Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Constitutional'
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Wamunyima, Mbololwa. "Constitution making in Zambia : the need for a new perspective." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1243.
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"While public participation in constitution-making is recognised under international law, its extent is not elaborated. This has resulted in governments pursuing constitution-making processes that, despite involving public participation, do not involve meaningful public participation. As shall be illustrated in this study, this is the dilemma faced in Zambia. Zambia has experienced constitutional instability since independence. It has had four constitutions since then, and is currently in the process of making its fifth. This will represent an average of a new constitution every eight years: one of the highest rates of constitutional change in Commonwealth Africa. This is an unimpressive record in so far as it is generally accepted that a constitution defines and limits the exercise of governmental power, and regulates major political activities in a country. It cannot, therefore, be frequently subjected to change like any other ordinary piece of legislation. ... This study constitutes five chapters. Chapter one introduces the study. Chapter two analyses the origins and nature of government and constitution. Chapter three examines and analyses the constitutional development process in Zambia from the pre-colonial period to the current time. In chapter four, the making of the current constitution of South Africa is duscussed and analysed. Chapter five provides the conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006.
Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Edward Kofi Quashigah at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana, Legon
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Cadinot, Clément. "Les Préambules des constitutions : approche comparative." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018BORD0340.
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Les préambules constitutionnels sont répandus à travers le monde, depuis le constitutionnalisme de la fin du XVIIIème. A ce jour, plus de deux constitutions sur trois dans le monde en sont précédées. Pourtant, leur nature suscite un faible intérêt pour la doctrine, voire même un rejet. Pourtant, l'intérêt que leur porte constituants contemporains et l'utilisation qui en est faite par les juges constitutionnels invalide cette position de principe. Il convient de s'attacher à la variété des préambules constitutionnels à travers le monde, en dégager des fonctions et comprendre leurs utilisations contentieuses (ce qui n'exclut nullement la possibilité que certaines juridictions constitutionnelles ne s'y réfèrent pas). A ces fins, une approche marco-comparative puis micro-comparative semblent nécessaires pour embrasser cet objet juridique rarement étudié de manière systématiqueConstitutional Preambles are worldwide spread from the late 18st Century constitutionalism. And today, more than two to three constitutions are opened with such a Preamble. Yet, regarding to their particuliar nature, law studies dealing with them are quite rare, if not deny them. However, the certain onstituents'interest to them and their use by constitutional judges just disprove it. A broad and methodic study dealing with the wide range of Preambles shall be established in ordre to understand their functions and their judicial uses - though a jurisdiction can not use them. To that end, a broad - macro-comparativ - and then a micro-comparativ study must be done, since a systematic study on Preambles has not been done
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SCHOLTES, Julian. "The abuse of constitutional identity : Illiberal constitutional discourse and European constitutional pluralism." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/1814/73873.
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Defence date: 21 January 2022Examining Board: Professor Gábor Halmai, (EUI); Professor Martijn Hesselink, (EUI); Professor Alexander Somek, (University of Vienna); Professor Neil Walker, (University of Edinburgh)
‘Constitutional identity’ has become a key argument in the negotiation of authority between national legal orders and the legal order of the European Union. Many national constitutional courts have declared that the reach of EU law is limited by certain core elements of the national constitution, often labelled ‘constitutional identity’. However, the rise of ‘illiberal democracies’ within the European Union, especially exemplified by the democratic backsliding of Hungary and Poland, has put constitutional identity into a questionable spotlight. Both countries have been leaning on the constitutional identity to both erode European legality and defend their authoritarian constitutional projects againstEuropean criticism. This dissertation deals with the question of how to delimit legitimate invocations of constitutional identity from abuses of constitutional identity. It develops a typology of constitutional identity abuse in three dimensions: The generative, the substantive, and the relational. The generative dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim has come about, its relation to constituent power, constitutional enactment and amendment, the independence of courts, and the regulation of historical memory. The substantive dimension deals with what a constitutional identity claim entails, digging into the normative expectations invoked by the concept and the ways in which it ought to be regarded as intertwined with and embedded in a normative conception of constitutionalism. Finally, the relational dimension is concerned with how a constitutional identity claim is advanced. Advancing a constitutional identity claim in the European legal space evokes notions of diversity, dialogue, recognition, and pluralism, which need to be reciprocated. In each of these dimensions, ways in which constitutional identity can be abused will be identified, using Europe’s ‘backsliding democracies’ Hungary and Poland as the primary case studies, while discussing other countries where appropriate.
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Estanguet, Pauline. "Rejuger la constitutionnalité de la loi." Thesis, Pau, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PAUU2021/document.
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La loi organique relative à la question prioritaire de constitutionnalité prévoit qu’en principe, une disposition législative peut être examinée par le Conseil constitutionnel si elle n’a pas été déjà déclarée conforme dans une précédente décision. Mais, par exception, l’existence d’un changement de circonstances peut néanmoins justifier son réexamen. A l’instar de toute décision de justice, un jugement rendu en application de l’article 61 ou 61-1 de la Constitution demeure circonstancié. Il paraît, dès lors, nécessaire de permettre à tout justiciable de remettre en cause de ce qui a été précédemment jugé. Toutefois, ce contrôle vise des lois déjà en application et ayant produit des effets. Il constitue, alors, un facteur non-négligeable d’insécurité juridique.C’est donc un véritable numéro d’équilibriste auquel le Conseil constitutionnel s’adonne depuis presque sept ans. D’un côté, poser une QPC constitue un véritable droit pour le justiciable dont l’effectivité tient aux possibilités réelles d’accès au prétoire du juge constitutionnel. D’un autre côté, la juridiction a le devoir de préserver les situations juridiques existantes ainsi que les droits légalement acquis. L’âge de raison étant atteint, cette étude a vocation à exposer et analyser l’attitude du juge, mais également à proposer quelques ajustements nécessaires au développement d’une justice constitutionnelle de qualitéAccording to the organic law relating to the « question prioritaire de constitutionnalité » (QPC), a law may essentially be reviewed by the constitutional council, if it hasn’t already been validated in a former court decision. But exceptionally, a court review may be justified by a change circumstances. Just like every court decision, a court ruling based on both articles 61 or 61-1 of the Constitution must be detailed. Thus, it appears to be necessary to make possible for every litigant to question what had already been ruled. However, this judicial control is about laws that already entered into force and took effect. Indeed, it may represent a significant cause of legal insecurity.Then, the constitutional judge has been spending seven years balancing those issues. On one hand, the possibility to submit a QPC is a real right for the litigant, which efficacy is made possible by an effective access to the constitutional court. On the other hand, the court has to preserve all existing legal situations and acquired rights. Now that the age of reason has been reached, this study is aimed at showing and analysing the behaviour of the judge, and also proposing some adjustments necessary to the development of a quality constitutional justice
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Stanic, Adjacotan Dossou Bernard. "La licéité en droit constitutionnel." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D005.
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Bien que constituant une notion a priori étrangère au droit, la licéité imprègne le discours juridique. Cette présence ostensible est caractéristique de l'influence originelle de cette notion, sous-jacente au droit. La propension normative de la licéité place celle-ci à la source de tout ordre juridique. La licéité, en raison de son empreinte axiologique, entretient avec le droit une relation dialectique. Elle participe à la formulation de la norme juridique, inspire ses prescriptions, guide son application au nom de la fondamentalité des valeurs et principes qu'une société entend préserver de toute altération. Corrélativement, le droit, notamment le droit constitutionnel contemporain, par le projet normatif qu'il formule et qui se concrétise dans les constructions jurisprudentielles, concourt au repérage de la licéité. En tant qu'une notion au caractère fuyant, la licéité ne se laisse pas enserrer dans les termes figés de la règle de droit. Elle est inspiratrice dans les phases de formation des actes normatifs ainsi qu'au moment de leur application. Sortie de son champs classique de systématisation, cette notion, sur la base de son potentiel moral, a été introduite dans le milieu constitutionnel. De toute évidence, son caractère métajuridique constitue un référant utile à la découverte de nouveaux horizons du néoconstitutionnalisme. Sollicitée pour apprécier l'adéquation de la règle de droit aux valeurs et principes portées par les nombreuses Constitutions modernes, la licéité marque les limites infranchissables opposables aux pouvoirs publics dans un ordre constitutionnel démocratique. Le but que s'est assigné cette étude, c'est de s'appuyer sur une notion omniprésente au sein du droit, et qui par ailleurs s'y révèle comme une source de moralisation des actes et des comportements. Au-delà de tout, le droit constitutionnel, tant normativement que jurisprudentiellement, reçoit et consigne les exigences axiologiques par lesquelles se définit la notion de licéitéAlthough constituting a concept a priori and foreign to the law, licitness permeates the legal discourse. This conspicuous presence is characteristic of the original influence of this notion, wich underlies the law. The normative propensity of licitness places it at the source of any legal order. Licitness, because of its axiological imprint, maintains a dialectic relationship with the law. It participates to the formulation of the legal norm, inspires its prescriptions, and guides its application in the name of the fundamental values and principles a society intends to preserve from any alteration. Correlatively, the law, in particular, the contempory constitutional law, through the normative project wich it formulate and wich is concretized in the jurisprudential constructions, contributes to the identification of the licitness. As a notion with a fleeting character, lawfulness cannot be buried in a fixed termes of the rule of law. It is inspiring in the phases of formation of normative acts as well as at the time of their application. Out of this classical field of systematization, this notion, on the basis of its moral potential, has been introduced in the constitutional field. Clearly, its metajuridic character is a useful reference for discovering the new horizons of neo-constitutionalism. Usually licitness is referred to, to appreciate the adequacy of the rule of law to the values and the principles of the many modern Constitutions ; though it is marked by impassable limits opposable to the public authorities in a democratic constitutional order. The goal of this study rely on omnipresent of the notion in the law, and wich has presented itself as a source of moralization of acts and behaviors. Beyond the whole, constitutional law, based on his normative and jurisprudential aspect, receives and transmits the axiological requirement by definition of the notion of licitness
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Mendes, Conrado Hübner. "Deliberative performance of constitutional courts." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/5974.
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Political deliberation is a classic component of collective decision-making. It consists in forming one’s political position through the give-and-take of reasons in the search of, but not necessarily reaching, consensus. Participants of genuine deliberation are open to transform their preferences in the light of persuasive arguments. Constitutional theory has borrowed this notion in its effort to reconstruct a justificatory discourse for judicial review of legislation. Constitutional courts were ascribed the pivotal role of implementing fundamental rights in most contemporary democracies and called for a more sophisticated picture of democratic politics. One influential defence has claimed that courts are not only insulated from electoral competition in order to guarantee the pre-conditions of majoritarian politics, but are deliberative forums of a distinctive kind: they are better located for public reasongiving. This belief has remained, from the normative point of view, largely underelaborated. The thesis proposes a model of deliberative performance to fill that gap. This qualitative concept unfolds the institutional and ethical requirements for courts to be genuinely deliberative. Instead of taking a stand on the old dispute about which institution is more legitimate to have the “last word” on constitutional meaning, this research leaves this question suspended and systematizes the large range of variations that can exist in constitutional courts’ performances. Discussions about the potential roles of constitutional courts, in this perspective, become more sensitive to contexts and to their varying degrees of legitimacy. The thesis offers a comprehensive picture of what is at stake if a constitutional court plans to be truly deliberative. This picture comprises the virtues presupposed by an ethics of deliberation, the institutional devices that facilitate deliberation, the approach to constitutional reasoning that is more hospitable to deliberation and, finally, the political perception to grasp the limits of deliberation itself.
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Burgess-Jackson, Keith. "Constitutional interpretation." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/184796.
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"Judges should interpret the law, not make it." Nearly everyone assents to this proposition (or something like it), so why is there controversy? In this essay I examine three grounds or sources of disagreement. First, the concept of interpretation is unclear. Second, there is uncertainty about whether legal interpretation raises special interpretive problems. Third, there is an implicit assumption among legal theorists that constitutional interpretation is a specially problematic kind of legal interpretation. My goal is to clarify these and other misconceptions. In Chapter 2 I connect normative theories of adjudication to the concept of interpretation. In Chapters 3 and 4 I develop a conception of interpretation that explains how constitutional interpretation is possible and why it is necessary, thus refuting proponents of the invention and discovery models of adjudication. In Chapters 5 and 6 I develop theories of expression meaning and constitutional interpretation, respectively. Chapters 7 and 8 are critical analyses of the interpretive theories of H. L. A. Hart, Lon L. Fuller, and Ronald Dworkin.
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Proksch, Sven-Oliver. "Drafting constitutions a comparative institutional analysis of constitutional conventions in the European Union and Germany /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693063591&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Bertrand, Marine. "Documents parlementaires et écriture de la loi." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0495/document.
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Les choix réalisés par les parlementaires dans l’exercice de leurs fonctions sont le résultat d’une analyse des motivations des citoyens. La morale est de plus en plus invoquée au sein de la sphère politique. De la vision portée sur le monde dépend la stabilité d’un système politique car une crise de moralité peut tout bouleverser. Les religions ne sont plus les premières sources de conduites, les mœurs non plus, et l’altérité n’est plus d’aucun secours. L’être humain est plus que jamais en quête d’un idéal. La référence à une norme supérieure pourrait-elle être remplacée par la référence à une norme suprême ? C’est sous ce vocable qu’apparaît la constitution dont l’importance va alors au-delà de l’impact normatif. Le droit constitutionnel et le droit parlementaire sont étroitement liés. Les citoyens ont non seulement besoin de définir la place du parlement au prisme d’une aspiration idéalisée, mais aussi que le rôle du parlement doit s’y conformer autant que possible. La difficulté est alors de savoir si la vie parlementaire doit immuablement s’accorder aux règles constitutionnelles ou si à l’inverse la construction évolutive des pratiques parlementaires doit guider des mutations constitutionnelles. Le pouvoir législatif exercé par les parlementaires dépend des fondements juridiques de leurs prérogatives mais aussi des éléments qui fondent leurs choix ainsi que les conséquences qui y sont attachées. Autrement dit, écrire la loi est un phénomène qui présente nécessairement des antécédents. Ces éléments peuvent être appréhendés sous forme de documents. Ainsi le sujet s’intitule : « Documents parlementaires et écriture de la loi »The choices made by parliamentarians in the exercise of their functions are the result of an analysis of the motivations of citizens. Morality is more and more invoked within the political sphere. The vision of the world depends on the stability of a political system because a crisis of morality can upset everything. Religions are no longer the first sources of conduct, nor is morality and otherness no longer helpful. The human being is more than ever in search of an ideal. Could the reference to a higher standard be replaced by the reference to a supreme standard? It is under this term that the constitution appears whose importance goes beyond the normative impact. Constitutional law and parliamentary law are closely linked. Citizens not only need to define the place of parliament through the lens of an idealized aspiration, but also that the role of parliament must conform as much as possible to it. The difficulty is then to know if the parliamentary life must immutably agree to the constitutional rules or if conversely the evolutionary construction of the parliamentary practices must guide constitutional changes. Legislative power exercised by parliamentarians depends on the legal basis of their prerogatives but also on the elements that underpin their choices and the consequences attached to them. In other words, writing the law is a phenomenon that necessarily has antecedents. These elements can be apprehended as documents. The subject is entitled "Parliamentary documents and the writing of the law"
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Amit, Roei. "Les paradoxes constitutionnels : le cas de la constitution israélienne /." Paris : Connaissances et Savoirs, 2007. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/528178245.pdf.
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Schmidt, Christian Hermann. "Vorrang der Verfassung und konstitutionelle Monarchie eine dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchung zum Problem der Normenhierarchie in den deutschen Staatsordnungen im frühen und mittleren 19. Jahrhundert (1818-1866) /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45716296.html.
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Fuwongcharoen, Puli. "Constitutions and legitimisation : the cases of Siam's permanent constitution and Japan's postwar constitution." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283934.
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Jaklic, Klemen. "European constitutional pluralism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.486999.
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Constitutional pluralism is a novel branch within constitutional thought and has its origin in the scholarship about the new Europe and its constitutionalisation. It differs from the traditional hierarchical understanding of constitutionalism, according to which there is always a single ultimate constitutional authority over each state territory (monism), and argues that we should instead conceive of constitutionalism in pluralist terms. We should understand that there are several heterarchically coexistent constitutional authorities over a shared territory, of which none is ultimately superior over the other. It will be argued that this is the normatively superior path, even a historic opportunity, for Europe to take. The dissertation begins by examining in detail the various existing theories comprising the branch, and maps them out in an analysis that goes beyond mere restatement. Contrary to common belief, it is argued that these versions of pluralism are strikingly different and often even represent distinct as well as conflicting. discourses. It is nonetheless concluded - contrary to one recent criticism - that the theories can be seen as constituting a unique novel branch with a common core, provided that the latter is understood in a particular way. This thereby clarifies this branch of study. The focus then turns to assessment. There is appraisal of the internal coherence of each version of pluralism, and this is followed by an assessment that confronts the different values underlying the distinct theories. This provides the foundation for the elaboration of a superior conception of constitutional pluralism, which is the most promising further development for the branch as a whole. This leads to an elaboration of some building blocks of Europe's meta-constitution.
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Fabre, Cecile. "Constitutional social rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339816.
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Lorenz, Astrid. "Explaining constitutional change." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-158456.
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There is a large and diverse body of empirical research on constitutional change and "new constitutionalism" in contemporary societies, yet a general theory of constitutional change is still lacking. Researchers interested in democratic constitutionalism are confronted with various competing assumptions and explanations regarding particular, often unrelated, cases. In order to facilitate cross-referencing and conceptual consistency in the study of new constitutionalism in Latin America, this chapter provides an overview of the main theoretical perspectives on constitutional change beyond the specific regional context of Latin America, classifies the existing studies on constitutional change, and discusses their individual advantages and shortcomings.
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Zhou, Han-Ru. "Implied constitutional principles." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ca2491fc-a372-4adc-afe0-2f832fcc7082.
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This thesis challenges some of the current limits to the grounds for judicial review of legislation accepted by most Canadian jurists. More specifically, it makes a common law-based argument in favour of the priority over legislation of principles which are implied from the Imperial Constitution Acts 1867-1982 and which originally derive from the English constitution – namely implied constitutional principles. The argument faces two main interrelated legal objections: Parliamentary sovereignty and the Framers’ intentions. The first objection is rebutted by arguing that Parliamentary sovereignty possesses an ability to change in a way that can incorporate substantive legal limitations. The most prevalent common law-based theories of change to Parliamentary sovereignty suggest that the courts can authoritatively determine if implied constitutional principles can check legislation. The second objection is rebutted by reference to the notion of progressive interpretation as conceived under Hartian and Dworkinian theories of law and adjudication. Under these theories, progressive interpretation is an aspect of the courts’ best overall interpretation of the constitution, which includes implied constitutional principles. Such progressive interpretation can result in these principles constraining legislative authority. Justification of the progressive interpretation of implied constitutional principles can be based on the rule of law from which derive a number of these principles. One plausible conception of the Canadian rule of law is that it rejects the view that implied constitutional principles can prevail when in conflict with legislation. However, the better conception is that, as an attempt to adapt implied constitutional principles to relevant changes in society and to protect their underlying values, the judiciary should interpret these principles as capable of checking legislation to the extent that they form part of the core content of the rule of law. Such a conception and an operation of implied constitutional principles can properly be explained by Hartian or Dworkinian common law-based progressive interpretation of these principles and by their relationship with legislative authority.
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Jurion, Roxane. "La jurisprudence économique du Conseil constitutionnel." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LORR0176.
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La thèse porte sur le contenu économique de la jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel. Il s'agit, dans un premier temps, de délimiter l'ensemble des décisions de cette jurisprudence qu'on peut qualifier d'économiques. Cette étape vise à s'interroger sur la spécificité de la jurisprudence constitutionnelle dans ce domaine. L'hypothèse centrale consiste dans l'idée d'une marge de pouvoir discrétionnaire laissée au législateur s'agissant des grands choix de politique économique. Cette étude jurisprudentielle aboutit donc à une conclusion plus générale en ce qui concerne le contenu économique de la Constitution de 1958. La faible contrainte constitutionnelle sur la politique économique nationale peut être interprétée comme une forme de « neutralité économique » de la constitution. En dépit de cette neutralité apparente, il est possible de déceler une philosophie économique sous-jacente dans la jurisprudence constitutionnelle relative tant aux limites opposables au législateur qu’à la répartition des pouvoirs en termes de politique économique. L’analyse jurisprudentielle est confrontée aux grands courants de pensée économique et soulève les difficultés posées par la construction européenne, à l’heure où celle-ci fait peser un certain nombre de contraintes sur la politique économique des États et dans un contexte appelant à une redéfinition des rapports structurants entre droit, économie et politiqueThe research analyses the economic content of the decisions of the French constitutional court. Which decisions can be qualified as economic decisions ? Is there a specificity of such economic decisions compared to other kinds of decisions ? We conclude that as far as economic policies are concerned we can observe a marked judicial self-restraint of the court. This judicial self-restraint can be interpreted as a sign of a kind of ″economic neutrality″ of the French constitution. Despite this apparent neutrality, it is possible to detect an underlying philosophy in the Constitutional Council’s decisions related to the judicial limitation of the legislator’s intervention and to the division of powers in the matter of economic policy. The analysis will be compared with the economic thinking, and will take into account the European construction, at a time when European Union impose burdens on Member States’ economic policies, and in a context calling for a redefinition of the structural links between law, economics and policy
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Landa, Arroyo César. "The comparative constitutional law on national constitutional system: with regard to the IX World Congress of Constitutional Law." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116290.
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From the process of globalization of law, the comparative constitutional law has gained a leading role for a better understanding and solving old and new constitutional national and international challenges. Therefore, some assumptions and considerations to take into account are presented for the development of the national constitutional order within the framework of the comparative constitutional law, such as universality and relativism of human rights; the concept of power and constitutional democracy; standards of free elections and judicial independence; freedom of expression, media pluralism and access to public information; the economic,social and cultural rights; the new fundamental rights.A partir del proceso de globalización del derecho, el derecho constitucional comparado ha ido adquiriendo un rol protagónico para una mejor comprensión y solución de los viejos y nuevos desafíos constitucionales, tanto nacionales como internacionales. Por ello, se presentan algunos presupuestos y consideraciones temáticas a tomar en cuenta para el desarrollo del ordenamiento constitucional nacional en el marco del derecho constitucional comparado, tales como la universalidad y el relativismo de los derechos humanos; el concepto de poder y democracia constitucional; los estándares de elecciones libres e independencia judicial; la libertad de expresión, la pluralidad informativa y el acceso a la información pública; los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales, y; los nuevos derechos fundamentales.
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Armand, Romain. "Le revirement de jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018AIXM0455.
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Notre étude portera sur le revirement de jurisprudence du Conseil constitutionnel. Si la présente étude intervient dans le contexte particulier du contentieux constitutionnel, et que les données empiriques analysées dans la présente étude sont principalement constituées des décisions du Conseil constitutionnel, ainsi que des comptes rendus de séance du même Conseil, cette recherche dépasse le cadre du contentieux constitutionnel, et, se veut être, une véritable investigation conceptuelle menée sur le concept de revirement de jurisprudence. En effet, le concept de revirement de jurisprudence, originairement doctrinal, et qui est aujourd’hui en passe de devenir un concept courant de la pratique juridictionnelle, est un concept qui permet de désigner un phénomène jurisprudentiel pratiqué par l’ensemble des ordres de juridiction du système juridique français. La présente étude se propose, d’approfondir ce concept de revirement de jurisprudence, en recourant à des moyens théoriques (issus notamment de la linguistique, de la psychologie, de la théorie et de la philosophie du droit, de la philosophie, de l’histoire du droit, de l’épistémologie et de la logique formelle), jusqu’ici jamais introduits dans le champ d’inspection du revirement de jurisprudence. Cependant, bien que nourrie d’exotisme théorique, cette étude n’est pas en reste sur le plan de l’analyse juridique, et apportera au lecteur une solide analyse des décisions du Conseil constitutionnel qualifiées de revirements de jurisprudence, ainsi qu’une analyse des causes et des conséquences du revirement de jurisprudence, dans le contexte particulier du contentieux constitutionnelOur study will focus on the Constitutional Council's overruling. While this study deals with the particular context of constitutional litigation, and the empirical data analysed herein mainly consist of the decisions of the Constitutional Council, as well as the minutes of the Council's meetings, this research goes beyond the scope of constitutional litigation, and is intended to be a true conceptual investigation into the concept of overruling.Indeed, the concept of overruling, which was originally doctrinal, and which today is becoming a common concept in jurisdictional practice, is a concept that designates a jurisprudential phenomenon practiced by all orders of jurisdiction in the French legal system.This study proposes to delve into this concept of overruling, using theoretical means (in particular drawing on linguistics, psychology, legal theory, philosophy, history of law, epistemology and formal logic), which have never before been used in the investigation of overruling.However, although nourished by theoretical exoticism, this study is not to be outdone in terms of legal analysis and will provide the reader with a solid analysis of the decisions of the Constitutional Council which count as overrulings, as well as an analysis of the causes and consequences of the overruling, in the specific context of constitutional litigation
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Lehne, Jens. "Constitutional compliance : a game-theoretic analysis /." Berne : Staempfli [u.a.], 2004. http://www.gbv.de/dms/spk/sbb/recht/toc/522420281.pdf.
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Miškelevičiūtė, Rasa. "Konstitucinė kontrolė Lietuvoje ir Lenkijoje: lyginamoji analizė." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2009. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2008~D_20090122_140650-84186.
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Kiekvienos demokratinės valstybės teisinės sistemos pagrindas yra konstitucija, todėl svarbus jos viršenybės užtikrinimas. Neginčytinai svarbią vietą konstitucingumo užtikrinimui valstybėje užima konstitucinės kontrolės institucijos.
Šiame darbe yra analizuojama glaudžiais ryšiais susijusiose kaimyninėse Lietuvos ir Lenkijos valstybėse vykdoma konstitucinė kontrolė. Perėjimas prie demokratijos, naujų konstitucijų priėmimas, teisinė reforma neatskiriama nuo konstitucinės kontrolės įtvirtinimo. Beveik visos Vidurio ir Rytų Europos šalys, tarp jų ir Lenkija ir Lietuva, siekdamos užtikrinti konstitucijos viršenybę, pasirinko europietiškąjį konstitucinio teismo modelį. Taigi šią funkciją abiejose šalyse atlieka specialiai tam įsteigtos institucijos: Lietuvoje - Konstitucinis Teismas, Lenkijoje - Konstitucinis Tribunolas.
Darbe trumpai apžvelgiama konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų Lenkijoje ir Lietuvoje susiformavimo istorija, jų įtvirtinimas konstitucijose. Remiantis daugiausiai aprašomuoju, lyginamuoju ir analizės metodais nagrinėjama šių institucijų formavimo tvarka, teisėjų teisinis statusas, priimamų baigiamųjų aktų galia. Konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų įgaliojimų apimtis abiejose šalyse yra panaši, tačiau Lenkijos Konstitucinio Tribunolo kompetencija neapima kai kurių įgaliojimų, neretai pavedamų konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų kompetencijai. Neabejotinai svarbią darbo dalį užima Lenkijos ir Lietuvos konstitucinės kontrolės institucijų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]Constitution is the basis of every democratic countries law system and it is very important to guarantee its supremacy. Undoubtedly institutions of constitutional justice take significant place in assurance of constitutional conformity in state. Author analyses constitutional control implemented by two neighbour countries close related to each other: Lithuania and Poland. Entrying into democracy, adoption of new constitutions, legal reform are inseparable from establishment of constitutional justice. Almost all Central and East Europe countries, including Lithuania and Poland, chose an european constitutional control model in order to guarantee the supremacy of constitution. The Constitutional Court in Lithuania and the Constitutional Tribunal in Poland were established especially for this purpose. Mostly using descriptive, comparative and analysis methods the order of these institutions formation, legal status of judges, the power of final acts are discussed. The competence of constitutional justice institutions of Lithuania and Poland is analyzed as well. The extent of competence is similar in both countries, although the competence of Constitutional Tribunal of Poland does not include few functions, usually typical for constitutional control institutions. Certainly an important part of this work takes the analysis of constitutional control institutions adopted acts legal effects. This question is one of the most fundamental questions in... [to full text]
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Agbo, Ayawa Aménuvévé. "Droit international et règlement des crises constitutionnelles en Afrique noire francophone." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30040.
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Le droit international intervient dans un contexte de multiplication des crises constitutionnelles auxquelles les mécanismes internes des gestion des crises, n'arrivent pas à trouver de solution. En effet, les constitutions étant directement la cause des crises que connaissent les États africains, elles se trouvent disqualifiées pour jouer leur rôle de règlement de ces crises et d'apaisement de la vie politique. L'intervention de la communauté internationale dans la gestion des crises constitutionnelles trouve ainsi sa justification. L'implication du droit international dans le règlement des crises constitutionnelles prend la forme une assistance constitutionnelle ou d'une assistance à la mise en œuvre du jeu démocratique. L'intervention du droit international dans le domaine constitutionnel, normalement une compétence réservé aux États, emporte des conséquences sur le contenu des constitutions. Celles-ci désormais, s'alignent sur les standards internationaux de démocratie, de pluralisme politique, d’État de droit et de protection des droits et des libertés fondamentales. L'internationalisation des constitutions en Afrique noire francophone, consécutive au règlement international des crises constitutionnelles, entraîne la formation de nouveaux rapports entre le droit international et le droit constitutionnel. Les constitutions deviennent protectrices des valeurs internationalement reconnues et universalisées, tandis que le droit international s'occupe de gérer non plus seulement les rapports interétatiques mais consacre des normes d'application intraétatique. On assiste ainsi à un renforcement mutuel des deux ordres juridiques. L'efficacité dans la durée du règlement international des crises constitutionnelles en Afrique reste toutefois à améliorer. En effet, les valeurs démocratiques ainsi imposées par le sommet, courent le risque de ne pas correspondre aux aspirations des peuples. Le règlement international se doit de s'appuyer sur les constitutions et de prendre en compte, l'ensemble des mécanismes et techniques institutionnels nationaux, voire traditionnels, de règlement des crises constitutionnelles dans les États d'Afrique noire francophoneConstitutional law in French speaking African sub-Saharan countries is progressing under pressure from different elements. In fact, more than twenty years of practice of a new constitutionalism in these states, reveals many lacunas and failures that raised up on the continent, in almost every states, numerous constitutional crisis. Being the factor of these crisis, the constitutions have disqualified themselves to provide solution for the crisis. The intervention of the international community to settle these constitutional crisis, through international law is thus justified. The international settlement of constitutionnal crisis is a political mechanism by which the international community come to backup the constitutional practice in a state, in order to help solving the crisis. This intervention of international law in the area of competence reserved for the states, is based on the principle of the agreement of the legitimate public authorities of the state and it borrows some different forms, especially the constitutional assistance and the democratic assistance. As result, the international settlement of constitutional crisis led to an internationalization of the constitutions of the assisted states. The process of internationalization pass by the definition of the political regime of the states, particularly, the promotion of constitutional states and also by the proclamation and protection of individual rights. But the main question remain to determine the efficiency of the intervention of international law in the settlement of constitutional crisis. The practice of constitutional law in French speaking African sub-Saharan countries can take advantage on the international settlement of constitutionnal crisis, to be improved and become a source of national cohesion
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Møller, Kai. "A constitutional doctrine of freedom : on the moral structure of constitutional rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550861.
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The thesis proposes a substantive moral, reconstructive theory of the practice of constitutional rights law as it has emerged in the last 60 years in various jurisdictions all over the world. In a nutshell, this practice is characterised by an extremely broad approach to the interests protected as prima facie rights combined with a far-reaching limitability of those rights under a balancing or proportionality approach. It thus stands in striking contrast to the conceptions of rights endorsed by philosophers who almost unanimously regard rights as protecting a limited range of very important interests and enjoying some special normative force. Having set out the project in Chapter One, the following three chapters develop a theory of the prima facie stage of rights. Chapter Two identifies the value of personal autonomy - positive freedom - as explaining better than its main rival, negative freedom, the core features of the practice. Chapter Three builds on this result and defends a particular conception of autonomy - the protected interests conception - as cohering best with the practice. This conception regards autonomy as including certain interests which can be ranked according to their importance for the self-conception of the agent. Chapter Four develops a theory of the prima facie stage of constitutional rights by arguing that constitutional rights protect comprehensively the autonomy interests of the right-holder. Chapters Five to Seven deal with the justification stage of rights. Chapter Five develops a theory of the justifiability and, related, the standard of judicial review, arguing that constitutional rights are violated when a policy fails to set up a reasonable - as opposed to the one correct - specification of the spheres of autonomy of equal citizens. Chapters Six and Seven draw on this result to provide theories of the main doctrinal tools at the justification stage, namely balancing and proportionality. Chapter Six proposes a theory of the resolution of conflicts of autonomy interests and thus clarifies the concept of balancing. Chapter Seven integrates the results of the previous chapters into a theory of proportionality, arguing that this principle provides lawyers with an attractive tool for the structured resolution of conflicts of autonomy interests and thus also constitutional rights cases.
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Fisseha, Yonatan Tesfaye. "Who interprets the constitution: A descriptive and normative discourse on the Ethiopian approach to constitutional review." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&.
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This study explored the process of constitutional interpretation and constitutional review in Ethiopia and determined the role of the courts. It examined the different suggestions made by different authors and officials regarding the respective role and function of the courts and the House of Federation in interpreting the constitution and exercising the power of constitutional review. It also seeked to inquire the counter-majoritarian problem which focused on the relationship between judicial review and democracy. The thesis also inquired into the legitimacy of the Ethiopian approach to constitutional review. In this regard it seeked to determine whether the approach represents and adequate response to the counter-majoritarian problem. It also seeked to determine whether Ethiopia has adopted an institution that is well suited, competent and impartial to discharge the task of constitutional interpretation and constitutional review.
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Berggren, Niclas. "Essays in constitutional economics." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Economic Research Institute, Stockholm School of Economics [Ekonomiska forskningsinstitutet vid Handelshögsk.] (EFI), 1997. http://www.hhs.se/efi/summary/440.htm.
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Ibrahim, Muhammad Tahir Muhammad. "The Ibāḍī constitutional thought." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22336.
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Prescott, Craig. "Enhancing the methodology of formal constitutional change in the UK." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/enhancing-the-methodology-of-formal-constitutional-change-in-the-uk(cd311ddc-b08e-432e-bc70-0e714c241c4f).html.
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Since 1997, the UK constitution has undergone a transformation. This has since become a rolling process which shows little sign of abating. However, some of this constitutional change has been criticised for being rushed, piecemeal and with little consideration of the broader constitution. Yet, despite these criticisms, the underlying methodology of constitutional change has not been discussed in any great detail. This thesis, focusing on formal constitutional change, argues that the methodology to deliver that change should be enhanced to address these concerns. After establishing the limits of formal constitutional change, this thesis then considers how constitutional issues are approached within government and suggests that a Department of Legal Affairs would improve the preparation of proposed changes before being presented to Parliament. The politics of constitutional change are then analysed, with a particular focus on the process of coalition negotiations, which has become a new part of the methodology. The parliamentary process is considered by analysing the parliamentary passage of what became the Constitutional Reform Act 2005 and the Legislative and Regulatory Reform Act 2006. Recent changes to parliamentary procedure have allowed Parliament to scrutinise constitutional legislation more effectively, although there are still areas for significant improvement, particularly during the Committee Stage in the House of Commons. The thesis then considers the role of referendums and establishes when a referendum is required either as a matter of law or convention. The thesis then shows how procedural innovations such as the constitutional conventions in Australia and Ireland or the citizens’ assemblies in British Columbia and Ontario could be used in the UK. Also, as any recommendations of a constitutional convention or a citizens’ assembly are usually put to the rest of the electorate at a referendum, the links between a convention or assembly and the referendum process are discussed. Taken together, these enhancements to discrete aspects of the methodology of constitutional change should ensure that changes are more considered and allow for a more a stable constitutional settlement.
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Evangelides, Petros. "The Republic of Cyprus and its Constitution with special regard to the constitutional rights /." [S.l.] : [s.n.], 1996. http://www.ub.unibe.ch/content/bibliotheken_sammlungen/sondersammlungen/dissen_bestellformular/index_ger.html.
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Tremblay, Luc B. "The cement of constitution : the rule of law; an essay in Canadian constitutional theory." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.334837.
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Rubio, Patricio. "Cultural, social and economic rights in the Constitution corpus and Constitutional Court’s Case Law." Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2013. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/116539.
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This article deals with Cultural, Social and Economic Rights established in the Constitution and in Constitutional Case Law. So, after explaining its nature, state’s role according preservation and enforceability,relationship with other fundamental rights, among other key points, it isi ntended to answer, dealing with those rights, which of two scenarios have prevailed: internationalization of constitutional law or constitutionalization of international law.El presente artículo versa sobre la presencia de los derechos económicos sociales y culturales (DESC) en la Constitución y en la jurisprudencia constitucional. Así, tras abordar su naturaleza, el rol estatal respecto de su preservación, su exigibilidad y su relación con otros derechos fundamentales, entre otros importantes aspectos, intenta responder si en el tratamiento de los DESC en nuestro país se ha producido una internacionalización del derecho constitucional o más bien una constitucionalización del derecho internacional.
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Parjouet, Claire. "Une méta-constitution, la constitution de transition." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Pau, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023PAUU2148.
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Les transitions constitutionnelles sont des processus de remplacement d'une Constitution par une autre. Elles sont de plus en plus régulièrement structurées par un ensemble de textes. Ces corpus de transition forment ce qu'il est possible de présenter comme un droit constitutionnel pour la construc-tion constitutionnelle. Produits d'un choix des acteurs politiques, ils traduisent une réappropriation des outils et concepts constitutionnels classiques en fonction des enjeux et impératifs du moment. Le droit semble en ce sens employé en tant qu'instrument de normalisation d'une période anormale. Il en résulte un ensemble de contradictions rendant particulièrement complexe l'appréhension de ces textes, qu'il s'agisse de leur nature ou de leur fonction. Plusieurs concepts ont déjà été présentés par la doctrine afin de mettre en lumière certaines de leurs spécificités. Dans la continuité de ces ré-flexions, la présente étude propose de recourir au concept de droit méta-constitutionnel pour définir et analyser ce droit paradoxal.La préposition grecque « méta » signifie la succession, le changement, la transformation. Elle souligne l'implication des textes concernés dans l'édification du futur système constitutionnel, et permet en ce sens de considérer les fonctions de norme et de méta-norme constitutionnelle ainsi que les finalités méta-juridiques des corpus de transition. Ces textes sont en effet pensés pour orchestrer le présent, mais construisent également le futur système constitutionnel. Cette double temporalité, associée à l'instabilité politique et juridique du moment, commande une réadaptation des schèmes scientifiques classiques, en fonction des ambitions concrètes de ce droit exceptionnel.La présente thèse propose de soutenir ce point à travers une étude de droit constitutionnel com-paré se concentrant sur un type d'actes composant les corpus de transition : les Constitutions de tran-sition. Seize Constitutions de transition ont été identifiées entre 1989 et 2019. Elles sont définies comme les textes cumulant des dispositions déconstituante(s), constituante(s) et constitutive(s). Cette catégorie représente la quintessence du paradoxe d'un droit constitutionnel pour la construction constitutionnelle. La qualification de leur nature et de leur fonction s'avère en effet complexe, parta-gée entre la réalité d'une Constitution et les conséquences de la transition. Un raisonnement en termes de droit méta-constitutionnel permettrait cependant d'appréhender pleinement ces instru-ments. Véritables méta-Constitutions, les Constitutions de transition forment un objet atypique, mais au combien novateur pour la science du droitConstitution-making process are processes whereby one constitution is replaced by another. They are regularly structured by a collection of texts. These transitional corpus form what can be described as constitutional law for constitutional construction. As a product of political actors choices, they reflect a reappropriation of classic constitutional tools and concepts in line with the issues and imperatives of the moment. In this sense, the law seems to be used as an instrument to normalise an abnormal period. The result is a series of contradictions that make it particularly com-plex to understand these texts, whether in terms of their nature or their function. A number of con-cepts have already been presented by legal writers in order to highlight some of their specific fea-tures. Following on from these reflections, this study proposes to use the concept of meta-constitutional law to define and analyse this paradoxical law
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Smilov, Daniel. "Judicial discretion in constitutional jurisprudence : doctrines and policies of the Bulgarian constitutional court." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.275738.
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Fisseha, Yonatan Tesfaye. "Who interprets the Constitution : a descriptive and normative discourse on the Ethiopian approach to constitutional review." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1079.
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"The Ethiopian Constitution, in a 'creative stroke', provides the power to "interpret" the Constitution to the House of Federation (the House), which is referred to by some writers as the "Upper House" or "Second Chamber" of the bicameral parliament. The Constitution also establishes the Council of Constitutional Inquiry (the Council), a body composed of members of the judiciary, legal experts appointed by the House of Peoples' Representatives and three persons designated by the House from among its members, to examine constitutional issues and submit its recommendations to the House for a final decision. This is, of course, very different from a number of other more well-known legal systems which vest the power of constitutional review either in general courts or in constitutional courts set up exclusively for constitutional matters. The formal way through which issues of constitutional interpretation take place is via the Council. Issues of constitutional interpretation are referred to the Council by a court or "the interested party" to a dispute. The Council, after examining the constituitonal issue, can either remand the case to the competent court after it has found no need for constitutional interpretation, or submit its findings on constitutional interpretation to the House. The House, after deliberating on the suggestions of the Council, can either accept or reject the recommendations of the Council. It should be noted that a party not satisfied with the order of the Council to remand the case to the competent cout for lack of grounds of constitutional interpretation, may appeal against the order to the House. As indicated above, the House has the final and ultimate power to interpret the Constitution. However, the role of the courts in the interpretation of the Constitution is still far from settled. The function, relation and co-existence of the courts and other organs of state need to be spelled out clearly. The extent to which, and the circumstances under which, the judiciary should defer to other institutions, and especially to the House, need to be ascertained. The difficulty lies in determining where the role of the court ends and that of the other institutions (especially the Council and House) begins. The problem has a normative component as well. The Ethiopian approach to constitutional review, one may argue, is a response to the ocunter-majoritarian dilemma. By excluding the involvement of ordinary or special courts from the business of constiutional review ,the government has made it impossible for the court to "usurp legislative power". A question, however, remains whether this really represents an adequate response to the counter-majoritarian dilemma. This research paper investigates both the descriptive and normative component of the problem. As the title of the study and the discussion in the preceding paragraphs suggest, it asks who interprets the Constitution and who should do so. While the first part sets out to investigate the structure and institutions of constitutional review in Ethiopia, the second part evaluates the legitimacy of the system." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Roznai, Yaniv. "Unconstitutional constitutional amendments : a study of the nature and limits of constitutional amendment powers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/915/.
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This research project stems from a single puzzle: how can constitutional amendments be unconstitutional? Adopting a combination of theoretical and comparative enquiries, this thesis establishes the nature and scope of constitutional amendment powers by focusing on the question of substantive limitations on the amendment power, looking at both their prevalence in practice and the conceptual coherence of the very idea of limitations to amendment powers. The thesis is composed of three parts. The first part is comparative. It examines substantive explicit and implicit limitations on constitutional amendment powers through manifold descriptions of a similar constitutional phenomenon across countries, demonstrating a comprehensive pattern of a constitutional behaviour. This process is theory-driven, and the second part of the thesis constructs a general theory of unamendability, which explains the nature and scope of amendment powers. The third part explains how judicial review of amendments is to be conceived in light of the theory of unamendability, and further assesses the possible objections to the theory of unamendability. The theory of unamendability identifies and develops a middle ground between constituent power and pure constituted power, a middle ground that is suggested by the French literature on ‘derived constituent power’. Undergirding the discussion, therefore, is a simple yet fundamental distinction between primary constituent (constitution-making) power and secondary constituent (constitution-amending) power. This distinction, understood in terms of an act of delegation of powers, enables the construction of a theory of the limited (explicitly or implicitly) scope of secondary constituent powers. This distinction is supplemented by a further one, between various shades of secondary constituent powers along a ‘spectrum’, a theoretical construct that links amendment procedures to limitations on amendment powers. The theory of unamendability explicates the limited nature of amendment powers and the practice of judicial review of amendments, thus clarifying the puzzle of unconstitutional constitutional amendments.
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Muller, Melissa. "Reunification and Reconstruction as Constitutional Moments: Constitutional Identity in Germany and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1859.
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This thesis employs the lens of constitutional identity to engage in a comparative analysis of Germany during reunification and the United States during Reconstruction. I argue that these developments should be considered constitutional moments that fundamentally shifted the ways each country conceptualized citizenship, economic liberties, and federalism. Moreover, the similarities between these shifts highlight an overarching logic to constitutional design by showing why realizing these re-conceptualizations required substantive changes to constitutional mechanisms and delegation of powers. Ultimately my thesis emphasizes the analytical power of constitutional identity and critiques a variety of perspectives on Reconstruction, including those found in the majority opinions in the Slaughterhouse Cases and Civil Rights Cases.
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Belacel, Farid. "La résolution des conflits de droits fondamentaux constitutionnels en France et en Espagne." Thesis, Perpignan, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PERP0045.
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Les différents droits et libertés garantis par la Constitution ont une même valeur juridique. Il s’agit, par ailleurs, de normes présentant des caractéristiques identiques : nature principielle, caractère indéterminé et même source textuelle. Cela explique pourquoi les conflits de droits fondamentaux constitutionnels sont des conflits de normes particuliers. Il est impossible d’utiliser les critères classiques de résolution des conflits de normes pour solutionner ceux qui opposent les libertés garanties par la Constitution. Pour harmoniser leur exercice simultané, on ne peut pas prioriser leur développement sur le plan hiérarchique, chronologique ou en tenant compte du niveau de précision des énoncés considérés. La similitude des droits fondamentaux constitutionnels implique de recourir à une méthode de résolution des conflits plus sophistiquée. Lorsque de telles normes imposent des directives contradictoires, il faut définir leurs limites respectives pour dépasser les situations de blocage. En France et en Espagne, seul le législateur est en mesure de pouvoir concilier ainsi l’exercice des droits garantis par la Constitution. Cette conciliation législative est réalisée sous le contrôle du juge constitutionnel, auquel il revient de s’assurer de la régularité des solutions apportées aux conflits de libertés. En d’autres termes, l’observation des expériences française et espagnole révèle que la résolution des conflits de droits fondamentaux constitutionnels est un processus complexe. Dans le cadre de celui-ci, c’est le législateur qui effectue des choix politiques pour prioriser l’exercice des libertés. Le juge constitutionnel, pour sa part, s’assure de la conformité de ces choix sur le plan juridiqueThe various guaranteed rights and the liberties by the Constitution have the same legal value. It is, besides, about standards possessing identical characteristics : nature principielle, indefinite character and same textual origin. It explains why the conflicts of constitutional fundamental rights are particular conflicts of standards. It is impossible to use the classic criteria of resolution of the conflicts of standards to resolve those who bring into conflict the liberties guaranteed by the Constitution. To harmonize their simultaneous exercise, we cannot prioritize their development on the hierarchical, chronological plan or by taking into account the level of precision of the considered statements. The similarity of the constitutional fundamental rights implies to resort to a method of more sophisticated resolution of the conflicts. When such standards impose contradictory directives, it is necessary to define their respective limits to exceed the situations of blocking. In France and in Spain, only the legislator is capable of being able to reconcile so the exercise of the guaranteed rights by the Constitution. This legislative conciliation is realized under the control of the constitutional judge, who means making sure of the regularity of the solutions brought to the conflicts of liberties. In other words, the observation of the French and Spanish systems reveals that the resolution of the conflicts of constitutional fundamental rights is a complex process. Within the framework of this one, it is the legislator who makes political choices to prioritize the exercise of the liberties. The constitutional judge, for his part, makes sure of the conformity of these choices on the legal plan
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Teuteberg, Salomé Marjanne. "A framework for constitutional settlements : an analysis of diverging interpretations of the South African Constitution." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96706.
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Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South Africa’s transition to democracy has been hailed as exemplary in the field of conflict resolution and constitution-making. The negotiated settlement was expected to serve as a consensual constitutional framework boding well for the newly democratic regime, but by 2014 evidence was accumulating of an emerging dissensus on the South African Constitution. The literature on the South African transition does not anticipate this emerging constitutional dissensus, or address the possibility that the constitution meant different things to different stakeholders. While there was widespread endorsement of the ratification of the constitution, an apparent divergence has emerged about its meaning and what is stands for. Many studies addressed the process of constitutional negotiations and the outcome thereof, but few examine the meaning that the original negotiators invested into this outcome. The study aimed to address whether this dissensus was present during the negotiating process (1990 - 1996), and whether the negotiators’ agreement on the formal text of the constitution obscures fundamentally diverging interpretations. The study is in the form of a qualitative, descriptive case study. This study created a novel conceptual framework within which to classify diverse interpretations. Perceptions of negotiated compromises in deeply divided societies were conceptualised in the form of Constitutional Contracts, Social Contracts and Benchmark Agreements. Original negotiators’ views and opinions were analysed in order to identify dispositions reconcilable with each of the concepts identified. This framework proved significantly helpful in identifying whether the views of the negotiators were divergent – on several levels, differences between negotiators during the negotiating period came to the fore. It became evident from the findings that there were indeed present among the ranks of the negotiators of the South African Constitution diverging interpretations of this outcome. It became clear that certain interpretations were more easily categorised than others: while being able to locate the views of some negotiators within the concepts of Constitutional Contract or Social Contract, identifying those views congruent with the Benchmark Agreement proved more difficult. Also, some negotiators’ views can be located within one, two or all of the categories. It became evident that while negotiators may be categorised within all three concepts of the framework, their opinions are not necessarily specific to the indicators of one single concept. This study brought significant insight into several concepts, including the Social Contract in a changing society. The Social Contract is identifiable within a system that fosters process over institutions, with specific focus on the working of the electoral system. The Social Contract is vested in the political culture as opposed to in the written text, but the written text does facilitate these types of processes by entrenching mechanisms for ongoing negotiation and revision. However, while some of these mechanisms exist within the Constitution, it does not mean that they are effectively used. Characteristics associated with the Social Contract, such as flexibility and an inclusive process, tend to be associated with longer lasting constitutions. The question remains whether South Africans should be actively seeking to build a Social Contract, and whether a Constitutional Contract can evolve into a Social Contract.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrika se oorgang na demokrasie word beskou as ‘n uitnemende voorbeeld in die veld van konflikoplossing en die skryf van grondwette. Daar is verwag dat die onderhandelde skikking sal dien as ‘n ooreengekome grondwetlike raamwerk vir die nuwe demokratiese regime, maar teen 2014 het bewyse begin akkumuleer van ‘n opkomende dissensus oor die grondwet. Die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgang antisipeer nie hierdie ontluikende grondwetlike dissensus nie, en spreek nie die moontlikheid aan dat die grondwet verskillende dinge vir verskillende rolspelers beteken nie. Alhoewel daar wydverspreide onderskrywing van die bekragtiging van die grondwet was, het daar ‘n klaarblyklike verdeeldheid na vore gekom oor wat die grondwet beteken, en waarvoor dit staan. Die proses van onderhandeling, sowel as die uitkoms in die formaat van die grondwet, is deur baie studies aangespreek, maar min ondersoek die betekenis wat die oorspronklike onderhandelaars in die uitkoms belê het. Dié studie is daarop gerig om ondersoek of hierdie onderliggende dissensus reeds tydens die onderhandelingsproses (1990 – 1996) teenwoordig was, en of die onderhandelaars se ooreenkoms oor die formele teks fundamenteel uiteenlopende interpretasies daarvan verberg. Die studie is in die vorm van 'n kwalitatiewe, beskrywende gevallestudie. ‘n Nuwe konseptuele raamwerk is ontwikkel waarbinne die diversiteit van opinie hieroor geklassifiseer kan word. Persepsies van onderhandelde kompromieë in diep verdeelde samelewings is gekonseptualiseer in die vorm van Grondwetlike Kontrakte, Sosiale Kontrakte en Maatstaf Ooreenkomste. Oorpsronklike onderhandelaars se standpunte en opinies is geanaliseer om gesindhede versoenbaar met elk van die konsepte te identifiseer. Hierdie raamwerk was nuttig om te identifiseer of die menings van die onderhandelaars uiteenlopend was. Verskille op verskeie vlakke het tussen die onderhandelaars tydens die onderhandelingstydperk na vore gekom. Dit is duidelik dat daar wel uiteenlopende interpretasies van hierdie uitkoms teenwoordig was binne die geledere van die onderhandelaars. Sekere interpretasies is makliker geklassifiseer as ander: die menings van sommige onderhandelaars kan as kongruent met die Grondwetlike Kontrak of die Sosiale Kontrak geidentifiseer word, maar dit was moeiliker om sienings ooreenstemmend met die Maatstaf Ooreenkoms te identifiseer. Sekere onderhandelaars se standpunte kan ook in een, twee of al drie kategorieë geplaas word. Dit het duidelik geword dat terwyl sekere onderhandelaars se opvattings binne al drie konsepte van die raamwerk geklassifiseer kan word, hul menings nie noodwendig spesifiek binne die aanwysers van 'n enkele konsep val nie. Hierdie studie het beduidende insig in verskeie konsepte gebied, insluitend die Sosiale Kontrak in 'n veranderende samelewing. Die Sosiale Kontrak is identifiseerbaar binne 'n stelsel wat die belangrikheid van proses oor instellings beklemtoon. Die Sosiale Kontrak berus in politieke kultuur, maar die geskrewe gondwetlike reëls fasiliteer hierdie tipe van prosesse deur die vestiging van meganismes vir voortgesette onderhandeling en hersiening. Hierdie verskynsel is tipies meer duidelik sienbaar in die werking van verskillende kiesstelsels. Alhoewel hierdie meganismes kan bestaan binne ‘n grondwet, beteken dit nie dat hulle doeltreffend gebruik word nie. Eienskappe wat verband hou met die Sosiale Kontrak, soos buigsaamheid en 'n inklusiewe proses, is geneig om verband te hou met 'n duursame en standhoudende grondwet. Die vraag bly staan of Suid-Afrikaners aktief op soek moet wees na die bou van ‘n Sosiale Kontrak, en of 'n Konstitusionele Kontrak kan ontwikkel om ‘n Sosiale Kontrak te vorm.
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Stirbu, Diana Silvia. "The invisible constitution : the impact of devolution on UK constitutional dynamics - institutional developments in Wales." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.533920.
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Ally, Dave Ashley Vincent. "Constitutional exclusion under secton 35(5) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa." Pretoria [s.n.], 2009. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-01282010-133748/.
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Maswanganyi, Mfana Perceive. "Government's constitutional obligations to provide access to affordable medication under Section 27 of the Constitution." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/56979.
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Hsu, Yu-Wei. "Les compétences du Président de la République à Taïwan : fondements et évolution depuis 1988." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D009.
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Trenorden, Geoff. "The Deakinite myth exposed : other accounts of constitution-makers, constitutions and citizenship /." Access via Murdoch University Digital Theses Project, 2005. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20060502.151040.
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McDonald, Leighton Errol. "Collective rights as constitutional rights." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq22833.pdf.
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Grantham, Brian. "Northern Ireland : the constitutional impasse /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 1997. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arg7634.pdf.
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Kiss, Csilla. "Constitutional democracy in Eastern Europe." Thesis, McGill University, 2004. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=85176.
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The dissertation examines the establishment and strengthening of constitutional democracies during democratic consolidation from an institutionalist point of view. Focusing on Hungary and Poland, it examines how the right institutions can advance the creation and strengthening of a constitutional order. Among the institutions special attention is paid to the constitutional courts. The establishment and prominence of constitutional courts in most new democracies in East Central Europe fits into the general trend that was perceivable throughout Western Europe after WWII. The main rationale of these new institutions was to safeguard the democratic order from the return of authoritarianism. The main practical as well as theoretical significance of the introduction of judicial review was that it put an end to the then prevailing primacy of unlimited popular sovereignty and recast the concept of democracy in constitutional, rather than majoritarian terms.Such an innovation plays an even more significant role in Eastern Europe, where concepts of majoritarian democracy on the one hand, and reliance on a strong leader, especially in times of difficulties on the other, were prominent due to both communist and pre-communist legacies. Furthermore, the often ambiguous constitutional documents produced by the negotiated transitions, as well as the sometimes irreconcilable aspirations of political forces, provided the courts with a prominent role in shaping the new order.
Through the study of two issues, transitional justice and the presidency, the dissertation examines the various functions constitutional courts can play in democratic consolidation in general and in advancing rule of law systems, in resolving constitutional ambiguities and in controlling political actors in particular.
Drawing on the analysis of political events, primary sources, parliamentary minutes, newspaper articles and court decisions, the dissertation concludes that while the courts' record in solving institutional problems cannot be regarded as an unequivocal success, their role in defining fundamental constitutional principles is more praiseworthy. Not only did they manage to settle controversial issues as in the case of transitional justice, they also successfully curbed majoritarian endeavors and steered the new systems towards the acceptance of basic liberal constitutional values.
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Fagan, Anton. "Constitutional adjudication in South Africa." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.363516.
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Lorenz, Astrid. "Constitutional negotiations in federal reforms." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-158499.
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Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and sub-national actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favourable conditions for cooperation based on different interaction orientations. The article states that actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions.
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Palumbo, Antonino. "The evolution of Constitutional Order." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.327527.
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Smith, Graham Richard. "Police crime : a constitutional perspective." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1998. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1349601/.
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It is held that the police officer is liable at criminal and civil law the same as the citizen; given constitutional expression in the common law office of constable. Yet, in the execution of their duty police officers are prone to committing a range of criminal offences - assault, false imprisonment, perverting the course of justice - defined in this thesis as police crimes. Statistical analysis reveals that police officers are rarely prosecuted for these offences, suggesting that criminal liability is an illusion, and civil proceedings have become an increasingly popular remedy for police wrongdoing. This thesis holds that ss.48 and 49 of the Police Act 1964 played a prominent part in undermining the police officer's accountability to the law. This was achieved under s.48 by removing the police officer's personal responsibility for his wrongdoing at civil law, and introduction of a vicarious liability rule. And, under s.49, by definition of reports of alleged criminal offences committed by police officers as complaints, and codification of a separate criminal procedure. Since the 1964 Act, statute and case law on police wrongdoing have caused further damage to the constitutional position by emphasising the internal police complaint and disciplinary processes and devaluing issues of liability. It is argued that there is a conflict between the ancient office of constable and the recently developed doctrine of constabulary independence, and it is proposed that a 'balance model' accurately reflects the constitutional position of the police. This thesis examines recent developments at common law alongside the statutory trend, including intended reform of the complaint and discipline processes, and concludes that the integrity of the constitutional position has been seriously damaged. It is proposed that the police officer is no longer accountable to the law for his wrongdoing in like manner as the citizen, and the office of constable survives as a constitutional fiction.
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Jennings, Colin. "Political conflict and constitutional reform." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252214.
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