Dissertations / Theses: 'CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN ITALY'

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Jennings, Colin. "Political conflict and constitutional reform." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.252214.

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Clarke, Gregory Eugene. "Popular sovereignty and constitutional reform in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq23687.pdf.

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Edberg, Christoffer. "Critical Junctures and Constitutional Reform : A Single Case Study of the Agreement to hold the Chilean Referendum of Constitutional Reform." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-437900.

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Hibberd, Matthew. "The reform of public service broadcasting in Italy." Thesis, University of Stirling, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/1520.

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This thesis provides an overview to a series of reforms undertaken at RAI (Radiotelevisione Italiana), the Italian public service broadcasting company between June 1993 and April 1996. The reform process began as a direct result of the collapse of the Christian Democrats and its coalition partners after 45 years of continuous government and was initiated by the centre-left 'Technocrat' government led by the former governor of the Bank of Italy, Carlo Azeglio Ciampi (April 1993 to May 1994); it was also continued by the centre-right Berlusconi government (May 1994 to December 1994) and by the centre-left Dini technocrat government (January 1995 to April 1996). The research aims to focus on two related topics in order to fully explain the broad social, economic and political context within which the reforms took place. Firstly, especial interest wil be given to an historical analysis of public service provision in Italy in the light of the twin pressures coming from the state and market. Historically, these twin pressures have had a detrimental effect on public service broadcasting in Italy. Secondly, the research also focuses on the impact of the reform process on the functioning of public service broadcasting in Italy. It identifies four areas of RAJ's operations which merit special attention: the system of political occupation, the so-called lottizzazione; the internal network system; the devolution of Raitre; and RAI and Fininvest-Mediaset duopoly. This thesis uses a combination of qualitative and quantitative methodologies, including primary and secondary analysis and interviews with key architects of the reform process.

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Joseph, Rosara. "The war prerogative : history, reform and constitutional design." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9b7c6ac7-6c0e-4a84-ac01-bd11732d0ef8.

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This thesis studies the evolution of the war prerogative in England from 1600-2010. It traces the historical theory and practice of the war prerogative and proposes reform of the constitutional arrangements for its exercise. It addresses three key questions. First, what have writers on political and constitutional theory said about the constitutional arrangements for the war prerogative, and, in particular, what justifications have been advanced for those arrangements? Secondly, in practice, has the executive in fact possessed sole and exclusive powers over war and the deployment of force, or have Parliament and the courts had a role to play in their exercise and scrutiny? Thirdly, are there better ways to organise our constitutional arrangements for the war prerogative, to enable a more substantive role for Parliament (particularly the House of Commons) in its exercise and scrutiny? On the first question, I show that orthodox theoretical and political discourses have continuously asserted the executive’s exclusive power over war, but the justifications advanced for that arrangement have changed over time. Those changes reflect the varying influence of different political theories at different times. On the second question, I find that, contrary to orthodox theoretical and political discourses, Parliament has played an active and substantive role in the exercise and scrutiny of the war prerogative. The courts have refused to intervene in the exercise of the war prerogative, but have been more ready to intervene in cases involving the exercise of powers incidental to the war prerogative. On the third question, I argue that reform of the constitutional arrangements for the war prerogative is necessary and desirable. I recommend the use of ‘institutional mechanisms’, which are small-scale rules and institutional arrangements, within existing institutions, which aim to promote certain normative goals. In particular, I propose a statute which would impose conditions on the executive’s exercise of its war prerogative. I argue that these proposals show that, through careful institutional design, democratic values, national security and operational efficiency can each be reconciled and promoted.

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Moore, Ede Minna. "Religious art and Catholic reform in Italy, 1527-1546." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.395234.

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7

Mason, David (David Mark George). "Burke's political philosophy in his writings on constitutional reform." Thesis, McGill University, 1986. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=66187.

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8

Schofield, Robert James. "Public health legislation and constitutional reform 1832 to 1894." Thesis, University of Reading, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.515773.

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Dlamini, Lomakhosi G. "Socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland." University of the Western Cape, 2005. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_4327_1197279930.

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This study looked at socio-economic and political constraints on constitutional reform in Swaziland, an independent state with a fully autonomous government that falls under the Monarch who is Head of State. Swaziland maintains strong economic and trading links with South Africa and also maintains such ties with other states, especially in the Southern African Development Community region. Up untill 1973, the country's constitution was Westminister based. This was evoked and replaced with a system designed to facilitate the practice of both western and traditional styles of government. This system incorporated the system known as Tinkhundla and provides for the people to elect candidates to be their parliamentary representatives for specific constituencies.

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Tsang, S. Y. S. "Great Britain and constitutional reform in Hong Kong (1945-1952)." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1985. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.371769.

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11

Oseko, Julie Ouma. "Judicial independence in Kenya : constitutional challenges and opportunities for reform." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/27703.

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The judiciary in Kenya has been progressively viewed as subservient to the executive, an upholder of state power and a poor protector of citizens’ rights. The rejection of the judiciary as an independent and impartial arbiter of disputes was a major contributor to the post-election violence experienced in December 2007 which resulted in anarchy and massive loss of lives and property. This thesis contends that there is a contextually symbiotic link between separation of powers, judicial independence and the rule of law. While focusing on the relationship between the judiciary and the executive, the research highlights the dangers of failure to maintain the appropriate balance of power between the executive, judiciary and the legislature, its ramifications to judicial independence and the rule of law. By analysing secondary data and using Kenya as a case study, this relationship is chronologically traced from the pre-colonial, colonial, independence and post-independence periods. An examination of successive constitutions exposes gaps and weaknesses in constitutional provisions guaranteeing judicial independence. Instances of violation are discussed with examples as confirmation that such protection was minimal, weak and not respected in practice. A high degree of executive intrusion, influence and control was evident inter alia in appointments, removal, funding and administration. Cumulatively, these factors contributed to the erosion of personal and institutional independence leading to drastic loss of confidence. Opportunities in terms of implemented reforms, especially the newly promulgated Constitution of Kenya 2010 are scrutinised. The thesis concludes that even though complete independence from the executive cannot be achieved nor is it desirable, more robust constitutional protection of judicial independence, coupled with a high degree of autonomy can be a strong guardian against violation. New threats are discovered. Further research, constitutional amendments and use of non-legal initiatives are proposed as key for future judicial reform.

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12

Navarra, Pietro. "Constitutional political economy and public choice in Italian electoral reform." Thesis, University of Buckingham, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.436896.

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Aba-Namay, Rashed M. "The constitution of Saudi Arabia : evolution, reform and future prospects." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 1992. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244173.

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Nasha, Refilwe M. "Criminalising Marital Rape in Botswana: The Need for Legal Reform." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. https://hdl.handle.net/11427/31714.

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Marital rape is not a criminal offence in Botswana. This means therefore that, the law of Botswana recognises other forms of rape, except for marital rape. Marital rape is a form of intimate partner violence that the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of violence Against Women refers to as domestic violence. Marital rape is also a form of gender based violence against women because it is a violence that is directed against women because they are women. Marital rape results in serious medical, emotional and mental harm. As a result, marital rape violates numerous human rights that range from the right not to be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment, the right to security and liberty of the person, as well as the right to health, just to mention a few. The human rights that are violated by marital rape are provided for under international human rights instruments that Botswana has ratified. Further, The Constitution of Botswana contains, in its Bill of Rights, a provision that guarantees every person in Botswana protection of the law regardless of sex. The biggest challenge for this dissertation is that there is no scientific evidence that serves as authority that marital rape does occur in Botswana. However, the findings of the studies conducted on gender based violence show there is a strong possibility of marital rape due to some cultural factors that give men sexual entitlement in a marriage. Further some women have come out to relate their rape ordeals at the hands of their husbands. With this dissertation, I seek to make a case for the criminalisation of marital rape. My argument in this dissertation is that, even without scientific evidence in the form of statistics, any form of violence against women is a violation of women human rights. As a result, it is necessary for Botswana to put measures in place, including criminalising marital rape, to protect married women’s human rights. Further, even though a sovereign state, Botswana has ratified international human rights instruments and is therefore bound by its international obligations to prevent, eradicate and punish any form of violence that violates human rights. Furthermore, other than what international law provide in regard to criminalisation of marital rape, marital rape needs to criminalised in order to provide effective protection and remedies for married women against marital rape.

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15

Norred, Patricia A. "Girolamo Savonarola and the Problem of Humanist Reform in Florence." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc500716/.

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Girolamo Savonarola lived at the apex of the Renaissance, but most of his biographers regard him as an anachronism or a precursor of the Reformation. Savonarola, however, was influenced by the entire milieu of Renaissance Florence, including its humanism. Savonarola's major work, Triumph of the Cross, is a synthesis of humanism, neo-Thomism and mysticism. His political reforms were routed in both the millennialist dreams of Florence and the goals of civic humanism. Hoping to translate the abstract humanist life of virtue into the concrete, he ultimately failed, not because the Renaissance was rejecting the Middle Ages, but because the former was reacting against itself. Florence, for all its claims of being the center of the Renaissance, was not willing to make humanist reform a reality.

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16

Khatib, Kamleh. "Impact of electoral reform : parties, voters and legislators in Italy, 1996-2001." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2008. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2163/.

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This thesis presents a comprehensive picture of the Italian political system under mixed electoral rules, between 1996 and 2001. It addresses how a mixed member majoritarian electoral system affects the incentive structure of parties, voters and legislators, which in turn affect political and social outcomes. The thesis consequently investigates three related phenomena which were not necessarily considered by the drafters of the reform; namely pre-electoral bargaining, split-ticket voting, and the link between dual candidacy and legislative behaviour. First, the thesis addresses pre-electoral coalition bargaining, investigating the role that parties' policy positions play as a 'threat' resource. Second, the thesis investigates the impact of candidates' policy positions, among other variables, on the tendency of voters to split their ticket. Finally, the thesis addresses how indicators of electoral path, such as the opportunity of MPs to run simultaneously in both proportional and majoritarian tiers, affect legislative behaviour. The research develops new theoretical insights, analyses new empirical data, and applies innovative methodological tools. Not only does the thesis shed light on the logic underlying these three intriguing phenomena, but also contributes to our understanding of mixed electoral systems. Specifically, by investigating the incentive structures of parties, voters and legislators under mixed rules, the thesis represents an important contribution to contamination theory. The results support the argument that mixed electoral systems are not merely the sum of their proportional and majoritarian elements, but instead constitute a new and distinct hybrid system.

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17

Schwendt, Steven Dieter. "Formal constitutional approaches to Quebec nationalism, reform and litigation approaches since 1982." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0004/MQ43326.pdf.

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18

Fassbender, Bardo. "UN Security Council reform and the right of veto : a constitutional perspective /." The Hague [u.a.] : Kluwer, 1998. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sub-hamburg/242645682.pdf.

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19

Schwendt, Steven Dieter Carleton University Dissertation Law. "Formal constitutional approaches to Quebec nationalism; reform and litigation approaches since 1982." Ottawa, 1999.

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20

Pylypenko, Kateryna Andriyivna. "Judical Reform: Achievements and Omissions." Thesis, Національний авіаційний університет, 2021. https://er.nau.edu.ua/handle/NAU/50807.

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Nowadays the issue of rights and freedoms of human and citizen is the main problem of domestic and foreign policy of the states in the world community. The presumption of innocence and other key rights and guarantees existed largely on paper, and the courts became centre of corruption.It should be remembered that a significant stage has been passed and it is necessary to continue the started projects, work on mistakes, involve the support of public experts and international partners for the development of justice in Ukraine.

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21

Tudisco, Vincenzo. "Postwar Pacifism in a Changing Context: Constitutional Bans on War in Japan, Italy, and Germany." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trento, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11572/273037.

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22

Jones, Julia. "Community-based mental health care in Britain and Italy : geographical perspectives." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 1999. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15042/.

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This thesis examines the implementation of mental health reforms in Britain and Italy since the 1950s from a geographical perspective. Both countries have experienced the policies of deinstitutionalisation and community care, yet the timing, methods and outcomes of implementation have varied considerably, both between the countries and within them. This situation suggests that underlying social, political, economic and cultural differences have been important influences on the implementation of the respective mental health reforms, and this is a theme that is considered throughout the thesis. The research was conducted at three levels of enquiry: firstly by comparing the implementation of mental health reforms at the national scale in Britain and Italy, looking in particular at the influence of politics and place; secondly by focusing upon the implementation of the reforms in two cities, for which Sheffield and Verona were selected; thirdly a case study approach was adopted in order to study in greater detail one community-based mental health service in each city. It was at this level of enquiry that the more intensive research was carried out, in the form of two local resident questionnaire surveys, one in each city, and semi-structured interviews with mental health professionals from the two case study services. This research illustrates that the implementation of mental health reforms in Britain and Italy has led to a geographical unevenness in the distribution of community-based services at all spatial scales. However, the social, cultural and political contexts in which the reforms have occurred in the two countries have been quite different and therefore when contemplating direct comparisons between mental health reforms in Britain and Italy, the argument that 'place matters' is highly pertinent.

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23

Lorenz, Astrid. "Constitutional negotiations in federal reforms." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-158499.

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Constitutional amendments in federal political systems have to be negotiated between national and sub-national actors. While theories of negotiation usually explain the outcome by looking at these actors, their preferences and bargaining powers, the theoretical model developed in this article also includes their interaction orientation. The article determines a typical sequence of bargaining and arguing and identifies favourable conditions for cooperation based on different interaction orientations. The article states that actors can reconcile the conflicting logics of intergovernmental or party competition and joint decision-making in constitutional politics through a sequence of bargaining and arguing. However, constitutional amendments negotiated in this way run the risk of undermining the legitimacy and functionality of constitutions.

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Gledhill, Michael. "Peter Damian and 'the World' : asceticism, reform and society in eleventh-century Italy." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2012. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/peter-damian-and-the-world-asceticism-reform-and-society-in-eleventhcentury-italy(63b34550-bba9-4b0d-b18c-536cab94a1ff).html.

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The aim of this thesis is to conduct an analysis of Peter Damian’s letters specifically grounded in the immediate social and political contexts within which the letters were produced. Whilst Damian (c. 1007 - 1072) is generally seen as an important figure in the history of the Church as a whole, he is rarely studied as an active member of his contemporary Italian society. This thesis will seek to relate the ecclesiastical to the social, and the clerical/monastic to the lay, and to integrate Damian’s approach to women and to gender into the broader picture of his activity in northern and central Italy. The thesis examines how Damian interacted with "the world" — what he saw as constituting the "saeculum", and how he set himself apart from it. As a hermit, prior, cardinal, papal legate and reformer, Damian straddled institutions, and came into contact with powerful lay people and ecclesiastics alike. What must be done is to build a context, through these interactions, for Damian’s rhetoric. There is a sizable corpus of material relating to Damian’s social contacts, comprising letters, charters and some narrative works. His role as prior of Fonte Avellana brought him into a series of complex relationships with religious institutions and laymen, yet it remains understudied. Through this material we can see how Damian’s positioning of himself as being ’otherworldly’ was in fact a key aspect of how he acted in the world.

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25

BOSIO, GIULIO MICHELE. "Labour Market Reform in Italy: The Effect of Flexibility on Employment and Wages." Doctoral thesis, Università degli Studi di Milano, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2434/49802.

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26

Ingrassia, Patricia. "TARP and the Wall Street Reform Consumer Protection Act: An Examination of Constitutional Protection of Economic Liberties." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/692.

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The 2008 subprime mortgage crisis is characterized by an increase in subprime lending and default on such mortgages. A combination of factors, such as risk excessive risk taken on by financial institutions, poorly implemented government housing policies and biased regulation are perceived to have caused the crisis. In response to the crisis, Congress approved the largest bailout of the United States financial system in taxpayer history. Signed into law by President George W. Bush, the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP) authorized the federal government to spend hundreds of billions of dollars to purchase distressed assets, including mortgage-backed securities, and provide liquidity to banks. Comprehensive financial reform followed the bailout package in the form of the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act. This paper examines how both pieces of legislation threaten the constitutional protection of economic liberties.

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27

Skeet, Charlotte Helen. "Difference and constitutionalism : women and the 1997 constitutional reform programme in the UK." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.421432.

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Sharp, Naomi. "Wrongful system rights violations and the potential of court-sponsored structural reform." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/MQ64306.pdf.

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Paterson, Patrick. "Money Talks: Free Speech and Political Equality in Campaign Finance Reform." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/263.

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Justifications for campaign finance regulations in the United States have traditionally taken one of two approaches. The first and most common has been to allege that unrestricted campaign contributions and expenditures lend themselves to corruption, or to the appearance of corruption. The second, used far less often than the first, has argued that unchecked spending on an election compromises the principle of political equality--the idea that each individual should have equal say in the democratic process. This paper defends political equality as a value worth preserving, demonstrates that our current campaign finance system is dangerous to political equality, proposes some solutions to that problem, and evaluate the constitutionality of those solutions.

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Кудлай, В. "Конституційна реформа в Україні: проект Конституції України - негативні та позитивні сторони." Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2010. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16614.

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Кекух, Ю., and Т. С. Журба. "Конституція для народу. Міф чи реальність?" Thesis, Видавництво СумДУ, 2010. http://essuir.sumdu.edu.ua/handle/123456789/16613.

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Borymchuk, Olga. "Labour and the House of Lords' dilemma : constitutional reform in post-war Britain, 1945-51." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.433394.

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King, Blair Andrew. "Empowering the presidency interests and perceptions in Indonesia's constitutional reforms, 1999-2002 /." Connect to this title online, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1094750332.

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Maxson, Brian. "Review of Cultures of Charity: Women, Politics, and the Reform of Poor Relief in Renaissance Italy." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2013. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/6202.

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Muntingh, Lukas M. "An analytical study of South African prison reform after 1994." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2012. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_5009_1369663147.

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The history of prison reform after 1994 was shaped by the relationship between governance and human rights standards
the requirements for both are set out in the Constitution and elaborated on in the Correctional Services Act. Good governance and human rights converge in five dimensions of a constitutional democracy: legitimacy, transparency, accountability, the rule
of law
and resource utilisation. The new constitutional order established a set of governance and rights requirements for the prison system demanding fundamental reform. It de-legitimised the existing prison system and thus placed it in a crisis. This required its reinvention to establish a system compatible with constitutional demands. The thesis investigates whether
constitutionalism provided the necessary transformative basis for prison reform in South Africa after 1994. The Department of Correctional Services (DCS) senior management failed to
anticipate this in the period 1990 to 1994. In the five years after 1994 senior management equally failed to initiate a fundamental reform process. This lack of vision, as well as a number of external factors relating to the state of the public service in the period 1994 to 2000, gave rise to a second crisis: the collapse of order and discipline in the DCS. By the late 1990s the state had lost control of the DCS and its internal workings can be described as a mess &ndash
a highly interactive set of problems in causal relationships. In many regards the problems beleaguering the prison system were created in the period 1994 &ndash
1999. The leadership at the time did not recognize that the prison system was in crisis or that the crisis presented an opportunity for
fundamental reform. The new democratic order demanded constitutional and political imagination, but this failed to materialise. Consequently, the role and function of imprisonment within the
criminal justice system has remained fundamentally unchanged and there has not been a critical re-examination of its purpose, save that the criminal justice system has become more punitive. Several investigations (1998-2006) into the DCS found widespread corruption and rights violations. Organised labour understood transformation primarily as the racial transformation of the staff corps and embarked on an organised campaign to seize control of management and key positions. This introduced a culture of lawlessness, enabling widespread corruption. w leadership by 2001 and facing pressure from the national government, the DCS responded to the situation by focusing on corruption and on regaining control of the Department. A number of
gains have been made since then, especially after 2004. Regaining control of the Department focused on addressing systemic weaknesses, enforcing the disciplinary code and defining a
new employer-employee relationship. This has been a slow process with notable setbacks, but it continues to form part of the Department&rsquo
s strategic direction. It is concluded that the DCS
has engaged with and developed a deeper understanding of its constitutional obligations insofar as they pertain to governance requirements in the Constitution. However, compliance with
human rights standards had not received the same attention and areas of substantial non-compliance remain in violation of the Constitution and subordinate legislation. Overcrowding,
violations of personal safety, poor services and/or lack of access to services persist. Despite the detailed rights standards set out in the Correctional Services Act, there is little to indicate that
legislative compliance is an overt focus for the DCS. While meeting the minimum standards of humane detention, as required by the Constitution, should have been the strategic focus of the
DCS in relation to the prison population, the 2004 White
Paper defines &ldquo
offender rehabilitation&rdquo
as the core business of the DCS. In many regards the DCS has assigned more prominence
and weight to the White Paper than to its obligations under the Correctional Services Act. In an attempt to legitimise the prison system, the DCS defined for itself a goal that is required neither
by the Constitution nor the Correctional
Services Act. Compliance with the minimum standards of humane detention must be regarded as a prerequisite for successful interventions to reduce
future criminality. After
seven years, delivery results on the rehabilitation objective have been minimal and not objectively measurable. The noble and over-ambitious focus on rehabilitation at
policy level distracted the DCS from its primary constitutional obligation, namely to ensure safe and humane custody under conditions of human dignity Throughout the period (1994 to 2012)
the DCS has been suspicious if not dismissive of advice, guidance and at times orders (including court orders) offered or given by external
stakeholders. Its relationship with civil society

organisations remain strained and there is no formal structure for interaction. Since 2004 Parliament has reasserted its authority over the DCS, not hesitating to criticise poor decisions and
sub-standard performance. Civil society organisations have increasingly used Parliament as a platform for raising concerns about prison reform. Litigation by civil society and prisoners has
also been used on a growing scale
to ensure legislative compliance. It is concluded that prison reform efforts needs to refocus on he rights requirements set out in the Correctional Services
Act and approach this task in an inclusive, transparent and accountable manner.

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Alvarez, de Toledo Cayetana. "Politics and reform in Spain and New Spain : the life and thought of Juan de Palafox 1600-1659." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.339959.

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Abdelgabar, Noha Ibrahim [Verfasser], and Rüdiger [Akademischer Betreuer] Wolfrum. "Constitutional reform as a means for democratic transformation in Sudan / Noha Ibrahim Abdelgabar. Betreuer: Rüdiger Wolfrum." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1057001880/34.

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Abdelgabar, Noha Ibrahim Verfasser], and Rüdiger [Akademischer Betreuer] [Wolfrum. "Constitutional reform as a means for democratic transformation in Sudan / Noha Ibrahim Abdelgabar. Betreuer: Rüdiger Wolfrum." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2014. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:18-68737.

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Carrera, Leandro Nicolas. "The Politics of Pension Reform in a Comparative Perspective: A Cross-Regional Analysis of Argentina, Uruguay, Spain and Italy." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/195394.

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What factors explain pension reform decisions in countries with generous public pension systems and an ageing population? To answer this question I analyze four countries with some similar characteristics: (1) a well expanded and fragmented public pension system that follows the traditional Bismarckian structure of different funds for specific occupational categories; (2) a public pension system with high degrees of coverage and based on the pay-as-you-go (PAYG) principle in which current workers pay for current retirees; (3) increasing public pension spending levels that towards the 1990s made the public pension system unsustainable. The four selected countries differ along one significant dimension. Two of them are newly industrialized countries and in Latin America: Argentina and Uruguay. The other two countries are industrialized economies of the European Union: Italy and Spain.I hypothesize that while international and domestic factors matter in explaining pension reform, the former will play an indirect role by stressing the need to make the pension system more sustainable to put public finances in order. Thus, I contend that domestic economic and political factors will determine the reform outcome.I find support for my theory in the analysis of the four countries. International and supranational organizations played a role in supporting policymakers' reform efforts and highlighting the necessity to reduce pension liabilities in the long run to put public finances in order. However, these organizations did not determine the reform outcome. Instead, I find that domestic economic and political factors explain the final reform decision. On the economic side, the maturity of the pension system - represented by the magnitude of pension promises to future retirees - and the state of public finances, determined policymakers' first choice for reform; which ranged from proposals to change the parameters of the public pillar to that pillar's structural reform together with the introduction of a private pillar of individual accounts. Once this choice was made, the reform was negotiated with those with a special interest in the pension system: pensioners and labor. Thus, these actors' organizational strength and preferences explains the type of specific pension reform finally adopted in each country.

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Mattei, Paola. "The modernisation of the welfare state in Italy : dynamic conservatism and health care reform, 1992 to 2003." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2903/.

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An institutional pattern of administrative inertia and resistance has traditionally characterised the reform of the Italian State. It is widely held that the historical development of the state has contributed to this immobilisme. The effect of the Italian system of party government on bureaucratic autonomy is also blamed for the failure (until recently) of attempts to reform the Italian state. However, definite changes affecting welfare administration in Italy reveal a radical departure from the status quo, as a result of particular reform mechanisms and the strategies of elites in handling blockages during the process of legislative implementation of delegating laws designed to introduce ambitious reform programmes. 'Dynamic conservatism' is the novel theoretical approach elaborated here to study policy change in such stalled administrative systems, and it offers an explanation of how it becomes possible to break historically determined immobilisme. The case of healthcare reforms in Italy in the 1990s has marked an impressive departure from traditional administrative practice. The thesis argues that two key innovations have been accomplished: first, the emergence of public managers charged with extensive policy leadership at the top of regional welfare administration, increasingly legitimised by expertise and technical knowledge rather than political entrepreneurialism; secondly, the reconfiguration of traditional centre- periphery relations, triggered by the territorial disturbance caused by regionalisation. The consolidation of policy change, underpinned by the paradigm of the entrepreneurial state, was most noticeable at regional level. Such change was achieved, however, only by handling beforehand two major blockages: first, the opposition of political parties during the parliamentary process to the reconfiguration of the relationship between politics and administration; secondly, the adversarial response of interest groups to policy change.

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Gurrola, Cassandra. "Judging the Justices: A Critical Analysis of Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/205.

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This thesis examines the recently decided Supreme Court case Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission. The case regards campaign finance reform, and has raised significant controversy recently. This thesis will evaluate the arguments from both the dissent and the majority opinions, contextualize these arguments with respect to the history of campaign finance reform and the history of the legislation with regard to corporations, and will ultimately pass judgment on whether the Court was correct in its decision. Implications for the post-Citizens world will also be considered.

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Dirnfeld, Rebecca B. "Controlling the "Chinese" of the eastern states? Maine's constitutional amendment of 1893, electoral reform, and anti-French-Canadian bias." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/28124.

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This thesis examines a constitutional amendment adopted by the State of Maine in 1893 as part of an electoral reform package. It stated that any man who could not read the State Constitution in English or write his name on or after January 3, 1893 was not qualified to vote. Although some of the amendment's supporters claimed the measure would raise the quality of the state electorate, most supported it because it targeted immigrants, more particularly, French Canadian immigrants. Anglo-Republicans who supported the amendment discriminated against French-Canadians, who were Catholic, spoke French, and chose acculturation rather than assimilation. The amendment was meant to disenfranchise a large proportion of these voters, as many of them were illiterate, French speaking migrants. However, the impact of the amendment proved to be limited. It did not affect Franco-American allegiances to politicians or political parties they thought best supported their wants and needs. This may be why the amendment was quickly forgotten and is not mentioned in any published history of Maine. Statistics collected from the 1910 census, English and French language newspapers of Lewiston, and an out of state newspaper provide much of the primary sources for this work.

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Adangor, Zacchaeus. "Federalism in Nigeria and the struggle for resource control in the Niger Delta Region : an agenda for constitutional reform." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2013. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=202071.

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This thesis proposes a new constitutional framework for ownership and control of natural resources in the federation of Nigeria. It identifies exclusive federal ownership of natural resources as a tool of ethnic domination by Nigeria’s three dominant ethnic groups of Hausa/Fulani, Yoruba and Igbo against the oil-producing minorities of the Niger Delta region. It is argued that the inextricable link between federal ownership of natural resources and the economic and political interests of the major ethnic groups denotes that the current system of natural resource ownership has become a divisive and destabilizing feature of Nigerian federalism. Considering that Nigerian multi-ethnic federalism is designed primarily to prevent the domination of one ethnic group by another and also encourage each constituent unit of the federation to develop at its own pace, it is arguable that exclusive federal ownership of natural resources negates these underlying principles of Nigerian federalism by entrenching the domination of the Niger delta oil-producing minorities and depriving the oil-producing states of the right to develop at their own pace. These circumstances have triggered waves of ethnic nationalism and armed insurgency in the Niger delta region with grave implications for national stability. The thesis argues therefore that only a new system of natural resource ownership which recognizes both national and regional interests in natural resource ownership and development can conduce to peace in the troubled Niger delta region of the federation. It proposes constitutional devolution of ownership rights over onshore natural resources from the federal government to the constituent units of the federation under an arrangement whereby the federal government retains its legislative and regulatory powers. It is argued that this framework, among other benefits, will preserve the underlying principles of Nigerian federalism and halt the drift toward instability in Nigeria’s Niger delta region.

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Ellis, Eloise Elizabeth Catherine. "The working and impact of the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee in the 2010-15 Parliament." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2018. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-working-and-impact-of-the-house-of-commons-political-and-constitutional-reform-committee-in-the-201015-parliament(9fd9392c-013a-4f25-a34f-e5a66dac53ad).html.

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Much of the development in constitutional reform that took place between 2010 and 2015 might be described as an accident of circumstance, particularly those in the early years that were widely regarded as a compromise intended to bind the Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition Government together. It was this unique context of a Coalition Government in office, with a specific constitutional reform policy brief accorded to the Liberal Democrat leader as Deputy Prime Minister, that gave rise to the House of Commons Political and Constitutional Reform Committee being established in 2010. The creation of this Committee, and the passage of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 shortly after providing a fixed five-year term for the working of the Committee, formed the genesis and basis for this PhD study. This particular Committee was, in the words of its Chair, a ‘bolt-on’; it was an ‘experiment’ with a finite lifespan. The conditions in which the PCRC emerged enabled it to carve out a unique position for itself, adopting a strategic and focused five-year plan. This thesis studies the PCRC not only for its working and impact in the evolving process of constitutional reform in the UK, but as a case study assessment of House of Commons Select Committees more widely. It considers the strengthened and more wide-reaching role that a Select Committee was able to perform during the 2010-15 Parliament, especially with respect to the development of public policy both in terms of scrutiny of Government action and proposals and the initiation of its own policy ideas and proposals. Conclusions are drawn about the aims, quality and effectiveness of the Committee’s work, particularly in influencing government and parliamentary thinking on constitutional affairs, and the legacy of the PCRC is examined. This in-depth case study of the work of the PCRC is the first of its kind to examine this unique Select Committee, and provides an original contribution to a scholarly understanding of the working and impact of the Select Committee system. It serves to identify best practice in working methods and innovations of a Select Committee, and suggests there is scope for some of these working practices to be adopted more widely, adding to the evolving structural reform that has taken place in recent years designed to improve the effectiveness of Select Committees at Westminster.

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Morrissette, Jason Jessee. "Failed Liberalism and the Seeds of Revolution: Russian and Chinese Constitutional Reform at the Turn of the Twentieth Century." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/32787.

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At the turn of the twentieth century, the imperial regimes of Russia and China underwent periods of political and constitutional reform unprecedented in the long histories of both states. This paper explores the conceptualization of Weberian legitimacy as it applies to these turn-of-the-century trends of political reform in Russia and China. I argue that both external and internal challenges to the legitimacy of the traditional power structures in each state gave rise to and, in effect, necessitated these reforms. Moreover, I contend that the failure of these political reforms to establish meaningful norms of representative government in Russia and China further exacerbated the challenges to the legitimacy faced by each state and subsequently fomented the revolutions that ultimately brought these periods of constitutional reform to an end. In a brief epilogue, the paper examines the possible parallels between these periods at the turn of the twentieth century and contemporary power structures and challenges to legitimacy in these states.
Master of Arts

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FERRARESI, Massimiliano. "Responsiveness of local governments to financial and institutional reforms: evidence from Italy." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Ferrara, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11392/2388975.

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This thesis proposes three distinct contribution to the field of economic analysis on local government. In particular, each of the three studies focuses on a specific Italian policy reform allowing us to analyze how it affects local fiscal policy decisions. In the first chapter we investigate the impact on expenditure of tax on principal dwellings before 2008 and the impact on expenditure of the grant which, after 2008, compensated for the abolition of the tax on principal dwellings. We setup a theoretical model in which the introduction of a political bias against taxation gives rise to the flypaper effect. If the public good is very important with respect to private consumption then an increase in the municipal size implies a decrease in the extent of the flypaper effect; the opposite happens if the public good is not important with respect to private consumption. We then test the hypotheses coming from the model by using data on Italian municipalities, focusing on two groups of expenditure: the principal expenditure, which are those essential to guarantee the minimum standard daily life of a municipality and the rest, defined as residual expenditure. We find that the flypaper effect holds for both kinds of expenditure, but decreases with respect to population in the case of principal expenditure and increases with respect to population in the case of residual expenditure. In the second chapter we setup a model in which the residents of two neighboring municipalities can use the services provided by public infrastructures located in both jurisdictions. If services are either complements or substitutes in use, the municipalities strategically interact when investing in infrastructures; moreover, when they differ in population size, the small municipality reacts more to the expenditure of its neighbor than the big one. The theoretical predictions are then tested by estimating the determinants of the stock of public infrastructures of the municipalities belonging to the Autonomous Province of Trento, in Italy. By introducing a spatial lag-error component, we find that municipalities positively react to an increase in infrastructures by their neighbors, but the effect tends to vanish above a given population threshold. Finally, in chapter 3 we use data for all Italian municipalities from 2001 to 2007 to empirically test the extent to which two different electoral rules, which hold for small and large municipalities, affect fiscal policy decisions at local level. Municipalities with fewer than 15,000 inhabitants elect their mayors in accordance with a single-ballot plurality rule where only one list can support her/him, while the rest of the municipalities uses a runoff plurality rule where multiple lists can support her/him. Per capita total taxes, charges and current expenditure in large municipalities are lower than in small ones if the mayor of the large municipality does not need a broad coalition to be elected, otherwise the use of a single- or double-ballot rule does not make any difference in the policy outcome.

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Britt, Joshua Edward. "Enlightenment on the Margins: The Catholic Enlightenment as Reflected in Ludovico Antonio Muratori's Il Cristianesimo Felice nelle Missioni De' Padri della Compagnia di Gesù nel Paraguai." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5349.

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My research analyzes the way in which Ludovico Antonio Muratori portrayed marginal peoples of the New World in his Il Cristianesimo Felice nelle Missioni De' Padri della Compagnia di Gesù nel Paraguai, published in 1743. I argue that Muratori used his portrayal of the native people of Paraguay as a means to express his ideas of how to reform the Catholic Church, at a time when Catholicism was just experiencing the first waves of enlightened influence from the north. I engage with scholarship on the Enlightenment that has addressed specifically the cultural impact of what has been called the Catholic Enlightenment in Italy. In this scholarship Il Cristianesimo Felice has been virtually unrepresented, and I argue that it is a valuable resource in gaining a better understanding the reform agendas of Muratori and the Catholic Enlightenment movement in Italy. I center my analysis on two specific elements in Il Cristianesimo Felice. First, I address Muratori's assessment of the four political systems administered simultaneously by the native population, the Spaniards, the Mamelusses, and the Jesuits. Through my analysis of Muratori's representation of these systems, I situate him in the politically conservative Catholic Enlightenment and establish his commitment to the paternalistic social order prevailing in Europe in the eighteenth century. Second, I show that Muratori reveals broader ideas about religion and superstition as conceived by the Catholic Enlightenment movement in his account of the interaction between the Jesuit missionaries and the Paraguayans in the reductions. In conclusion, this study shows that Il Cristianesimo Felice is a source that historians of the Catholic Enlightenment movement should revisit, as it represents Ludivico Antonio Muratori's Pubblica Felicita in the flesh.

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Zabota, Maja. "The limits of normative Power Europe in Bosnia and Herzegovina: assessing the EU’s impact on the constitutional reform (2009-2018)." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/16356.

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Thesis submitted for the degree of Master's in International Relations
A Constituição da Bósnia e Herzegovina, consagrada no Acordo de Paz de Dayton, estabelece um sistema político complexo de partilha de poderes, bem como a discriminação de alguns cidadãos que não se declaram afiliados num dos três “povos constitutivos”. Neste contexto, a União Europeia (UE) empenhou-se na promoção da reforma constitucional necessária para erradicar a discriminação e criar um sistema político-institucional, que facilitaria o processo de adesão à UE. Partindo do conceito de Poder Normativo, introduzido por Manners (2002), a dissertação analisa o impacto da identidade normativa da UE nos seus esforços enquanto mediador do processo da reforma constitucional. Analisa, ainda, o impacto do poder normativo da UE no discurso da classe política local, de modo a avaliar se este contribui para o processo de dessecuritização da Bósnia. A dissertação argumenta que as características inerentes à identidade normativa da UE, bem como os seus discursos e práticas, agravam a securitização da Bósnia. Também defende que a percepção dos atores locais a respeito da identidade normativa da UE exacerba ainda mais os antagonismos étnicos. Consequentemente, a dissertação conclui argumentando que o conceito de Poder Normativo tem limites no que se refere à desecuritização da Bósnia.
The Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, enshrined in the Dayton Peace Agreement, establishes a complex power sharing system as well as the discrimination of some of the Bosnian citizens, who do not declare themselves affiliated to one of the three “constituent peoples”. In this context, the European Union (EU) set out to promote a constitutional reform to end discrimination as well as to create a political and institutional system that would facilitate Bosnia’s EU accession process. Following Manners’ concept of Normative Power Europe (NPE) (2002), the thesis examines the impact of EU’s normative identity in its efforts as a mediator in the process of the constitutional reform. Furthermore, it analyses the impact of NPE on the discourses of the local political class, in order to assess whether the EU contributes to the desecuritisation of Bosnia. The thesis argues that the inherent characteristics of the EU’s identity as normative power, its discourses, as well as its practices, aggravate the securitisation of Bosnia. Also, it considers that the way how local actors perceive the EU's normative identity further exacerbates ethnic antagonisms. Therefore, this thesis concludes by arguing that the notion of NPE has its limits concerning the desecuritisation of Bosnia.
N/A

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Asquer, Alberto. "Implementing regulatory reforms in multi-level governance systems : the case of the reform of the water sector in Italy (1994-2006)." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2012. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/543/.

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Within the field of regulation policy and politics, various scholarly works have examined policy reforms intended to change the regulation of large-scale infrastructure-based public service industries. Relatively little attention has been placed, however, on the jagged and ineffectual implementation of regulatory reforms that especially takes place when the implementation context includes features of a multi-level governance system. For reasons especially related to the technical, economic, and territorial characteristics of infrastructure and sub-national governments' political responsibilities towards local communities, within this type of scenario the implementation of regulatory reforms tends to exhibit high levels of political confrontation between actors of the reformed infrastructure industry, with respect to what is ordinarily experienced when a regulatory reform is implemented by public agencies or any body of the executive at the central level. This thesis aims to contribute furthering our understanding of the political economy of implementing regulatory reforms by conducting an exploratory case study whose episode is the implementation stage of the 12 year long (1994-2006) policy cycle to liberalise, re-regulate, and privatise Italy’s (drinking water and waste) water sector. The main explanatory issues at stake relate to why the implementation trajectory changed over time (i.e., a period of obstructed implementation was followed by one of accelerated execution of the policy reform content) and across space (i.e., implementation progressed faster in Alto Valdarno in Tuscany than elsewhere in the country). The analysis of the case is conducted by following two alternative theoretical approaches in turn, namely institutional rational choice and institutional processualism. Answers to these questions provide some evidence for qualifying existing generalised arguments about the policy. process of implementing regulatory reforms and for assessing the relative strengths and weaknesses of alternative theoretical perspectives.

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Cavaliere, Patrick Anthony. "Crime and punishment in Fascist Italy : a constitutional analysis of political criminal justice from the liberal state to the drafting of the Rocco Code." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.260008.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM IN ITALY'

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