towards the incarnate Word, who reforms the divine image in humanity and thus places humanity back on course towards similitude. It will be suggested in closing that, in signalling this hope, Ecclesiastes 1:10a prepares one for the union with Christ which Song of Songs depicts.

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Fàbrega i Escatllar, Valentí. "La <i>Consolació de la Filosofia</i> en la versió catalana de Pere Saplana i Antoni Genebreda (1358/1362)." Zeitschrift für Katalanistik 3 (July 1, 1990): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46586/zfk.1990.33-49.

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The Consolatio Philosophae of the Roman scholar Boethius (around 480-524 AD) is, as the numerous manuscripts, translations, and commentaries show, undoubtedly the most influential work of late antiquity for the medieval West. Between 1358 and 1362, two Catalan Dominicans, Pere Saplana and Antoni Genebreda, created and published a Catalan version of the Latin book for the first time. It consists of a very free adaptation and a lengthy commentary that is occasionally inserted. The thesis advocated by Jordi Rubió i Balaguer that this Catalan version of Boethius is dependent on the Consolatio commentary by Thomas Anglicus can be refuted by a closer comparison of the two works. The Catalan Boethius is a clear testimony to a medieval interpretatio christiana of the Roman Neoplatonist, which on the one hand is deeply influenced by the spiritual current of the contemptus mundi and on the other hand testifies to the humanistic interest of the Catalan intellectuality of the 14th century. As a linguistic creation, the work is of great importance. It makes the struggle of a young language visible when dealing with its “mother tongue”, Latin. In conveying such an inaccessible area as ancient Neo-Platonism, the authors had to create new ways of expressing themselves. Freely developed anecdotes to illustrate the transmitted content, as well as the retelling of the Orpheus myth based on the Boethic version, undoubtedly deserve our attention as significant examples of medieval narrative prose. A close relationship with the language of Bernat Metge, especially in his first work Llibre de Fortuna e Prudència, an imitation of the Consolatio of Boethius, can be identified. A literary dependency of this book on the Dominican version, which was written some twenty years earlier, would even be possible. The Catalan version has been translated into Castilian and edited four times. A direct translation of the Consolatio into Castilian was only published in 1516 by Alberto de Aguayo.

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Holland, Margaret A. "Petrarch andDe contemptu mundi." European Legacy 2, no. 4 (July 1997): 730–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848779708579802.

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Winterbottom, Michael. "Wendling, Fabrice, ed. Hugonis de Miromari De hominis miseria, mundi et inferni contemptu." Journal of Medieval Latin 22 (January 2012): 333–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.5.100873.

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Juan Miguel Valero Moreno. "Mejor no haber nacido: Contextos y variantes en la tradición castellana del contemptu mundi." La corónica: A Journal of Medieval Hispanic Languages, Literatures, and Cultures 39, no. 1 (2010): 273–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cor.2010.0000.

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Martyn, John R. C. "Cathoniana confectio: A Latin Gloss on the "Disticha Catonis" and the "Contemptum mundi". Alonso de Cartagena , Barry Taylor." Speculum 81, no. 3 (July 2006): 799. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400015736.

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Lenković, Mirela. "Historiografija srednjovjekovnog plesa mrtvaca u europskom kontekstu." Obnovljeni život 75, no. 3 (July 9, 2020): 337–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31337/oz.75.3.4.

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Ples mrtvaca u srednjem vijeku prikazivan je u mnogim sakralnim zdanjima, a neka čine važan dio kasnosrednjovjekovnog europskog likovnog nasljeđa. Možemo ga promatrati i kao izraz koji simbolički sjedinjuje svjetovno i religijsko, a tematski u sebi nosi poruku jednakosti među ljudima, neovisno o njihovu staležu. Srednjovjekovlje je obilježeno pandemijom kuge, nedaćama i ratovima, što utječe na kulturno stvaralaštvo. Različita istraživanja (arheološka, medicinska i dr.) proučavaju etiologiju Crne smrti, evoluciju razvoja, povijest, pojavu i širenje kuge u Europi tog doba. Pojedina literarna djela (De contemptu mundi; De miseria humane conditions Innocenta III.), artes morendi, memento mori (Hélinand de Froidmont, Les Vers de la Mort) koriste se kao predlošci za likovnu izvedbu teme plesa mrtvaca.

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Soto-Posada, Gonzalo. "Inocencio III de contemptu mundi sive de miseria conditionis humanae Libri Tres Introducción, traducción y notas de Gonzalo Soto-Posada." Cuestiones Teológicas 45, no. 103 (2018): 179–254. http://dx.doi.org/10.18566/cueteo.v45n103.a08.

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Mann, Jill. "Ronald E. Pepin, Scorn for the World: Bernard of Cluny's "De Contemptu mundi. " The Latin Text with English Translation and an Introduction." Journal of Medieval Latin 04 (January 1994): 163–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.jml.2.304021.

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Leushuis, Reinier. "The Paradox of Christian Epicureanism in Dialogue." Erasmus Studies 35, no. 2 (2015): 113–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18749275-03502003.

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In light of the troubled reputation of Epicureanism in Northern Renaissance humanism, Erasmus’ reception of this major school of ancient philosophy in works such as On Disdaining the World (De contemptu mundi), the Praise of Folly (Moriae encomium), and in particular his very last colloquy The Epicurean (Epicureus) is unique for exploring the potential compatibility of Epicurean ethics with Christian humanism and Erasmian Philosophia Christi. However, as one of the speakers in The Epicurean exclaims, given Epicureanism’s main tenet of pleasure as the greatest good, its association with a pious life free of sin is “a paradox topping all the paradoxes of the Stoics”. This article argues that in The Epicurean Erasmus associates the paradoxical nature of Christian Epicureanism with the Stoic strategy of expressing moral philosophy in perplexing paradoxes in order to exploit the capacity of the dialogue, in particular its ludic potential, to rearticulate the duality of paradox in opposing dialogical voices. Erasmus’ mimetic colloquy allows the individual reader to deconstruct and reprocess paradoxical wisdom at an inner level in order to persuasively integrate a mentality of pleasure (based on the tenets of Epicureanism) at the core of a pious life (based on the tenets of Philosophia Christi).

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Wichowa, Maria. "Traktat Diega de Estella "O wzgardzie świata i próżności jego" w przekładzie Augustyna Kochańskiego — dyskurs religijny de contemptu mundi. Problemy komunikacji literackiej jako procesu wywierania presji na odbiorców dzieła." Napis Pismo poświęcone literaturze okolicznościowej i użytkowej 1 (2009): 17–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.18318/napis.2009.1.3.

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Montero, Ana M. "Poverty at Court: The Death of Álvaro de Luna and the Coplas del menesprecio e contempto de las cosas fermosas del mundo by Pedro, Constable of Portugal." Essays in Medieval Studies 33, no. 1 (2017): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ems.2017.0001.

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Gawrońska-Oramus, Beata. "Ficino And Savonarola Two Faces of the Florence Renaissance." Roczniki Humanistyczne 66, no. 4 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 23, 2019): 63–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2018.66.4-3e.

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The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 61 (2013), issue 4. Analysis of the mutual relations between the main intellectual and spiritual authority of the Plato Academy—Marsilio Ficino on the one hand, and Girolamo Savonarola, whose activity was a reaction to the secularization of de Medici times on the other, and a thorough study of their argument that turned into a ruthless struggle, are possible on the basis of selected sources and studies of the subject. The most significant are the following: Savonarola, Prediche e scritti; Guida Spirituale—Vita Christiana; Apologetico: indole e natura dell'arte poetica; De contempt mundi as well as Ficino’s letters and Apologia contra Savonarolam; and also Giovanni Pica della Mirandoli’s De hominis dignitate. The two adversaries’ mutual relations were both surprisingly similar and contradictory. They both came from families of court doctors, which gave them access to broad knowledge of man’s nature that was available to doctors at those times and let them grow up in the circles of sophisticated Renaissance elites. Ficino lived in de Medicis' residences in Florence, and Savonarola in the palace belonging to d’Este family in Ferrara. Ficino eagerly used the benefits of such a situation, whereas Savonarola became an implacable enemy of the oligarchy that limited the citizens’ freedom they had at that time, and a determined supporter of the republic, to whose revival in Florence he contributed a lot. This situated them in opposing political camps. They were similarly educated and had broad intellectual horizons. They left impressive works of literature concerned with the domain of spirituality, philosophy, religion, literature and arts, and their texts contain fewer contradictions than it could be supposed. Being priests, they aimed at defending the Christian religion. Ficino wanted to reconcile the religious doctrine with the world of ancient philosophy and in order to do this he did a formidable work to make a translation of Plato’s works. He wanted to fish souls in the intellectual net of Plato’s philosophy and to convert them. And it is here that they differed from each other. Savonarola’s attitude towards the antiquity was hostile; he struggled for the purity of the Christian doctrine and for the simplicity of its followers’ lives. He called upon people to repent and convert. He first of all noticed an urgent need to deeply reform the Church, which led him to an immediate conflict with Pope Alexander VI Borgia. In accordance with the spirit of the era, he was interested in astrology and prepared accurate horoscopes. Savonarola rejected astrology, and he believed that God, like in the past, sends prophets to the believers. His sermons, which had an immense impact on the listeners, were based on prophetic visions, especially ones concerning the future of Florence, Italy and the Church. His moral authority and his predictions that came true, were one of the reasons why his influence increased so much that after the fall of the House of Medici he could be considered an informal head of the Republic of Florence. It was then that he carried out the strict reforms, whose part were the famous “Bonfires of the Vanities.” Ficino only seemingly passively observed the preacher’s work. Nevertheless, over the years a conflict arose between the two great personalities. It had the character of political struggle. It was accompanied by a rivalry for intellectual and spiritual influence, as well as by a deepening mutual hostility. Ficino expressed it in Apologia contra Savonarolam written soon after Savonarola’s tragic death; the monk was executed according to Alexander VI Borgia’s judgment. The sensible neo-Platonist did not hesitate to thank the Pope for liberating Florence from Savonarola’s influence and he called his opponent a demon and the antichrist deceiving the believers. How deep must the conflict have been since it led Ficino to formulating his thoughts in this way, and how must it have divided Florence's community? The dispute between the leading moralizers of those times must have caused anxiety in their contemporaries. Both the antagonists died within a year, one after the other, and their ideas had impact even long after their deaths, finding their reflection in the next century’s thought and arts.

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Okamoto-MacPhail, Aiko. "Musing on the sources Contemptus mundi in Japan 1596." Cahiers d'études des cultures ibériques et latino-américaines, no. 8 (January 1, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cecil.348.

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30

Kiss, Attila. "The Anatomy of the Revenger: Violence and Dissection on the Early Modern English Stage." Early Modern Culture Online 2, no. 1 (February 25, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.15845/emco.v2i1.1278.

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The persistent employment of excessive violence on the early modern English stage was studied by Renaissance scholarship for centuries in diverse but rather formal or historicist ways, and this critical focus received no new impetus until the corporal turn in critical theory after the 1980s. Before the poststructuralist, or, more precisely, the postsemiotic and corposemiotic investigations, critics tended to categorize bodily transgression as part of the general process of deterioration that lead to the decadence and all-enveloping perversity of the Stuart and Caroline stage, or they merely catalogued the metamorphoses of iconographic and emblematic elements of the memento mori, the ars moriendi, the contemptus mundi, the danse macabre or the exemplum horrendum traditions through the imagery of violence, mutilation and corporeal disintegration. The reception history of Shakespeare’s first tragedy exemplifies the general hostility towards extreme violence, an attitude which was established by the technologies of canon formation in the eighteenth and nineteenth century.

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Martines, Paulo. "La meditación según Anselmo de Canterbury." Patristica et Mediævalia 40, no. 1 (November 1, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.34096/petm.v20197120.

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Con el tema de la meditación somos introducidos directamente en el ámbito de la espiritualidad monástica, de la cual San Anselmo de Canterbury es uno de los representantes más significativos de la Alta Edad Media. Como monje benedictino, él reconoce y vive plenamente la reflexión sobre sí mismo entendida como introspección: se trata del ejercicio del retiro para, en silencio, buscar a Dios. El distanciarse del mundo (un tipo de contemptus mundi) y el amor del reino de Dios constituyen los signos más indicativos de la felicidad que puede ser experimentada por un monje del siglo XI. Uno de los primeros aspectos de la meditación es la conquista del yo interior como auto reconocimiento del alma para la búsqueda de Dios a través de la fe. Este trabajo se centrará en la discusión sobre la meditación en el contexto de la espiritualidad monástica de la época de Anselmo de Canterbury y en el modelo de oración meditativa elaborado sobre (1) el Proslogion, un tratado conocido por ser una meditación de la razón de la fe; y (2) la Tercera Meditación, que considera la redención de la condición humana. El objetivo del trabajo es mostrar que la meditación y la contemplación, según San Anselmo, alcanzan su completo significado por medio del misterio de la salvación.

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32

Martines, Paulo. "La meditación según Anselmo de Canterbury." Patristica et Mediævalia 40, no. 1 (November 1, 2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.34096/petm.v40.n1.7154.

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Con el tema de la meditación somos introducidos directamente en el ámbito de la espiritualidad monástica, de la cual San Anselmo de Canterbury es uno de los representantes más significativos de la Alta Edad Media. Como monje benedictino, él reconoce y vive plenamente la reflexión sobre sí mismo entendida como introspección: se trata del ejercicio del retiro para, en silencio, buscar a Dios. El distanciarse del mundo (un tipo de contemptus mundi) y el amor del reino de Dios constituyen los signos más indicativos de la felicidad que puede ser experimentada por un monje del siglo XI. Uno de los primeros aspectos de la meditación es la conquista del yo interior como auto reconocimiento del alma para la búsqueda de Dios a través de la fe. Este trabajo se centrará en la discusión sobre la meditación en el contexto de la espiritualidad monástica de la época de Anselmo de Canterbury y en el modelo de oración meditativa elaborado sobre (1) el Proslogion, un tratado conocido por ser una meditación de la razón de la fe; y (2) la Tercera Meditación, que considera la redención de la condición humana. El objetivo del trabajo es mostrar que la meditación y la contemplación, según San Anselmo, alcanzan su completo significado por medio del misterio de la salvación.

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Wendling, Fabrice. "Le De hominis miseria, mundi et inferni contemptu de Hugues de Miramar, une œuvre ‘autobiographique’1 dans la postérité des Confessions d’Augustin ?" Rursus, no. 6 (February 9, 2011). http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/rursus.517.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Contemptus mundi'

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