Journal articles on the topic 'Constructions en bois – Gaule'

Diversement interprétés jusqu’ici, une trentaine d’objets de bois, d’os ou d’ivoire pourraient être identifiés comme des chevalets de brodeurs antiques ; celui qui a été découvert à Apt est un des mieux conservés. Nombreux en Gaule Narbonnaise et en Italie, ils ont souvent été déposés dans les tombes où ils s’ajoutent aux objets traditionnels (quenouilles, fuseaux) ; mais ils montrent qu’un goût pour des parures individuelles brodées existe au haut Empire romain.

Uses of wood in construction are numerous and varied : for framework walls, partitions, roofing, flooring, window openings, plinths, wall coverings, and also enclosures, roads, somtimes ramparts, and in ports, for pontoons and quais. Even in countries where construction was done exclusively with stone, wood was necessary for the skeletal structure. The carpenter's work seems to have made progress in the Middle Ages, bvt this progress came perhaps rather late. The triangulated form was not put to use until the very end of the Middle Ages. Dendochronology should allow us to verify this assertion. The place of wood in domestic constructions also brings up certain questions. Wood is the material of preference in Slavic villages, at least in the forestry zones of Northern Europe. However, in the mediterranean region, texts up to the 13th C. only mention material if stone is used and then only if wood is used. Archeology invites us to devote attention to the place of wood in the 13th C. In the Western world, proof from the high Middle Ages is not abundant ; when it does exist, it evokes, pole/post armature for houses and wicker-work surfaces. Does stone then later replace wood ? Etoubtless this is true, but wood makes a come-back at the end of the Middle Ages, with the wood panel technique.

Les forêts secondaires sont actuellement des composantes importantes de nom- breux paysages forestiers. Dans le Menabe central, au Sud-Ouest de Madagascar, la valorisation des forêts secondaires permet de mieux assurer le maintien des forêts pri- maires qui ont tendance à se raréfier et qui sont actuellement intégrées dans un sys- tème de gestion plus stricte à travers la mise en place d’une aire protégée. Cette étude a été menée pour mieux connaître les utilisations villageoises et les potentialités des forêts secondaires dans la région du Menabe. L’approche socio-économique a permis d’identifier trois types d’utilisations des bois prélevés dans les forêts secon- daires : les constructions permanentes, les constructions légères et les sources d’éner- gie. Trois espèces de forêts secondaires ont été identifiées comme prioritaires dans les choix des villageois : Rhopalocarpus luci- dus, Ziziphus mauritiana et Grewia picta. L’analyse des caractères physico-méca- niques des bois de ces trois espèces a mis en évidence des propriétés technologiques intéressantes, comparables aux quatre espèces de référence devenues rares ou absentes dans leur zone de prélèvement : Hernandia voyroni, Dalbergia spp., Cedre- lopsis grevei, Commiphora mafaiboa. Ces forêts secondaires méritent désormais d’être prises en compte et valorisées dans le cadre des politiques de gestion forestière au niveau national et international pour assurer leur durabilité.

AbstractChildren start producing grammatically complex sentences during toddlerhood (Bloom et al. 1984; Diessel 2004). This study examines how toddlers use complement constructions as a communicative resource in peer interactions. The data come from an archival database, which consists of 500 hours of videorecordings of children's naturalistic interactions in a daycare center. All complement constructions produced by seven target children were identified. The data illustrate children using “format tying” (Goodwin 1990, 2006) and “dialogic syntax”. They construct utterances “based on the immediately co-present utterance[s]” (Du Bois, this issue) of their own and others (caregivers) in the discourse, as means of demonstrating positive or negative alignment with their interlocutors, thereby negotiating the participation framework (Goffman 1981; Goodwin and Goodwin 2004). As children tie to prior utterances, and transform and embed them into matrix clauses with stance-indexing verbs like I said, I want, and Let me, complex complement constructions are built up dialogically over sequences of interaction.

Le renouvellement normal du bâti dans les villes petites et moyennes n'imposait pas une importante consommation des bois, en particulier de bois de charpente. Depuis le XVIe siècle au moins, il existait des réglementations qui tentaient d'en limiter l'usage pour empêcher les incendies (défense de couvrir en bardeaux, d'élever des murs extérieurs en bois ou en pans de bois). L'étude des constructions montre que l'on continuait néanmoins à construire selon les usages anciens. Mais la raréfaction des grands arbres, des chênes surtout, contraignit à modifier, non pas la nature des maisons, mais les techniques de construction. La destruction par incendie de nombreuses maisons, la disparition de quartiers entiers (voire des trois quarts de la ville-haute comme à Rennes) réactivaient les réglementations anciennes ou conduisaient les autorités à en prendre de nouvelles. L'usage du bois fut désormais circonscrit à la charpente des couvertures, à la menuiserie interne (planchers là où en existait l'usage ; huisserie ; panneaux de bois sur les cloisons là où, au XVIIIe siècle, on n'utilisait pas le plâtre). Ici ou là, on gardait cependant la possibilité d'élever des murs sur cour en torchis. Cette réglementation, quand elle était appliquée, avait pour conséquence d'augmenter le prix des maisons de un tiers à deux tiers par rapport au mode ancien de construction, ce qui explique à la fois les réticences et les détournements dont nous possédons de nombreux exemples. Quand il s'agissait de reconstruire à une vaste échelle, il fallait trouver de grandes quantités de bois que les forêts (en tout cas de Bretagne) avaient quelque mal à fournir. Il est intéressant d'insister sur les besoins concurrentiels et complémentaires des constructeurs civils et de la Marine qui se partageaient les coupes. L'étude des incendies et des reconstructions qui s'en suivent permettent du même coup de mieux mesurer les conséquences des choix retenus par les propriétaires (Domaine ou particuliers) en matière de politique forestière.

AbstractIn this paper, we take a Construction Grammar approach to Du Bois' concept of resonance activation. We suggest that the structural mapping relations between juxtaposed utterances in discourse, described in terms of diagraphs in dialogic syntax, can acquire the status of ad hoc constructions or locally entrenched form-meaning pairings within the boundaries of an ongoing conversation. We argue that the local emergence of these ad hoc constructions involves the same cognitive mechanism described for the abstraction of conventional grammatical constructions from usage patterns. Accordingly, we propose to broaden the scope of Construction Grammar to include not only symbolic units that are conventionalized in a larger speech community, but also a dimension of online syntax, i.e. the emergence of grammatical patterns at the micro-level of a single conversation. Drawing on dialogic data from political talk shows and parliamentary debates, we illustrate the spectrum of these ad hoc constructional routines and show their local productivity, which we take as an indication of their (micro-)entrenchment within a given conversation.

Published in 1993, the novel Bois rouge by Jean-Marie Touratier brings to life the history of the short-lived French colony of Brazil, the Antarctic France, whose existence, reduced to only five years (1555-1560), was described in the travelogues written in the 16th century by André Thevet (Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique - The New Found World, or Antarctike) and Jean de Léry (Histoire d’un voyage faict en la terre du Brésil – History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil). Beneath the appearance of a simple story told by an ironic voice, sometimes even satirical towards the military leader of the French colony, the Knight of Malta Nicolas Durand de Villegagnon and his chaplain, André Thevet, future cosmographer of the kings of France, the novel delves into issues of great complexity, such as (the issue of) identity and the relationship to the Other (the American “savage”).

Here ready-made frames and epic cliches used in folk-arts were attracted into research work. Research works done in this genre show that one can easily notice using of ready-mode constructions in the introductory parts, conclusions and in the whole texts as well. In the “Book of Dada Gorgud” consisting of 12 bois (parts) each of them begins with introductory epic clichés. In some of these parts use of these epic clichés with some little changes can be seen. The frames of introductory parts and the conclusions as well are rather different for content and the sense. Key words: epos, frame, cliché, introduction, epic cliché, narrator, ozan, skope

Jakobson (1957) bases the analysis of mood on a three-part structure that crucially involves two participant variables. Although the definition of evidentiality in Jakobson (1957) differs in some fundamental ways, it also allows for the explication of a participant structure inherent in evidential meanings. In this paper I argue that by exploring the interaction between these participant structures in multiple-perspective constructions and in reported speech, the framework proposed in Jakobson (1957) enables us to systematically examine phenomena that are typically assumed to arise in evidential expressions as pragmatic effects, particularly ‘commitment effects’ and evidential interpretations of modals. I propose that this approach present us with a principled account of stance meanings (Du Bois 2007), more particularly, of the semantic and pragmatic interaction between modal and evidential meanings, based on their semantic structure.

Dutch nominalisations of the type het eten van vlees (‘the eating of meat’) have ergative alignment. The alignment is functionally motivated, in that it is a natural consequence of the flow of discourse. The functional account that is put forward here draws on the notion of Preferred Argument Structure (Du Bois 1987) and on the distinction between foregrounded and backgrounded discourse (Hopper & Thompson 1980). Support for this account comes from other domains of ergativity in Dutch, such as causativised predicates and participial constructions and from the observation that the alignment in Dutch nominalisations is in fact split-ergative. The present study adduces corpus evidence to corroborate the claims. In the last section, the analysis is cast in a Functional Discourse Grammar model (Hengeveld & Mackenzie 2008), including its hitherto underdescribed Contextual Component.

La petite maison dans la prairie est l’une des séries américaines des années 1970-80 les plus diffusées au monde. Le paysage de son imagerie est composé de prés fleuris et de puritanisme, mais aussi de maisons en bois, un environnement fait d’objets visuels prenant la forme de « constructions visuelles du champ social » (Mitchell, 2005). En reproduisant en série l’image de colons qui s’installent légitimement sur ces terres avec leurs cabanes, ces représentations s’inscrivent dans le « champ de la visualité » (Mirzoeff, 2011). L’objectif est ici de déconstruire l’image positive et dominante de la log-cabin du pionnier américain comme symbole des self-made men, représentée par les productions artistiques, en lui préférant une représentation plus critique, plutôt comme l’objet matériel de la colonisation naturalisante des pionniers sur les territoires amérindiens. Que nous dit alors la log-cabin de la représentation des pionniers de l’Ouest américain et de leur identité ?

La maison rurale canadienne a subi une lente évolution, faite d'échecs et de trouvailles. Les premiers colons, habitués à un climat tempéré, aux hivers relativement doux, n'étaient pas préparés à lutter contre le froid canadien. Les pierres dont étaient faites les maisons étaient de mauvais isolants et subissaient l'action désastreuse du gel et du dégel. Les foyers, les âtres, chauffaient l'air du temps. Cette mésadaptation a fait de nombreux ravages dans la population et chez les animaux. Après maints et parfois vains tâtonnements, lambrissage des murs extérieurs, planchers isolés du sol, avènement du poêle central, constructions en bois recouvertes de bardeaux de cèdre, diversification des bâtiments, la maison rurale canadienne a pris peu à peu un caractère propre qui la distingue de toute autre maison rurale européenne. Cependant, malgré certains traits bien personnels, elle rejoint un type d'habitation installé dans toute l’Amérique du Nord, avec ses balcons, ses galeries extérieures et ses multiples bâtiments.

Le suivi de la végétation et l'inventaire de bioindicateurs animaux, micromammifères et insectes, a permis de dresser un bilan des dégradations environnementales dans trois villages situés à proximité de Bobo-Dioulasso. Les dégâts apparemment les plus graves résultent de la coupe des arbres pour le bois de feu et de l'extraction minière du sable et du gravier pour les constructions. Ces activités sont la conséquence du développement urbain. Les dégradations environnementales dues à l'agriculture et à l'élevage paraissent moins importantes. L'ensemble de ces activités humaines fait que les terres maraîchères de Koro sont en train de disparaître, tout comme la forêt classée de Koua. Les suivis et inventaires, réalisés pour mieux cerner cette évolution anthropique de l'environnement, montrent que les espèces animales réagissent à cette forte perturbation du milieu amplifiée par les phénomènes fréquents d'érosion. En conclusion de cette étude, des mesures de protection et de reboisement sont proposées pour limiter l'érosion dans les champs et sur les berges de la rivière. L'extraction minière des matériaux de construction pourrait aussi être organisée pour moins impacter l'environnement ; mais cela risque d'être difficile à mettre en oeuvre car les intérêts individuels priment face aux besoins collectifs. (Résumé d'auteur)

Cette étude s’est déroulée dans une plan- tation forestière en Amérique centrale, proche de la ville de Diriamba au Nica- ragua, où des plantations de teck sur 48,9 ha, dans une zone de reboisement de 76,5 ha, sont renouvelées depuis 2006 (2006 : 7,90 ha ; 2007 : 13,63 ha ;2008 : 11,93 ha ; 2009 : 12,87 ha ; 2010 :21,70 ha). Cette plantation sort de l’ordi- naire du fait de l’espacement de 1 x 1 m des arbres et des facteurs écologiques limitants de cette zone tropicale aride. L’espacement de 1 x 1 m a été choisi pour favoriser la croissance en hauteur et obtenir ainsi des tiges de haute taille, et pour limiter les ramifications afin d’éviter la formation de houppiers importants. Cela permet de démarrer une production de poteaux de teck, adaptés à certaines constructions, dès la première coupe d’éclaircissement. Les paramètres de croissance des tecks (hauteur, circonfé- rence) ont été mesurés dans les placettes expérimentales mises en place en 2011. Des données complémentaires (morta- lité, arbres cassés ou tordus) ont égale- ment été relevées. Une méthodologie de terrain a été développée et les résultats restitués sous forme de tableaux et gra- phiques. Une évaluation statistique des paramètres de croissance a été menée à partir des mesures prises sur les placettes expérimentales délimitées dans la planta- tion. Les jeunes arbres plantés la même année ont été comparés selon leur prove- nance en termes de hauteur, de circonfé- rence, de productivité et de mortalité. Au total, 10 955 arbres sur 143 placettes ont été mesurés. Sur ces peuplements de 1 à 5 ans d’âge, le bois sur pied total est estimé à 1 287,89 m3, la masse moyenne de bois à l’hectare à 17,89 m3, la hauteur moyenne des peuplements à 3,03 m et la circonférence moyenne à hauteur de poitrine à 2,74 cm. Les arbres cassés représentent 5,64 %, les arbres tordus 5,66 % et la mortalité moyenne s’établit à 21,48 %.

Abstract Cross-linguistic studies on co-production of syntactic units and compound sentence formats have found that the location of predicates affects the projectability of the language, in that languages like English allow early projections while languages like Japanese later projections. In Mandarin Chinese, we found that syntactic parallelism often occurs before co-constructions, impacting the projectability of syntactic structures in one way or another. Based on the theories of dialogic syntax (Du Bois 2007, 2014) and the principles of interactional linguistics, this study explores the relationship between syntactic parallelism and co-production of syntactic structures across turns. The co-production of four syntactic and sentential structures were closely examined, namely, Copula V + Complement, (be) Adjectival Predicate, the conditional IF X THEN Y construction (如果 ruguo……就/会 jiu/hui……), and compound sentences with to-clause of purpose. Also observed is the emergent new sequence as interactionally relevant syntax. Upon inspection, we found that turn units with parallel syntactic structures may help narrow down the category of the projected final component, thus inspiring the second speaker to come in early and jointly complete the syntax-in-progress. Apart from co-producing syntax-in-progress, co-produced structures can also develop into interactionally relevant sequences with independent internal structures, thereby executing new social actions.

Les constructions militaires que l’on rencontre de nos jours ne suffisent pas à comprendre l’ensemble de l’habitat militaire. Parmi les formations du service de santé régimentaire au combat chargées des premiers soins aux blessés et autres malades de guerre, certaines furent organisées sous des tentes ou des baraques en bois, structures légères et mobiles aujourd’hui entièrement disparues du patrimoine militaire. Ces locaux temporaires, généralement moins confortables et moins salubres que les hôpitaux permanents, faisaient l’objet d’études hygiéniques particulièrement importantes. Dans le contexte d'un service militaire de santé qui n'est pas autonome avant 1882, l'article s'interroge sur la création et le perfectionnement de ce mode opérationnel de construction. Les hôpitaux sous tentes et baraqués, complétés en 1914 par les hôpitaux flottants et les trains ambulances, marquent des évolutions dans le traitement chirurgical sur le champ de bataille. Ils s’inscrivent efficacement au plus près des malades et des blessés dans le lent processus de diversification et de spécialisation des hôpitaux français tout en contribuant au progrès de l’hygiène. L’emploi de ce dispositif en temps de paix par le service de santé civil replace les progrès de la médicalisation et des principes hygiéniques dans le service de santé militaire au cœur du développement des hôpitaux en France.

Préalablement aux travaux d’aménagement d’un nouveau quartier dans le coeur historique de Bordeaux, sur le site de “ l’Ilot Sud-Ouest”, une fouille archéologique préventive a été réalisée aux abords des berges de la la Devèze, ancien ruisseau qui traversait la ville. Cette opération s’est déroulée en trois phases dans le courant de l’année 2012 (fenêtres A et B en septembre, C et D en octobre puis E en novembre). Les occupations rencontrées couvrent une période de près de 2000 ans, depuis les remblaiements augustéens de cette zone humide aux fondations d’une habitation du XIXe s. Une voie et ses égouts, des bâtiments reposant sur un treillage de poutres de bois et des constructions de bords de quais (possibles murs d’entrepôt et batardeau) correspondent aux aménagements antiques. Parmi le mobilier archéologique du Bas-Empire, un lot d’objets en cuir se distingue : un fragment de l’avant d’une sandale, un lot de trois fragments d’une chaussure droite appartenant à une carbatina et un modèle de culotte pour femme inédit en contexte archéologique gallo-romain. Concernant les séquences d’occupation les plus récentes (Moyen Âge classique, Époque Moderne et Contemporaine), les découvertes archéologiques se sont inscrites dans la continuité des résultats des études historiques préalables. Les maçonneries mises au jour concernent soit l’organisation parcellaire, soit des bâtiments (comme des hôtels particuliers) qui se sont peu à peu installés de part et d’autre de la Devèze. De même, le mobilier archéologique associé à ces découvertes, bien qu’intéressant en soit notamment par la présence de lots de céramique homogènes et/ ou de quelques formes inédites, ne modifie pas la vision globale que nous avons des occupations de cet îlot et de leurs datations sur ces périodes.

Diospyros mespiliformis Hochst. est une espèce d’arbre à usage multiple des forêts tropicales sèches qui est encore exploitée à l’état sauvage et dont les pratiques sylviculturales ne sont pas documentées. La présente étude avait pour but d’appréhender les perceptions paysannes sur l’importance socio-économique, le niveau de vulnérabilité et la pratique de la culture de cette espèce dans la zone soudanienne du Tchad. L’approche méthodologique a consisté en des enquêtes réalisées auprès de 350 personnes réparties dans 10 villages, ainsi que des observations de terrain. Les résultats ont montré que D. mespiliformis est bien connu des populations locales (100 % des enquêtés) qui en font usage dans six catégories d’usage, avec un large consensus au niveau des utilisations médicinales (Cs = 0,96), alimentaires (Cs = 0,33), dans les constructions (Cs = 0,26) et comme bois d’énergie (Cs = 0,24). Par contre le consensus est resté faible pour l’utilisation dans l’artisanat (Cs = - 0,76) et comme bois d’œuvre (Cs = - 0,83). Selon 80,2 % des répondants, les revenus tirés de l’exploitation de cette ressource contribuent significativement à l’amélioration du bien-être des ménages. En dehors de la cueillette et du ramassage des fruits, toutes les autres méthodes de récolte citées par les répondants (écorçage, prélèvement des racines, effeuillage et abatage) sont destructives, mais seulement 17,7 % des répondants en sont conscients. Une tendance régressive de la dynamique du peuplement de l’espèce est perçue par la majorité (52 %) des répondants. Selon 83,5 % des enquêtés, les habitudes en matière de culture de cette espèce sont rares voire inexistantes, à cause des difficultés de germination des graines, de la rareté des graines et des conditions climatiques défavorables à la réussite du drageonnage. Les répondants dans la quasi-totalité (99 %) se sont déclarés prêts à adopter la pratique de la culture de la plante si les contraintes de régénération sont levées. Les résultats de cette étude indiquent clairement que D. mespiliformis serait une espèce propice à la domestication participative pour l’intensification du système agroforestier dans la zone soudanienne du Tchad. Diospyros mespiliformis Hochst. is a multipurpose tree species from tropical dry forests that is still exploited in the wild and whose silvicultural practices are not documented. The aim of this study was to understand the peasants’ perceptions on the socio-economic importance, the level of vulnerability and the cultivation practice of this species in the Sudanese zone of Chad. The methodological approach consisted of surveys carried out among 350 people in 10 villages, as well as field observations. The results showed that D. mespiliformis is well known to local populations (100% of respondents) who use it in six categories of use, with a broad consensus for use in medicine (Cs = 0.96), food (Cs = 0.33), constructions (Cs = 0.26) and as fuelwood (Cs = 0.24). On the other hand, the consensus remained weak for use in crafts (Cs = - 0.76) and as lumber (Cs = - 0.83). According to 80.2 % of respondents, income from the exploitation of this resource significantly contributes to improving household well-being. Apart from picking and collecting fruit, all other harvesting methods cited by respondents (debarking, root picking, leaf stripping and felling) are destructive, but only 17.7 % of respondents are aware of this. A regressive trend in the population dynamics of the species is perceived by the majority (52 %) of respondents. According to 83.5 % of respondents, the cultivation habits of this species are rare or even non-existent, because of poor seed germination, the scarcity of seeds and climatic conditions unfavorable to the success of suckering. Almost all respondents (99 %) declared themselves ready to adopt the practice of growing the plant if the regeneration constraints are lifted. The results of this study clearly indicate that D. mespiliformis would be an interesting species for participatory domestication for the intensification of the agro-forestry system in the Sudanese zone of Chad.

Dès l'aube de la colonie, le Saint-Laurent a été la voie de l'humanisation des paysages québécois, l'axe privilégié de peuplement de l'Est canadien, le facteur dominant de ses pulsations économiques et politiques. L'auteur, limitant son propos à la période antérieure au régime confédéral (1867), s'interroge sur les facteurs qui ont fait du Saint-Laurent le pôle géographique du Canada français et sur les « définitions » successives du fleuve, de 1608 à 1867. De 1608 à 1665, le fleuve fut une voie de commerce international des fourrures, de conquête des terres du ponant totalement « extroverti », il était au service des vieux pays, plus que du Canada. A partir de 1665, les efforts de peuplement agricole de Jean Talon lui donnent une importance de premier plan dans la vie de relations à l’intérieur de la Nouvelle-France, dont il est l'unique route ; il commence alors à devenir mer intérieure. // le restera pour la majeure partie des Canadiens français, jusqu'aux années 1830-1840, tout au long de leur phase de repliement rural, en dépit des activités de commerce international qu'animaient depuis 1765 des entrepreneurs anglophones employant une main d'oeuvre canadienne. Mais la notion de Saint-Laurent - mer intérieure s'affirmera presque sans partage, chez les Canadiens français, à partir de 1840. Le commerce du bois, celui des grains, les constructions navales sont entre les mains des Britanniques ; les habitants renforcent le caractère autarcique de leur agriculture et de leur genre de vie; leurs relations avec la France sont à peu près nulles depuis le tournant du siècle. Le concept dominant de Saint-Laurent - mer intérieure qui a prévalu alors n'a pas été sans danger pour la nation canadienne-française et pour son insertion dans le monde industriel qui s'épanouissait de part et d'autre de l'Atlantique.

Tetanus was a life-threatening infection causing muscle contractions. The need for qualified collaborative management was crucial due to the potential for poor prognosis and complications. Dentists can contribute significantly to the treatment, as the mouth can be one of the entry points for tetanus-causing bacteria. A 45-year-old male tetanus inpatient was referred from the Intensive Care Unit to the Oral Medicine Unit at Universitas Indonesia Hospital to evaluate the possible source of oral focus infection. A boil was on his back, suspected to be the main port of entry for tetanus bacteria. The definitive diagnosis was Tetanus of moderate to severe severity (Philips score 24, Dakar score 1, Ablett score 2). Extra oral examination shows lip inflammation. An intra-oral examination cannot be done optimally despite his trismus. The oral foci of infection found were chronic gingivitis and pulp necrosis on 47 48, in addition to the diagnosis of cheilitis simplex. Since the comprehensive management of the foci of infection could only be done in an outpatient setting, the nurse was instructed to clean the intra-oral using sterile gauze moistened with NaCl 0.9% solution to improve the patient's oral hygiene (OH). Comprehensive management includes periodically visiting to maintain OH, administering muscle relaxants, antibiotics, and analgesics, and administering Tetanus toxoid vaccination. The patient was recovered. Management of tetanus cases needs a multidisciplinary approach. Dentists are pivotal in identifying oral infection sources and ensuring its management. A dentist's role in the collaborative management of tetanus patients might significantly contribute to the patient's prognosis.

»My name is Boye, I dig carins and old mounds«The archaeologist Vilhelm Christian BoyeThe story of Vilhelm Boye is the history of one man’s passionate and insightful involvement in archaeology, which from the first was directed solely towards the Bronze Age. His involvement led to an academic disaster in his youth, but left behind it a developed skill in field archaeology. Despite his problems he persisted with what most obsessed him, namely the preservation of Denmark’s oak coffin graves. His multi-facetted personality and his more popular approach to archaeology may have challenged his contemporaries, and certainly contributed to his more or less deliberate exclusion from a permanent appointment at the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen. Even though he was opposed by powerful people within the Copenhagen museum establishment for nearly twenty years, he had the natural facility of easily winning the trust of others. This enabled him to cope with the situation and turn it to his advantage wherever he found himself. His marriage to Mimi Drachmann brought a welcome stability to his life, but his lack of professional recognition and his exclusion from a place at the top of archaeology continued. Time was running out for Boye, but he managed to leave an impressive body of published work behind him.Vilhelm Christian Boye was the son of the Norwegian-born priest and writer of hymns Caspar Johannes Boye. In 1848 his father was moved to the garrison church in Copenhagen, where the family lived at 29 Bredgade until his father’s death from cholera in 1853. This was a fashionable part of town, its residents including both the composer Niels W. Gade and Professor Adam Oehlenschläger, and even more notably J.J.A. Worsaae lived in the same property as the Boye family from 1850 to 1852. It was probably through his neighbour Worsaae that Boye later became a member of the circle around C.J. Thomsen. We may therefore assume that Boye visited and spent many after-school hours at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, and soon became an assistant during the public tours.Early in the 1840s tension arose between Worsaae and Thomsen, because Thomsen did not want to make Worsaae a junior museum inspector. Worsaae had not hitherto received any stipend or official position, and with some justice felt himself hard done by. Thomsen however did not respond to his request, so he left the Museum, later to be made Director for the Preservation of Ancient monuments. At the same time he taught at Copenhagen University, where Boye from time to time came to his lectures. There is no doubt that Boye wanted an academic career, and presumably hoped that his involvement with the Museum of Northern Antiquities would allow him to complete a study of Scandinavian archaeology. In the meantime Boye studied at the Museum under the direction of both Thomsen and Herbst.In early October 1857 Boye undertook one of his first excavations of a Bronze Age mound, the so-called Loholm barrow at Snørumnedre Mark (fig. 1). The dating of the grave however caused problems for him, but through a comparative study of Bronze Age burial rituals he concluded that the grave had close parallels within this period.The following year three funerary urns and some bronze objects were found in Hullehøj barrow, near Kjeldbymagle on the island of Møn. The barrow was going to be blown up, but the local judge had the work stopped and sent Boye to lead the excavation in May 1859. As the excavation progressed, Boye was able to ascertain that there were both cremations and inhumations in one and the same barrow. The inhumations were surrounded by fist-sized stones and placed at the bottom of the barrow, the cremations higher up within the mound. In comparison with his earlier barrow excavations it is worth noting Boye’s stratigraphic observations, which for the first time supported the division of the Bronze Age into an earlier and a later section. This hypothesis had been suggested earlier, but not hitherto adequately demonstrated. In 1859 Boye published the results of his excavations of 1857-8, as well as those of his recently completed excavation of Aasehøj barrow at Raklev, in the periodical Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie for 1858. This article is his first independent scientific publication, and should have attracted greater attention than it in fact did. In modern perspective the article is a perfectly competent archaeological publication, in which Boye solely through field observations reaches the conclusion that the Bronze Age could be divided into two periods, each with its own burial ritual. Even though Boye had been close to understanding why both cremations and inhumations occurred in the same barrow as early as 1857, he did not reach his final understanding this early. In November 1857 Worsaae had in fact given lectures at the university in which he suggested a division of the Bronze Age, but it is noteworthy that he had not earlier published any or all of his conclusions. His work on the subdivision of the Stone Age was probably more important to Worsaae, while the subdivision of the Bronze Age was more of a footnote, a natural outgrowth of the idea that there was continuous development from one stage to the next. Boye’s article in Annaler thus inevitably supported Worsaae’s hypothesis, although this was presumably not the intention. On the contrary, Boye merely intended to publish his own conclusions. Boye cannot therefore be said to be the sole originator of the subdivision of the Bronze Age, but apart his barrow investigations there was nobody else who reached the same conclusion at the time independently of Worsaae.In 1860 Boye took part in the first major bog excavations, at Vimose and then at Thorsbjerg with Engelhardt. Despite adverse circumstances and appalling weather, the Thorsbjerg excavations produced several important finds including Roman coins, a gilt breastplate, and also a very unusual face mask of silver with gilt (fig. 2). Although Engelhardt did not publish the full excavation report until 1863-69, Boye presented his observations in Annaler as early as 1860, where he discussed earlier interpretations of the many weapons found in bogs. Boye observed that the universal destruction of these weapons did not happen by chance, but was deliberate. Furthermore, the weapons lay in groups of one type, and the shields were pierced by spear points to pin them to the bottom of the bog. Boye’s interpretation of the finds was thus remarkably accurate, because he regarded them as votive offerings of the spoils of war.When Prussian and Austrian troops crossed the Ejder River on 1st February 1864, Boye volunteered within the month and was promoted to lance corporal (fig. 3). In May he was landed to take part in the defence of the island of Als along with the other Danish forces. On his return home in August Boye continued his work at the Museum of Northern Antiquities, but Thomsen’s health was failing, and after a long illness he died on 21st May 1865. The question of who was to succeed Thomsen had long been discussed, and it was indeed Worsaae who was appointed. Although Herbst had been groomed for the job by Thomsen, he found himself outmanouevred. Boye probably already knew by then that he would not be given a position at the Museum. Herbst, his confidant, could no longer help him, and Thomsen’s awareness of his archaeological skills was of no use either. Circumstances thus forced Boye to leave the Museum.Boye’s relationship with the family friend and poet H.C. Andersen resulted in the latter recommending Boye in December 1867 as a Danish tutor to the Brandt family in Amsterdam (fig. 4). On Wednesday 22nd January 1868 Boye departed for Amsterdam via Kiel. During his stay Boye wrote regularly to Andersen, who also travelled to Amsterdam to visit him. His stay in Amsterdam was evidently good for Boye, and contributed to the fact that he never lost his love for archaeology. As early as late August of the same year, Boye travelled to southern Halland in Sweden at the request of Ritmester Peter von Möller, to examine and excavate a large group of barrows known as the Ätterhögar on the Drömmestrup estate, the excavation of which was concluded in early July 1869. Boye thus returned home just in time to take part as a member of the Danish Committee in the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology that was held in Copenhagen from 25th August to 5th September. But his love of Schleswig and the old borderland called him, and soon Boye moved permanently to Haderslev to work as a freelance writer on the daily paper Dannevirke under the editorship of H.R. Hiort-Lorenzen.His coverage of the International Congress of Archaeology and Anthropology meeting in Copenhagen is the most extensive of Boye’s writings in Dannevirke. He also wrote a series of articles with a marked archaeological-ethnographic content, for example on the antiquities of Brazil, and the discovery of ­Australia.Although Boye supported himself as a writer for Dannevirke, his main occupation seems rather to have been the investigation of the burial mounds of Schleswig, which before 1864 had only been intermittently examined by amateurs. Boye began an extensive programme, and without his efforts and initiative, knowledge of many Schleswig barrows would have been lost. Although the information he recorded was not particularly satisfactory, in that it was mostly based on the memory of local people, his efforts should be seen as a precursor, because the work of protection went slowly at the time. In his search for lost information, in 1875 Boye considered the barrow at Dybvadgård north of Åbenrå, which had been partially excavated by Prince Carl of Prussia in 1864. During the excavations the Prince’s soldiers found an oak coffin, which was despatched to the Museum für Völkerkunde in Berlin. Boye therefore wrote direct to the Prince, who in reply sent a photograph and description of the coffin. During the next eight years Boye managed to accumulate a great deal of information about the barrows of Schleswig, but his work was not without risk, because several of his “missions” involved evading the Prussian authorities and their power to confiscate the antiquities which Boye from time to time illegally sent to the Museum in Copenhagen.In 1874 the Principal of Herlufsholm School, C. Hall, engaged Vilhelm Boye to organise the school’s collection of antiquities, which had been in store for nearly twenty years. In addition to this reorganisation, funds were also made available for the systematic excavation of a nearby barrow at Grimstrup (fig. 5). The barrow however contained very little, mainly urns full of cremated bone, but the excavation was thoroughly recorded and a series of drawings was produced by R. Bertelsen, the school’s teacher of drawing. After this Boye set to work to display the collection in the six cases that were made available. The greater part of the collection came from the Stone Age, filling no fewer than five cases, giving an impression both of coastal finds from shell middens, and grave finds. The Bronze Age display contained only a few bronzes, but rather more pots. Iron Age artifacts were hardly represented at all, and consisted mostly of whetstones, a bowl-shaped buckle, and a pot burnt black.In November of the same year Boye was working at Herlufsholm, he produced his remarkable work Vejledning til Udgravning af Oldsager og deres foreløbige Behandling [Guide to the Excavation of Antiquities and their Initial Study], published under the auspices of the Society for the Historical-Antiquarian Collection in Århus. Boye’s Guide is the first of its type, and one can clearly detect his close association with Herbst, who had contributed to the scientific content of the work.Boye’s link with the antiquarian collection in Århus had not come about by chance. During his time at the Museum of Northern Antiquities he had early on made contact with the person mainly responsible for the establishment of the Århus collection, Edvard Erslev. Boye joined the museum in 1871, re-arranged the collection, and produced a guide for visitors. For the first time the museum acquired a new and professional look. Boye thus functioned as part of the leadership until 1876, when he gave up his museum post in favour of the schoolteacher Emmerik Høegh-Guldberg. The continued problems facing Dannevirke and Hiort-Lorenzen’s mounting confrontation with the judicial authorities in Flensborg probably caused Boye to consider his position with the newspaper. This culminated with the expulsion of Hiort-Lorenzen, who then took up the post of chief editor of Nationaltidende in Copenhagen. Boye also travelled to Copenhagen in early 1878, and on 15th November the year after he married Mimi Drachmann, sister of the poet Holger Drachmann (fig. 6 ). Not suprisingly, Boye got a job at the Nationaltidende, where he edited the newspaper’s Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications until 1885. In the seven years Boye worked at the paper, no fewer than 150 numbers of the Communications appeared, Boye writing more than 400 pages of them himself. The articles include a multiplicity of archaeological and ethnographic topics such as “Egypt’s Ancient Cultures” and “A Copper Age in Scandinavia”.In 1882 Count Emil Frijs of Frijsenborg commissioned Boye to catalogue and organise his estate’s collection of prehistoric and medieval objects, which came from the area round the lake and castle ruin at Søborg in northern Zealand. Attempts had been made to drain the lake since 1793, and several antiquities had been found at various times during the work. The recording project culminated in the publication of a small book, Fund af Gjenstande fra Oldtiden og Middelalderen i og ved Søborg Sø [Finds of Objects from the Prehistoric and Medieval Periods in and around Søborg Lake], which among other things contains some of the first photographic illustrations of Danish antiquities (fig. 7).Worsaae’s death in 1885 inaugurated a new era, and Herbst was finally able to take over the post of head of the Museum (fig. 8). Boye’s long friendship with Herbst had in the previous years resulted in him becoming a regional inspector for the Museum. Herbst was probably even then considering Boye for a future post in the Museum, and was indicating that he himself could not be overlooked when it became time to nominate a successor to Worsaae. After his appointment to the Museum of Northern Antiquities in 1885, Boye continued his activities as inspector in northern Zealand, and was frequently called when new finds were recovered from Bronze Age barrows.In contrast to Herbst, Boye rapidly fell in with the group of younger workers, particularly Henry Petersen (fig. 9). Over the years they became close friends with a common interest in new finds, as during the excavation of Guldhøj in 1891. Boye had no draftsman at the excavation, but he did have a local photographer who recorded some aspects of the opening of the first oak coffin. These are the first photographs ever to be taken during an excavation, even though photography by then was nothing new (fig. 10).With the reorganising of the National Museum, Boye was made senior assistant of the historical section on 1st April 1892, under Henry Petersen. He was responsible for the Museum’s archive and library, but fieldwork and travels are what particularly characterise his work in these years. When the small Bronze Age barrow on which the Glavendrup rune stone had been erected in 1864 was nearly completely destroyed by ploughing, Boye undertook a restoration of the barrow itself and the associated ship-shaped arrangement of stones in 1892 (fig. 11). The restoration’s outcome was the construction of a new barrow on which was placed the rune stone, and the re-erection of the stones in the ship arrangement.At the same time, chamberlain A. Oxholm undertook a small excavation of the Bronze Age barrow at Tårnholm, and recovered an oak coffin containing the remains of a woman, a fine necklace, a belt plate, and a small bronze dagger. Boye was immediately informed, and in connection with his investigations at Tårnborg was able to go to Tårnholm and lead a new excavation of the barrow, in which A.P. Madsen was also involved, and recover two more oak coffins (fig. 12).If we now consider Boye’s last major work, the publication of the major volume Fund af Egekister fra Bronzealderen i Danmark [Finds of Oak Coffins from the Danish Bronze Age], there are several indications that suggest that Boye began the work with the early intention that its coverage should be wide, and contain his long-term investigations into and knowledge of the country’s oak coffin graves. It is particularly noteworthy that his work as an archaeological journalist and with the Archaeological and Ethnographic Communications seems to have been a kind of precursor to this, as the last chapters contain sections that are clearly derived from his contributions to the Communications. The manuscript was completed in April 1896, and A.P. Madsen prepared for it no fewer than 27 full-page folio sized copperplates. The work was dedicated to “the veterans of Danish archaeology”, C.F. Herbst the museum director, and Japetus Steenstrup, with whom Boye had first collaborated more recently.His many years of a wandering existence and work-related disruptions had however told on him, and soon after the book was published Boye became ill. From his private correspondence from 1896 it emerges that Boye often had insufficient time to be with his nearest and dearest. Despite his illness he travelled one last time to visit relatives at Viken, but his illness worsened and he had to travel rapidly to Lund and on to Copenhagen. Boye died on 22nd September apparently as the result of a stroke, and was buried in Søllerød churchyard north of Copenhagen.Boye’s potential as a researcher was noticed early on by Thomsen, but just as quickly suppressed by Worsaae, who may more or less deliberately have sought to out-manoeuvre his colleague. Boye’s character and energy may have seemed a threat, and although he never finished an academic education he nevertheless displayed a remarkable archaeological acuity, but was unable to bolster his own reputation. Some of the blame for this must rest with the Museum’s aged leaders, who never supported or developed Boye’s evident skills to any great extent. It must also be stressed that some of Boye’s earlier career problems are closely connected to the lack of vision and jealousy of these same leaders. When he departed for Amsterdam Boye had no expectation of a Museum post, but despite this he intelligently kept up his contacts with Copenhagen, particularly with Herbst, knowing full well that Worsaae’s leadership would one day end. This somewhat bold presumption turned out to be correct, and helped his archaeological career.There is no doubt that Boye in his later years tried hard to recover his lost reputation and save his career from the disaster it suffered when he was younger, but the price was high and it also affected his health. We must today recognise that his reputation was restored to the highest level, and we must thank him for the fact that, through him, a uniquely detailed knowledge of the Bronze Age people themselves was preserved for Danish archaeology, as well as of their most prominent contribution to the Danish landscape: the barrows.Anders Otte StensagerInstitut for forhistorisk arkæologiKøbenhavns UniversitetTranslated by Peter Rowley-Conwy

Las excavaciones arqueológicas realizadas en Monte Molião permitieron la recogida de un importante conjunto de artefactos de hueso pulido, de la Edad del Hierro y de época Romana, que supone un total de 80 piezas. Están distribuidas por distintas categorías funcionales, relacionadas con el adorno personal, con la actividad textil, con el juego y con la escritura. Otros integran la categoría de complementos de muebles. El conjunto es revelador de la presencia, en el sur de Portugal, de individuos con costumbres y usanzas que siguen patrones estéticos y sociales del Mediterráneo romanizado.Palabras clave: Algarve romano, mundus muliebris, textiles, ludi, stiliTopónimo: PortugalPeriodo: Edad del Hierro, época romana ABSTRACTThe archaeological digs undertaken in in Monte Molião led to the discovery of 80 bone artefacts, dating from Iron Age and Roman times. They are divided into several functional categories, connected with personal adornment, textile activity, games, and writing. 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Daggers from the Middle AgesOn entering the front door to Moesgård’s 226 year old main building, some of the first objects to meet one’s eyes are two magnificent white mineral cabinets in Louis XVI style. These beautiful cabinets are among the oldest pieces of furniture at Moesgård. They originate from Christian Frederik Güldencrone’s time (1741-88) and contain now – as then – a mineralogical collection (fig. 1). In a lower drawer of one of the cabinets there are, however, two daggers that have nothing to do with this collection and which must have been added on a later occasion.The types of dagger which will be dealt with here are the kidney dagger and the so-called lansquenet dagger mentioned below. They have their origins in the ­Middle Ages and they are, due to their form, closely linked with the military equipment, especially the plate armour, increasingly in vogue during the 14th century. When the dagger became part of the knight’s armament it was in order for it to be used in hand-to-hand fighting. With its strong and rigid blade, the dagger could be pushed between the plates of a fallen knight’s armour, enabling the final and decisive coup de grâce to be given (fig. 2). The military zenith of the dagger was in the 14th-15th centuries.Daggers are often difficult to date. Many have been recovered from bogs and lakes and a great number do not have any associated information about their origin. As a consequence, the typological chrono­logies that have been produced are rather coarse-grained and are mainly based on pictorial sources and collections of historical weapons (fig. 3).One of the daggers is a double-edged kidney dagger, listed as No. 6 in the catalogue (fig. 4). The length of the dagger is 30 cm, of which 10.5 cm comprises the grip and 19.5 cm the blade. The grip is made of root wood, while the blade is of iron. The blade is rather slender, no more than 1.4 cm at its widest. No smith’s stamp or mark is ­visible. Below each kidney, ­traces of a now missing quillon-plate can be seen; this was often curved or wing-shaped. The guard had been attached to the kidneys by way of two sprigs. At the end of the hilt, a knob or boss has been carved out of the root wood and between the boss and hilt runs a bead which is now somewhat effaced. X-­radiography reveals that the dagger has no real tang.The kidney dagger was quite often depicted in medieval times. An illustration in the so-called “Kristina Psalter”, thought to have been produced in Paris about AD 1230, is usually recognised as the oldest image of a kidney dagger. The dagger referred to is, however, very difficult to recognise as a kidney dagger; it is more probably of the high medieval dagger type – the cultellus. More certainty surrounds another rendition of a kidney dagger – that seen on Duke Christopher’s sepulchral monument from the AD 1360s in Roskilde Cathedral. This is usually regarded as Denmark’s oldest, securely dated kidney dagger (fig. 5). Another example to which attention is always drawn is the dagger shown at Valdemar Atterdag’s side on a fresco from about AD 1375 in St Peder’s Church in Næstved (fig. 6). The Moesgård dagger is dated to the period from the last quarter of the 14th century to the end of the 15th century.The kidney dagger has an interesting cultural history, not exclusively involving the art of war. Daggers become part of the rather dandified men’s fashion of the 15th century where the dagger was worn at front, hung on a belt. As can be imagined, it is no longer the kidneys one thinks about when seeing the dagger! This was also clear at the time; in England the dagger was referred to as the ballock dagger and in France dague á couilettes (fig. 7).The other dagger from the Moesgård cabinet is a so-called lansquenet dagger, listed as No. 17 in the catalogue. Like the kidney dagger this is a double-edged weapon (fig. 8). It is reminiscent of a small sword with short, straight or slightly bent quillons. The length of the dagger is 36.5 cm, of which the grip comprises 11 cm and the blade 25.5 cm. At the end of the tang a cone-shaped pommel with spiral grooves can be seen; this feature is repeated in the quillon terminals. Between quillon and tang, and between pommel and tang, narrow bronze casings can be seen – the last remnants of the lost grip. The double-edged blade, which has a maximum width of 2.1 cm, has a very strongly accentuated back; the cross-section between back and blade is almost concave.During the 15th century the composition and structure of armies gradually changed so that, with time, the heavily armoured cavalry were replaced by lighter infantry, armed with spears, swords and halberds. The infantry became more professional and in Germany, in the 15th century, were referred to as mercenaries; it is probably here that this type of dagger originated. There are several types of the so-called lansquenet dagger; variation is seen primarily in the shape and construction of the guard, but also the shape of the grip. Information from better preserved examples of the type, to which the Moesgård dagger belongs, suggests that the missing grip was probably of wood and was baluster-shaped. The sheath for a this type of dagger was often rather special, being made of wood and having a circular or oval cross-section and often several rows of horizontal beading. Some examples are iron-plated and heavy, and could be used as clubs in self-defence. The Moesgård dagger is dated to the 16th century, probably towards the end of the century.One further dagger, or rather the grip from a dagger, will also be dealt with here. This artefact was not, however, found in Dahl’s mineral cabinets but during an excavation alongside Århus Å in 2002. The degraded grip is made from a bovine metatarsal, carved to resemble twisted rope. It is listed in the catalogue as No. 7 (fig. 9). The grip is 10.3 cm long. The bone has been split lengthways and only the hint of one kidney is preserved. The artefact is dated to the latter half of the 15th century. The actual prototype for this piece is to be found among the magnificent daggers with grips fashioned from twisted bars of precious metal. In the earlier literature this type is dated to the 14th century but the ­evidence now indicates that it belongs to the latter half of the 15th century.Is a catalogue of the kidney and so-called lansquenet daggers from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, which are either kept at museums in the Århus area or were found within Moesgård Museum’s area of archaeological responsibility. The main part of the collection is kept at Den Gamle By in Aarhus, and some of these daggers were previously published by A. Bruhn in 1950. Eighteen kidney and mercenary daggers are catalogued; further to these are six daggers, which cannot be assigned more precisely to type. Seven daggers are of unknown origin. It should be noted that 10 out of the remaining 17 daggers were found either in a lake, watercourse or bog. This significantly high proportion is probably not just due chance but no real investigation has ever been carried out into this phenomenon. Only two of the daggers were found during actual archaeological excavations.Lars Krants LarsenMoesgård Museum

Dans le domaine du diagnostic des structures en bois, il est nécessaire d’apporter une méthodologie innovante avec des outils précis pour obtenir des analyses fiables sur l’état du bâtiment sans dégrader les parois. Cependant, les structures en bois se détériorent sous l'effet de contraintes mécaniques et des conditions climatiques. Les propriétés physiques et mécaniques de ce matériau dépendent des conditions d'exposition et de leurs variations. Dans le cas des constructions à ossature bois, la seule méthode pour évaluer leur état de santé consiste à démonter et endommager les éléments périphériques afin d'observer l'état et les pathologies des différentes couches et matériaux constitutifs. Par conséquent, il est impératif de prendre des mesures d'évaluation et de contrôle non destructif (CND) afin de vérifier leur conformité aux normes applicables à la livraison et de suivre leur évolution au fil du temps. Cela permettra de prédire la durée de vie des structures et de gérer de manière durable le patrimoine bâti. Cette étude propose de développer une approche novatrice utilisant les ondes radar millimétriques pour caractériser les matériaux constituants des assemblages à ossature bois.

AbstractThis study investigates Japanese learners’ production of English relative constructions, focusing on the information preference of noun phrases in spoken discourse. The constructions of Japanese learners and of native speakers of English were extracted from a spoken corpus according to learners’ English proficiency levels. The information status (New, Given, and Identifiable) of head noun phrases modified by relative clauses were also examined. The results found that, in an attempt to keep spoken communication coherent, native speakers and learners of all levels prefer general grammatical and pragmatic configurations in their production of English relative constructions. This preference is called the Preferred Argument Structure (Du Bois 1987). However, Japanese learners and native speakers did not share the same preference of language-specific information status. The results suggest that first language information preference plays a crucial role in second language acquisition, especially during the early stages of acquisition. They also suggest that discoursal properties affect the mechanisms and motivations of relative clause constructions in second language acquisition.

La ville de Kinshasa était un des pôles prioritaires d’industrialisation du Congo belge. Les facteurs de localisation industrielle tels que l’existence du port fluvial de Léopoldville, d’une forte demande en biens de consommation, des sources d’énergie dans le Bas-Congo, de groupes financiers étrangers ont guidé les acteurs industriels pour implanter quelques industries manufacturières entre 1900 et 2020. Le tissu industriel était composé des industries alimentaires, boissons, textiles, chantiers navals, peintures, matières plastiques, meubles, bois, constructions métalliques, cuir, emballage, sidérurgie, matériaux de construction, imprimeries, chimie, matériel de transport et cosmétiques. Une grande partie de ce tissu a disparu progressivement depuis 1969-1970. Face à cette désindustrialisation, notre objectif est de rechercher pourquoi l’activité industrielle a diminué dans ce pôle de développement. Quelles sont les conséquences de ces fermetures ? Quelles stratégies doivent être mises en place pour réindustrialiser la ville et éviter le modèle d’industrialisation coloniale ?

This paper explores South African hip-hop activist Emile YX?'s work to suggest that he presents an alternative take on mainstream US and South African hip-hop. While it is arguable that a great deal of mainstream hip-hop is commercially co-opted, it is clear that a significant amount of US hip-hop (by Angel Haze or Talib Kweli, for example) and hip-hop beyond the US (by Positive Black Soul, Godessa, Black Noise or Prophets of da City, for example) present alternatives to its co-option. Emile YX? pushes for an alternative to mainstream hip-hop's aesthetics and politics. Foregoing what Prophets of da City call “mindless topics” (Prophets of da City “Cape Crusader”), he employs hip-hop to engage audiences critically about social and political issues, including language and racial identity politics. Significantly, he embraces AfriKaaps, which is a challenge to the hegemonic speech variety of Afrikaans. From Emile's perspective, AfriKaaps preceded Afrikaans because it was spoken by slaves during the Cape colonial era and was later culturally appropriated by Afrikaner Nationalists in the apartheid era to construct white, Afrikaner identity as pure and bounded. AfriKaaps in hip-hop therefore presents an alternative to mainstream US-centric hip-hop in South Africa (via AKA or Cassper Nyovest, for example) as well as Afrikaner Nationalist representations of Afrikaans and race by promoting multilingual hip-hop aesthetics, which was initially advanced by Prophets of da City in the early '90s.Pursuing Alternative TrajectoriesEmile YX?, a former school teacher, started out with the Black Consciousness-aligned hip-hop crew, Black Noise, as a b-boy in the late 1980s before becoming an MC. Black Noise went through a number of iterations, eventually being led by YX? (aka Emile Jansen) after he persuaded the crew not to pursue a mainstream record deal in favour of plotting a career path as independent artists. The crew’s strategy has been to fund the production and distribution of their albums independently and to combine their work as recording and performing artists with their activism. They therefore arranged community workshops at schools and, initially, their local library in the township, Grassy Park, before touring nationally and internationally. By the late 1990s, Jansen established an NGO, Heal the Hood, in order to facilitate collaborative projects with European and South African partners. These partnerships, not only allowed Black Noise crew members to continue working as hip-hip activists, but also created a network through which they could distribute their music and secure further bookings for performances locally and internationally.Jansen’s solo work continued along this trajectory and he has gone on to work on collaborative projects, such as the hip-hop theatre show Afrikaaps, which looks critically at the history of Afrikaans and identity politics, and Mixed Mense, a b-boy show that celebrates African dance traditions and performed at One Mic Festival at the Kennedy Center in Washington DC in 2014 (48 Hours). This artist’s decision not to pursue a mainstream record deal in the early 1990s probably saved Black Noise from being a short-lived pop sensation in favour of pursuing a route that ensured that Cape hip-hop retained its alternative, Black Consciousness-inspired subcultural edge.The activism of Black Noise and Heal the Hood is an example of activists’ efforts to employ hip-hop as a means of engaging youth critically about social and political issues (Haupt, Stealing Empire 158-165). Hence, despite arguments that the seeds for subcultures’ commercial co-option lie in the fact that they speak through commodities (Hebdige 95; Haupt, Stealing Empire 144–45), there is evidence of agency despite the global reach of US cultural imperialism. H. Samy Alim’s concept of translocal style communities is useful in this regard. The concept focuses on the “transportability of mobile matrices – sets of styles, aesthetics, knowledges, and ideologies that travel across localities and cross-cut modalities” (Alim 104-105). Alim makes the case for agency when he contends, “Although global style communities may indeed grow out of particular sociohistoric originating moments, or moments in which cultural agents take on the project of creating ‘an origin’ (in this case, Afrodiasporic youth in the United States in the 1970s), it is important to note that a global style community is far from a threatening, homogenizing force” (Alim 107).Drawing on Arjun Appadurai’s concepts of ethnoscapes, financescapes, ideoscapes and mediascapes, Alim argues that the “persistent dialectical interplay between the local and the global gives rise to the creative linguistic styles that are central to the formation of translocal style communities, and leads into theorizing about glocal stylizations and style as glocal distinctiveness” (Appadurai; Alim 107). His view of globalisation thus accommodates considerations of the extent to which subjects on both the local and global levels are able to exercise agency to produce new or alternative meanings and stylistic practices.Hip-Hop's Translanguaging Challenge to HegemonyJansen’s “Mix en Meng It Op” [“Mix and Blend It / Mix It Up”] offers an example of translocal style by employing translanguaging, code mixing and codeswitching practices. The song’s first verse speaks to the politics of race and language by challenging apartheid-era thinking about purity and mixing:In South Africa is ek coloured and African means black raceFace it, all mense kom van Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionEk’s siek en sat van all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s om te expose onse behoort aan een rasHou vas, ras is las, watch hoe ons die bubble barsPlus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir daai potjie want ons wietie wattie mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSoe hulle moet gemix het om daai clicks to employ(Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; my emphasis)[In South Africa I am coloured and African means black raceFace it, all people come from Africa in the first placeErase all trace of race and our tribal divisionI’m sick and tired of all our land’s racist decisionsMy mission’s to expose the fact that we belong top one raceHold on, race is a burden, watch as we burst the bubble Plus the mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sirStir that pot because we don’t know what the mixtures wereThis illusion of race and tribe is rotten to the coreWhat’s more the lie of purity shouldn’t exist anymoreLook at Shaka Zulu, who mixed all those tribes togetherMixed conquered tribes now Amazulu foreverHave you ever considered all this mixture before?Xhosa comes from Khoe khoe, do you wanna know more?Xhosa means angry looking man in Khoe KhoeSo they must have mixed to employ those clicks]The MC does more than codeswitch or code mix in this verse. The syntax switches from that of English to Afrikaans interchangeably and he is doing more than merely borrowing words and phrases from one language and incorporating it into the other language. In certain instances, he opts to pronounce certain English words and phrases as if they were Afrikaans (for example, “My” and “land’s”). Suresh Canagarajah explains that codeswitching was traditionally “distinguished from code mixing” because it was assumed that codeswitching required “bilingual competence” in order to “switch between [the languages] in fairly contextually appropriate ways with rhetorical and social significance”, while code mixing merely involved “borrowings which are appropriated into one’s language so that using them doesn't require bilingual competence” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, he argues that both of these translingual practices do not require “full or perfect competence” in the languages being mixed and that “these models of hybridity can be socially and rhetorically significant” (Canagarajah, Translingual Practice 10). However, the artist is clearly competent in both English and Afrikaans; in fact, he is also departing from the hegemonic speech varieties of English and Afrikaans in attempts to affirm black modes of speech, which have been negated during apartheid (cf. Haupt “Black Thing”).What the artist seems to be doing is closer to translanguaging, which Canagarajah defines as “the ability of multilingual speakers to shuttle between languages, treating the diverse languages that form their repertoire as an integrated system” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). The mix or blend of English and Afrikaans syntax become integrated, thereby performing the very point that Jansen makes about what he calls “the lie of purity” by asserting that the “mixture that mixed here is not fixed, sir” (Emile XY? “Mix en Meng It Op”). This approach is significant because Canagarajah points out that while research shows that translanguaging is “a naturally occurring phenomenon”, it “occurs surreptitiously behind the backs of the teachers in classes that proscribe language mixing” (Canagarajah, “Codemeshing in Academic Writing” 401). Jansen’s performance of translanguaging and challenge to notions of linguistic and racial purity should be read in relation to South Africa’s history of racial segregation during apartheid. Remixing Race/ism and Notions of PurityLegislated apartheid relied on biologically essentialist understandings of race as bounded and fixed and, hence, the categories black and white were treated as polar opposites with those classified as coloured being seen as racially mixed and, therefore, defiled – marked with the shame of miscegenation (Erasmus 16; Haupt, “Black Thing” 176-178). Apart from the negative political and economic consequences of being classified as either black or coloured by the apartheid state (Salo 363; McDonald 11), the internalisation of processes of racial interpellation was arguably damaging to the psyche of black subjects (in the broad inclusive sense) (cf. Fanon; Du Bois). The work of early hip-hop artists like Black Noise and Prophets of da City (POC) was therefore crucial to pointing to alternative modes of speech and self-conception for young people of colour – regardless of whether they self-identified as black or coloured. In the early 1990s, POC lead the way by embracing black modes of speech that employed codeswitching, code mixing and translanguaging as a precursor to the emergence of music genres, such as kwaito, which mixed urban black speech varieties with elements of house music and hip-hop. POC called their performances of Cape Flats speech varieties of English and Afrikaans gamtaal [gam language], which is an appropriation of the term gam, a reference to the curse of Ham and justifications for slavery (Adhikari 95; Haupt Stealing Empire 237). POC’s appropriation of the term gam in celebration of Cape Flats speech varieties challenge the shame attached to coloured identity and the linguistic practices of subjects classified as coloured. On a track called “Gamtaal” off Phunk Phlow, the crew samples an assortment of recordings from Cape Flats speech communities and capture ordinary people speaking in public and domestic spaces (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”). In one audio snippet we hear an older woman saying apologetically, “Onse praatie suiwer Afrikaan nie. Onse praat kombius Afrikaans” (Prophets of da City “Gamtaal”).It is this shame for black modes of speech that POC challenges on this celebratory track and Jansen takes this further by both making an argument against notions of racial and linguistic purity and performing an example of translanguaging. This is important in light of research that suggests that dominant research on the creole history of Afrikaans – specifically, the Cape Muslim contribution to Afrikaans – has been overlooked (Davids 15). This oversight effectively amounted to cultural appropriation as the construction of Afrikaans as a ‘pure’ language with Dutch origins served the Afrikaner Nationalist project when the National Party came into power in 1948 and began to justify its plans to implement legislated apartheid. POC’s act of appropriating the denigrated term gamtaal in service of a Black Consciousness-inspired affirmation of colouredness, which they position as part of the black experience, thus points to alternative ways in which people of colour cand both express and define themselves in defiance of apartheid.Jansen’s work with the hip-hop theater project Afrikaaps reconceptualised gamtaal as Afrikaaps, a combination of the term Afrikaans and Kaaps. Kaaps means from the Cape – as in Cape Town (the city) or the Cape Flats, which is where many people classified as coloured were forcibly relocated under the Group Areas Act under apartheid (cf. McDonald; Salo; Alim and Haupt). Taking its cue from POC and Brasse vannie Kaap’s Mr FAT, who asserted that “gamtaal is legal” (Haupt, “Black Thing” 176), the Afrikaaps cast sang, “Afrikaaps is legal” (Afrikaaps). Conclusion: Agency and the Transportability of Mobile MatricesJansen pursues this line of thought by contending that the construction of Shaka Zulu’s kingdom involved mixing many tribes (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”), thereby alluding to arguments that narratives about Shaka Zulu were developed in service of Zulu nationalism to construct Zulu identity as bounded and fixed (Harries 105). Such constructions were essential to the apartheid state's justifications for establishing Bantustans, separate homelands established along the lines of clearly defined and differentiated ethnic identities (Harries 105). Writing about the use of myths and symbols during apartheid, Patrick Harries argues that in Kwazulu, “the governing Inkatha Freedom Party ... created a vivid and sophisticated vision of the Zulu past” (Harries 105). Likewise, Emile YX? contends that isiXhosa’s clicks come from the Khoi (Emile YX? “Mix en Meng It Op”; Afrikaaps). Hence, the idea of the Khoi San’s lineage and history as being separate from that of other African communities in Southern Africa is challenged. He thus challenges the idea of pure Zulu or Xhosa identities and drives the point home by sampling traditional Zulu music, as opposed to conventional hip-hop beats.Effectively, colonial strategies of tribalisation as a divide and rule strategy through the reification of linguistic and cultural practices are challenged, thereby reminding us of the “transportability of mobile matrices” and “fluidity of identities” (Alim 104, 105). In short, identities as well as cultural and linguistic practices were never bounded and static, but always-already hybrid, being constantly made and remade in a series of negotiations. This perspective is in line with research that demonstrates that race is socially and politically constructed and discredits biologically essentialist understandings of race (Yudell 13-14; Tattersall and De Salle 3). This is not to ignore the asymmetrical relations of power that enable cultural appropriation and racism (Hart 138), be it in the context of legislated apartheid, colonialism or in the age of corporate globalisation or Empire (cf. Haupt, Static; Hardt & Negri). But, even here, as Alim suggests, one should not underestimate the agency of subjects on the local level to produce alternative forms of expression and self-representation.ReferencesAdhikari, Mohamed. "The Sons of Ham: Slavery and the Making of Coloured Identity." South African Historical Journal 27.1 (1992): 95-112.Alim, H. Samy “Translocal Style Communities: Hip Hop Youth as Cultural Theorists of Style, Language and Globalization”. Pragmatics 19.1 (2009):103-127. Alim, H. Samy, and Adam Haupt. “Reviving Soul(s): Hip Hop as Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy in the U.S. & South Africa”. Culturally Sustaining Pedagogies: Teaching and Learning for Educational Justice. Ed. Django Paris and H. Samy Alim. New York: Teachers College Press, Columbia University, 2017 (forthcoming). Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Modernity. London: University of Minnesota Press, 1996.Canagarajah, Suresh. Translingual Practice: Global Englishes and Cosmopolitan Relations. London & New York: Routledge, 2013.Canagarajah, Suresh. “Codemeshing in Academic Writing: Identifying Teachable Strategies of Translanguaging”. The Modern Language Journal 95.3 (2011): 401-417.Creese, Angela, and Adrian Blackledge. “Translanguaging in the Bilingual Classroom: A Pedagogy for Learning and Teaching?” The Modern Language Journal 94.1 (2010): 103-115. Davids, Achmat. The Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims. Pretoria: Protea Book House, 2011.Du Bois, W.E.B. The Souls of Black Folk. Journal of Pan African Studies, 1963, 2009 (eBook).Erasmus, Zimitri. “Introduction.” Coloured by History, Shaped by Place. Ed. Zimitri Erasmus. Cape Town: Kwela Books & SA History Online, 2001.Fanon, Frantz. “The Fact of Blackness”. Black Skins, White Masks. London: Pluto Press: London, 1986. 48 Hours. “Black Noise to Perform at Kennedy Center in the USA”. 11 Mar. 2014. <http://48hours.co.za/2014/03/11/black-noise-to-perform-at-kennedy-center-in-the-usa/>. Haupt, Adam. Static: Race & Representation in Post-Apartheid Music, Media & Film. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2012.———. Stealing Empire: P2P, Intellectual Property and Hip-Hop Subversion. Cape Town: HSRC Press, 2008. ———. “Black Thing: Hip-Hop Nationalism, ‘Race’ and Gender in Prophets of da City and Brasse vannie Kaap.” Coloured by History, Shaped by Place. Ed. Zimitri Erasmus. Cape Town: Kwela Books & SA History Online, 2001.Hardt, Michael and Antonio Negri. Empire. London & Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000.Hart, J. “Translating and Resisting Empire: Cultural Appropriation and Postcolonial Studies”. Borrowed Power: Essays on Cultural Appropriation. Eds. B. Ziff and P.V. Roa. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997.Harries, Patrick. “Imagery, Symbolism and Tradition in a South African Bantustan: Mangosuthu Buthelezi, Inkatha, and Zulu History”. History and Theory 32.4, Beiheft 32: History Making in Africa (1993): 105-125. Hebdige, Dick. Subculture: The Meaning of Style. London: Routledge, 1979.MacDonald, Michael. Why Race Matters in South Africa. University of Kwazulu-Natal Press: Scottsville, 2006.Salo, Elaine. “Negotiating Gender and Personhood in the New South Africa: Adolescent Women and Gangsters in Manenberg Township on the Cape Flats.” Journal of European Cultural Studies 6.3 (2003): 345–65.Tattersall, Ian, and Rob De Salle. Race? Debunking a Scientific Myth. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2011.TheatreAfrikaaps. Afrikaaps. The Glasshouse, 2011.FilmsValley, Dylan, dir. Afrikaaps. Plexus Films, 2010. MusicProphets of da City. “Gamtaal.” Phunk Phlow. South Africa: Ku Shu Shu, 1995.Prophets of da City. “Cape Crusader.” Ghetto Code. South Africa: Ku Shu Shu & Ghetto Ruff, 1997.YX?, Emile. “Mix En Meng It Op.” Take Our Power Back. Cape Town: Cape Flats Uprising Records, 2015.

Même si la guerre, comme destruction de masse, a été très tôt au centre des intérêts de la discipline, l’anthropologie ne l’a jamais caractérisée comme une « violence extrême ». Ce qui pose d’emblée la question en termes autres que quantitatifs. L’extrême dans la violence n’est pas forcément dans l’importance du nombre de ses victimes. Il faut y ajouter d’autres dimensions comme l’inanité de l’acte, sa gratuité, son degré de cruauté et le non-respect des règles et normes partagées. Celles de la guerre, par exemple, imposent de ne s’attaquer qu’à l’ennemi armé et d’épargner les civils, de soigner le blessé etc. La violence extrême passe outre toutes ces normes et règles ; et s’exerce avec une cruauté démesurée. La première guerre mondiale constitue aux yeux des défenseurs de cette thèse, le moment inaugural dans le franchissement d’un tel seuil. Car, c’est dans cette guerre que fut utilisé pour la première fois le bombardement aérien, lié à l’ère industrielle, exterminant de nombreuses populations civiles non armées. Associée aux affrontements et insurrections débordant les cadres étatiques, l’expression peut désormais inclure également des faits commis dans le cadre des guerres conduites par des États. La violence extrême est une agression physique et une transgression outrancière d’une éthique partagée. Qu’elle s’exerce lors d’une guerre ou dans le cadre d’une institution (violence institutionnelle) elle est une violence extrême dès lors qu’elle use de moyens estimés inappropriés selon les codes communs et les sensibilités partagées. Les manières et les moyens d’agir doivent être proportionnels à l’objectif visé ; et toute outrance délégitime l’acte de violence, quand bien même celui-ci relèverait de « la violence légitime » monopole de l’Etat. Le qualificatif extrême vient donc spécifier un type de violence qui atteint ce point invisible ou imprévisible, en bafouant l’ordre éthique et conventionnel. Aller à l’extrême c’est aller au-delà du connu et de l’imaginable. La violence extrême est celle donc qui dépasse une limite se situant elle même au-delà des limites connues ou considérées comme impossibles à franchir. Elle renvoie à ce qui dépasse l’entendement par son ampleur ou par sa « gratuité » ; car, ce sont ses finalités qui rationalisent la guerre et toute autre forme de violence. Dépourvue de toute fonctionnalité, la violence extrême n’a d’autres buts qu’elle-même (Wolfgang Sofsky (1993). En d’autres termes, la violence extrême est ce qui oblitère le sens en rendant vaines (ou du moins imperceptibles) les logiques d’un acte jusque-là appréhendé en termes d’utilité, de fonctionnalité et d’efficacité. La violence est extrême quand elle parait démesurée par le nombre de ses victimes (génocide, nettoyage ethnique, meurtres et assassinat de masse) ; mais elle l’est d’autant plus, et le plus souvent, quand elle est accompagnée d’un traitement cruel, froid et gratuit : dépeçage, brûlure, énucléation, viols et mutilations sexuelles. Outrepassant l’habituel et l’admissible, par la démesure du nombre de ses victimes et le degré de cruauté dans l’exécution de l’acte, la violence extrême se situe dans un « au-delà », dont le seuil est une ligne mouvante et difficilement repérable. Son « objectivation » dépend à la fois du bourreau, de la victime et du témoin ; tous façonnés par des constructions culturelles informées par les contextes historiques et produisant des sensibilités et des « esthétiques de réception » subjectives et changeantes. La violence extrême est, nécessairement, d’abord une question de sensibilité. Or, celle-ci est non seulement une subjectivation mais aussi une construction historiquement déterminée. Pendant longtemps et jusqu’au siècle des lumières, le châtiment corporel fut, pour la justice, la norme dans toute l’Europe. Les organes fautifs des coupables sont maltraités publiquement. On exhibait les femmes adultères nues et on leur coupait les seins ; on coupait les langues des blasphémateurs et les mains des voleurs. Le bûcher était réservé aux sodomites, aux hérétiques et aux sorcières. On crevait les yeux (avec un tisonnier incandescent) du traître. Les voleurs de grands chemins subissaient le châtiment d’être rompus vifs. On écartelait et on démembrait le régicide. La foule se dépêchait pour assister à ces spectacles et à ceux des supplices de la roue, des pendaisons, de la décollation par le sabre etc. Placidement et consciencieusement, les bourreaux ont appliqué la « terreur du supplice » jusqu’au milieu du XVIIIe siècle (Meyran, 2006). Il a fallu attendre les lumières pour remplacer le corps violenté par le corps incarcéré. Aujourd’hui insupportables, aux yeux du citoyen occidental, certains de ces châtiments corporels administrés avec une violence extrême sont encore en usage dans d’autres sociétés. Après les massacres collectifs qui ont marqué la fin du XXe siècle, les travaux de Véronique Nahoum-Grappe portant sur le conflit de l’ex-Yougoslavie vont contribuer à relancer le débat sur la notion de « violence extrême » comme elle le rappellera plus tard : « Nous avions utilisé la notion de « violence extrême » à propos de la guerre en ex-Yougoslavie pour désigner « toutes les pratiques de cruauté « exagérée » exercées à l’encontre de civils et non de l’armée « ennemie », qui semblaient dépasser le simple but de vouloir s’emparer d’un territoire et d’un pouvoir. » (Nahoum-Grappe. 2002). Elle expliquera plus loin qu’après dix années de ces premières observations, ce qu’elle tentait de désigner, relève, en fait, d’une catégorie de crimes, graves, usant de cruauté dans l’application d’un programme de « purification ethnique ». Pourtant, quel que soit le critère invoqué, le phénomène n’est pas nouveau et loin d’être historiquement inédit. Si l’on reprend l’argument du nombre et de la gratuité de l’acte, le massacre n’est pas une invention du XXe s ; et ne dépend pas de la technologie contemporaine. On peut remonter assez loin et constater que dans ce domaine, l’homme a fait feu de tout bois, comme le montre El Kenz David dans ses travaux sur les guerres de religion (El Kenz 2010 & 2011). Parce que les sensibilités de l’époque admettaient ou toléraient certaines exactions, aux yeux des contemporains celles-ci ne relevaient pas de la violence extrême. Quant aux cruautés et autres exactions perpétrés à l’encontre des populations civiles, bien avant Auschwitz et l’ex-Yougoslavie, l’humanité en a souffert d’autres. Grâce aux travaux des historiens, certaines sont désormais relativement bien connues comme les atrocités commises lors des colonnes infernales dans la guerre de Vendée ou le massacre de May Lai dans la guerre du Vietnam. D’autres demeurent encore méconnues et insuffisamment étudiées. Les exactions menées lors des guerres coloniales et de conquêtes sont loin d’être toutes recensées. La mise à mort, en juin 1845, par « enfumade » de la tribu des Ouled Riah, dans le massif du Dahra en Algérie par le futur général Pélissier sont un exemple qui commence à peine à être porté à la connaissance en France comme en Algérie (Le Cour Grandmaison, 2005.). Qu’elle soit ethnique ou sociale, qu’elle soit qualifiée de purification ethnique ou d’entreprise génocidaire, cette extermination qui passe par des massacres de masse ne peut être qualifiée autrement que par violence extrême. Qu’elle s’exerce sur un individu ou contre un groupe, la violence extrême se caractérise presque toujours par un traitement cruel, le plus souvent pensé et administré avec une égale froideur ; une sorte d’« esthétisation de la cruauté ». Pour le dire avec les mots de Pierre Mannoni, la violence extrême use d’un certain « maniérisme de l'horreur », ou de ce qu’il appelle « une tératologie symbolique » (Mannoni ,2004, p. 82-83), c‘est à dire l’art de mettre en scène les monstruosités. Motivée par un danger ou une menace extrême justifiant, aux yeux du bourreau, une réponse extrême, cette violence extrême a pu s’exécuter par la machette (Rwanda) ou dans des chambres à gaz, comme par d’autres moyens et armes de destruction massive. C'est l'intégrité du corps social et sa pureté que le bourreau « croit » défendre en recourant à une exérèse… salvatrice. La cruauté fait partie de l’arsenal du combattant qui s’ingénie à inventer le scénario le plus cruel en profanant l’intime et le tabou. Françoise Sironi le montre à propos d’une des expressions de la violence extrême. L’efficacité destructrice de la torture est obtenue entre autres par la transgression de tabous culturels ; et par l’inversion qui rend perméable toutes les limites entre les dedans et les dehors. Réinjecter dans le corps ce qui est censé être expulsé (excréments, urine, vomissures) ; féminiser et exposer les parties intimes ou les pénétrer en dehors de la sphère intime, associer des parties démembrées d’un corps humain à celles d’un animal, sont autant de manières de faire violence extrême. Cette inversion transgressive use du corps de la victime pour terroriser le témoin et le survivant. Outrepassant l’habituel et l’attendu par la manière (égorgement, démembrement, énucléation, émasculation etc.,), les moyens (usage d’armes de destruction massive, d’armes nucléaires bactériologiques ou chimiques) et une certaine rationalité, la « violence extrême » est un dépassement d’horizon. L’acte par sa singularité suggère une sortie de l’humanité de son auteur désensibilisé, déshumanisé ; qui, par son forfait et dans le même mouvement, exclue sa victime de l’humanité. Pour Jacques Semelin, la violence extrême « est l’expression prototypique de la négation de toute humanité ; dans la mesure où ses victimes sont le plus souvent d’abord « animalisées » ou « chosifiées » avant d’être anéanties (Sémelin, 2002). Ajoutons qu’elle n’est pas qu’anéantissement, elle est aussi une affirmation démonstrative d’une surpuissance. Que ce soit par le nombre, la manière ou l’arbitraire, la violence extrême a ponctué l’histoire de l’humanité et continue à la hanter Parmi ses formes contemporaines, le terrorisme est une de ses manifestations les plus spectaculaires ; permettant de comprendre qu’elle est d’abord une théâtralisation. L’image de chaos que renvoient les attentats et autres exactions spectaculaires, est le résultat dument recherché à l’aide d’une organisation minutieuse et de stratégies affinées que cette image chaotique occulte souvent. Il s’agit d’une démarche rationnelle tendant à produire un acte apparemment irrationnel. Les massacres collectifs qui font partie de ce que Stéphane Leman-Langlois qualifie de « mégacrimes » (Leman-Langlois, 2006) constituent une autre forme contemporaine de cette violence extrême ; dont la Bosnie-Herzégovine et le Rwanda demeurent les exemples les plus dramatiques depuis la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. En raison de leur ampleur et l’organisation méthodique de leur exécution, ces massacres ont été, à juste titre, souvent qualifié de génocide. C’est le professeur de droit américain d’origine polonaise, Raphael Lemkin qui donnera le nom de génocide à ce que, Winston Churchill, parlant du nazisme, qualifiait de « crime sans nom ». Au terme génocide devenu polémique et idéologique, sera préféré la notion de massacre que Semelin définit comme « forme d’action le plus souvent collective de destruction des non combattants » (Sémelin 2012, p. 21). Dans les faits, il s’agit de la même réalité ; sans être des entreprises génocidaires, ces massacres de masse ont visé l’« extermination » de groupes humains en vue de s’emparer de leur territoire au sens le plus large. La violence extrême agit à la fois sur l'émotionnel et sur l'imaginaire ; en franchissant le seuil du tolérable et de la sensibilité ordinairement admise dans le cadre de représentations sociales. Le caractère extrême de la violence se définit en fonction d’un imaginaire partagé ; qu’elle heurte en allant au-delà de ce qu'il peut concevoir ; et des limites de ce qu'il peut « souffrir ». Il s’agit d’une violence qui franchit le seuil du concevable et ouvre vers un horizon encore difficilement imaginable et donc insupportable parce que non maîtrisable. Qu’est-ce qui motive ce recours à l’extrême ? Nombre d’historiens se sont demandé si les logiques politiques suffisaient à les expliquer. Ne faudrait-il pas les inférer aux dimensions psychologiques ? Plusieurs approches mettent, quelquefois, en rapport violence extrême et ressorts émotionnels (peur, colère et haine et jouissance..). D’autres fois, ce sont les pulsions psychiques qui sont invoquées. Incapables d’expliquer de telles conduites par les logiques sociales ou politiques, ce sont les dimensions psychologiques qui finissent par être mises en avant. L’acte, par son caractère extrême serait à la recherche du plaisir et de la jouissance dans l’excès, devenant ainsi une fin en soi. Il peut également être une manière de tenter de compenser des manques en recherchant du sens dans le non-sens. Cela a pu être expliqué aussi comme une manière de demeurer du côté des hommes en animalisant ou en chosifiant la victime, en la faisant autre. L’auteur de la violence extrême procède à une négation de sa victime pour se (re) construire lui-même. Pure jouissance (Wolfgang Sofsky) délire (Yvon Le Bot, J Semelin) ou conduite fonctionnelle de reconstruction de soi (Primo Levi), sont les trois approches avancées pour expliquer la cruauté comme acte inadmissible et inconcevable (Wierworka, 2004 : p 268). Or, la violence extrême prend la forme d’une cruauté quand ses protagonistes redoublent d’ingéniosité pour inventer le scénario inédit le plus cruel. Car la violence extrême est d’abord un indéchiffrable insupportable qui se trouve par commodité rangé du côté de l’exceptionnalité. Parce qu’inintelligible, elle est inacceptable, elle est extra… ordinaire. Ses auteurs sont des barbares, des bêtes, des monstres ; autrement dit ; des inhumains parce qu’ils accomplissent ce que l’humain est incapable de concevoir. Dans quelle mesure, de telles approches ne sont-elles pas une manière de rassurer la société des humains qui exclue ces « monstres » exceptionnels seuls capables d’actes … inhumains ? Parce qu’inexplicables, ces violences sont quelquefois rangées dans le registre de la folie ; et qualifiées de « barbares » ou de « monstrueuses » ; des qualificatifs qui déshumanisent leurs auteurs et signalent l’impuissance du témoin à comprendre et à agir. En d’autres termes, tant que la violence relève de l’explicable (réciprocité, échange, mimétisme etc.), elle demeure humaine ; et devient extrême quand elle échappe à l‘entendement. Indicible parce qu’injustifiable, la violence extrême est inhumaine. Cependant, aussi inhumaine soit-elle d’un point de vue éthique, la violence extrême demeure du point de vue anthropologique, un acte terriblement humain ; et que l’homme accomplit toujours à partir de déterminants et selon un raisonnement humains. Comme le dit Semelin : « Les deux faces de la violence extrême, sa rationalité et sa démence, ne peuvent se penser l’une sans l’autre. Et rien ne sert de dénoncer la sauvagerie des tueurs en omettant de s’interroger sur leurs buts » (Semelin, 2000). L’auteur de l’acte de violence extrême s’érige en homme-dieu pour dénier toute humanité à la victime qu’il décide d’exclure de la vie, de la déshumaniser en l’expulsant vers l’infra humain.