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Levaillant, Jacqueline. "La Nouvelle Revue Française et le theâtre (1909-1925) : constitution d'une esthétique." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040175.
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Dans ce qu'il est d'usage de considérer comme les deux premières périodes de la Nouvelle Revue Française, de 1909 à 1925, nous nous proposons de dégager une esthétique théâtrale, manifestée principalement dans les écrits de ses six fondateurs, André Gide, avec autour de lui Michel Arnauld, Jacques Copeau, Henri Gheon, André Ruyters, Jean Schlumberger, ainsi que de leurs plus intimes collaborateurs, par ordre d'apparition, Jacques Rivière, Gaston Gallimard et Roger Martin du Gard. Notre corpus de base est constitué de tous les articles, chroniques et notes de la revue se rapportant au théâtre. Nous l'avons élargi à des écrits extérieurs, publics ou privés, particulièrement significatifs à nos yeux : ouvrages théoriques, conférences, articles parus dans d'autres périodiques, correspondances et journaux intimes. Les textes sur lesquels s'appuie notre recherche traduisent une orientation commune : une esthétique théâtrale qui est l'expression particulière des conceptions littéraires et artistiques de la revue. On y retrouve notamment le refus du romantisme, du symbolisme, du réalisme, et le souci tout classique du dépouillement et de la construction. S'y ajoute la volonté de restituer dans les interprétations l'esprit et la beauté des oeuvres du passé, et de rénover totalement un théâtre en pleine crise. C'est dans cette perspective qu'est abordée l'expérience du Vieux-Colombier, dont la création en 1913 s'inscrit dans la filiation directe de la revue. Nous examinons tout d'abord les conditions et les perspectives du combat que les hommes de la N. R. F. Ont mené pour le théâtre. Puis nous évoquons les "grands modèles" qui les ont inspirés. Nous dégageons alors l'esthétique théâtrale qui leur est propre, en l'envisageant successivement sous l'angle du texte et sous celui de la représentation. Nous voyons enfin leur contribution au renouvellement du théâtre dans ses formes et dans son rapport au publicFrom the years 1909 to 1925, commonly described as the two initial periods of la Nouvelle Revue Française we intend to draw a theatrical aesthetics such as is displayed in the writings of the six founders of the review, André Gide and, around him, Michel Arnauld, Jacques Copeau, Henri Gheon, Andre Ruyters, Jean Schlumberger, as well as of their closest collaborators, Jacques Rivière, Gaston Gallimard and Roger Martin du Gard (in order of appearance). Our primary corpus consisting of all the papers, chronicles and notes concerning theatre issued by the revue was extended to private and public writings which, although not published in the review, seemed particularly significant : theoretical works, lectures, papers from other periodicals, letters and diaries. All the texts relevant to our enquiry bear witness to a common turning towards a theatrical aesthetics which features in a particular way the literary and artistic conceptions of the revue : a rejection of romanticism, symbolism and realism as well as a distinctively classical concern for plainness and construction. To these they add a will to make interpretations render the spirit and beauty of works from the past and to renew completely the theatre, then deep in a crisis. From this standpoint we consider the Vieux Colombier experiment which, begun in 1913, is a direct offspring of the revue. We first ascertain the conditions and perspectives of the struggle the people from the N. R. F. Waged for theatre. We then turn to the "great models" who inspired these men. From this material their own particular theatrical aesthetics can then be drawn and studied successively from the standpoints of the texts and of the productions. We finally consider their contribution to a renewal of theatre, both in its forms and in its relation to the audience
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Muller, Melissa. "Reunification and Reconstruction as Constitutional Moments: Constitutional Identity in Germany and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1859.
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This thesis employs the lens of constitutional identity to engage in a comparative analysis of Germany during reunification and the United States during Reconstruction. I argue that these developments should be considered constitutional moments that fundamentally shifted the ways each country conceptualized citizenship, economic liberties, and federalism. Moreover, the similarities between these shifts highlight an overarching logic to constitutional design by showing why realizing these re-conceptualizations required substantive changes to constitutional mechanisms and delegation of powers. Ultimately my thesis emphasizes the analytical power of constitutional identity and critiques a variety of perspectives on Reconstruction, including those found in the majority opinions in the Slaughterhouse Cases and Civil Rights Cases.
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Howell, John. "Burke, the Benthamites, Bagehot and the unwritten constitution, 1776-1867 /." Title page, synopsis and table of contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh8589.pdf.
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Trudden, Sallie Raye. "The Power Behind the Constitution: The Supreme Court." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1864.
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The framers of the Constitution designed a document to be the "Supreme Law of the Land" and within its pages a branch of government, a federal judiciary, never before envisioned. The Constitution, along with the Federal Judiciary Act of 1789, set the framework for building the strongest branch of government, the Supreme Court. Historical events and court decisions with few exceptions strengthened the power of the judiciary contributing to its authority. The Supreme Court Justices, by interpreting the Constitution and judging the legality of laws instituted by both state and federal legislatures, solidified its superior position in the government hierarchy. An examination of documents, case decisions, and the results of these decisions for the nation add credence to the assertion that of the three branches of government the strongest and most powerful was and is the Supreme Court.
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Clark-Wiltz, Meredith. "Revising Constitutions: Race and Sex Discrimination in Jury Service, 1868-1979." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305652946.
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Bentley, Colene. "Constituting political interest : community, citizenship, and the British novel, 1832-1867." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36875.
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This dissertation asserts a strong connection between democratic culture and the novel form in the period 1832--1867. As England debated constitutional reform and the extension of the franchise, novelists Charles Dickens, Elizabeth Gaskell, and George Eliot endeavoured to define human communities on democratic terms. Drawing on work of contemporary political philosopher John Rawls to develop a methodology that considers constitutions and novelistic representations as analogous contexts for reasoning about shared political values and citizenship, this study provides readings of Bleak House, North and South, and Felix Holt that emphasize each novel's contribution to the period's ongoing deliberations about pluralism, justice, and the meaning of membership in democratic life. When read alongside Bentham's work on legislative reform, Bleak House offers a parallel model of social interaction that weighs the values of diversity of thought, security from coercion, and the nature of harmful actions. Felix Holt and North and South are novelistic contributions to defining and contesting the attributes of the new liberal citizen. Through their central characters, as well as in their respective novelistic practices, Eliot and Gaskell highlight the difficulty of uniting autonomous individuals with collective social groups, and this was as much a problem for literary practice in the period as it was for constitutional reform.
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Sundin, Anders. "1809 : Statskuppen och regeringsformens tillkomst som tolkningsprocess." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7371.
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This dissertation analyses the coup d’état and the instrument of government of 1809 as an interpretative framing process. By close examination primarily of official sources it focuses on how political actors utilized the components of the existing political culture in order to legitimise their actions. The results show that the regime transition of 1809 was a contingent process. Actors competed to define concepts such as “citizen”, “patriotism” and “public opinion” in order to legitimise different political claims. This process served to strengthen the role played by the concept of public opinion as a source of authority in the language of politics. The dissertation also addresses how the regime transition of 1809 relates to the historical epoch known as the Age of Revolution. Experiences from the French Revolution in particular were crucial to the debate on the prospects for constitutional change in Sweden. The study shows that the constitutional committee took a reformist stance based on the concepts of civic virtue and enlightenment, thereby rejecting demands for an enhanced national representation. Instead they argued for gradual constitutional change and believed that the constitution should serve as an instrument to educate the public in the virtues of citizenship. Grounded in the so-called "cultural turn" taken by studies of politics in recent decades, the analysis has borrowed from studies of social movements the concepts of interpretative framing. In analyzing differences and oppositions between various interpretative frames, concepts from discourse analysis has been used, particularly those that emphasize discourse contingency. Extra-discursive conditions in the process of interpretation have been analyzed by means of the concept of possibility structures. This has chiefly involved taking into consideration the degree of repression and actors' differing access to what Bourdieu has termed "institutional authority".
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Le, Floch Etienne. "Les projets de constitution de Vichy (1940-1944)." Paris 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA020066.
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Le mandat de promulguer une nouvelle constitution a été confié par l'Assemblée nationale au gouvernement de la République placé sous l'autorité du maréchal Pétain par la loi constitutionnelle du 10 juillet 1940. Trois équipes d'auteurs différents ont été nécessaires pour mettre au point la nouvelle constitution, ce qui a abouti à la rédaction de nombreuses versions au contenu à la fois constant et évolutif. Poursuivant la réflexion menée par le mouvement pour la réforme de l'État dans les années 1930 et influencés notamment par le Portugal de Salazar, ces projets optent d'abord pour un État autoritaire et corporatiste puis, progressivement, sous l'effet de diverses influences intérieures et extérieures, pour un parlementarisme rationalisé. Ces projets comportent des Déclarations de droits et de devoirs d'inspiration personnaliste, ainsi qu'un système de contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. Ils mettent en place un chef de l'État fort face à un Parlement d'abord rabaissé, puis réhabilité dans ses fonctions traditionnelles. Le régime construit par ces projets s'appuie en outre sur l'Empire colonial, et sur des provinces, à la tête desquelles sont placés des gouverneurs. Cette étude contribue à replacer ces projets de constitution, longtemps ignorés par la doctrine, dans l'histoire et la pensée constitutionnelles françaises, en soulignant la continuité de cette dernière.
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Morgan, Frédéric. "Prendre la constitution au sérieux : leo Strauss et ses disciples interprètes du régime américain." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040061.
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La philosophie politique de Leo Strauss a inspiré aux États-Unis des disciples bien au-delà des départements de philosophie. En créant une communauté de conversation, les « straussiens » ont insufflé à l’étude et à l’activité politique un style de pensée irréductible aux sensibilités libérale et conservatrice contemporaines, bien qu'ils aient principalement choisi de dialoguer avec le conservatisme politique naissant. Le conservatisme lincolnien qu’ils ont adopté en est une version modérée par le rationalisme du premier constitutionalisme américain et trouve son origine dans la réhabilitation polémique de la science politique aristotélicienne. En effet, cette science politique les a conduit à interpréter le constitutionalisme à la lumière des principes des pères fondateurs de la République américaineThe Political Philosophy of Leo Strauss has a far wider sphere of influence in America than the departments of Philosophy. By creating their own community of conversation, the “straussians” inflected to study and political activity a style of thought beyond contemporary liberalism and conservatism, even if Straussians mainly chose to converse with new born political conservatism. The lincolnian conservatism they embraced is one moderated by the rationalism of the first American constitutionalism, and has foundings in the reenforcement of the aristotelician political science. This Political Science led them to read the constitutionalism thanks to the principles of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic
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Sausse, Julien. "Ecrire la Constitution républicaine au XIXe siècle : la Constitution de 1848 et les Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1038.
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Loin d’être une œuvre de pure théorie, l’écriture d’une Constitution républicaine au XIXe siècle exige de ses auteurs d’adapter leurs convictions idéologiques aux réalités politiques. L’étude des procès-verbaux de la commission de rédaction de la Constitution de la IIe République et des commissions des Trente chargées d’examiner les projets des Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875, révèle justement l’état des forces en présence au sein des Assemblées Constituantes de 1848 et de 1871. Tandis que l’historiographie a parfois laissé penser que la IIe République était un régime aux agencements institutionnels maladroits qui ont servi les ambitions personnelles de Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte et que les Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875 étaient une œuvre purement circonstancielle destinée à sortir d’un régime provisoire, la mise en perspective de ces deux normes suprêmes démontre un continuum des valeurs entre ces régimes. En effet, l’étude comparative des deux Constitutions républicaines du XIXe siècle souligne leurs traits de caractères communs. Ceci peut surprendre puisque la IIe République a souvent été comprise comme une œuvre rationnelle inspirée des premières expériences constitutionnelles françaises alors que le modèle proposé en 1875 est supposé se rattacher au régime orléaniste. Néanmoins cette impression peut être dépassée par la lecture minutieuse des manuscrits des commissions constitutionnelles et des débats constituants de 1848 et des années 1871-1875Far from being a purely theoretical work, writing a republican Constitution in the nineteenth century required its authors to adapt their ideological beliefs to political realities. The minutes of the writing committee for the Constitution of the second Republic, as well as the minutes of the Commissions des Trente, whose job it was to examine the various projects for the Constitutional Laws of 1875, allow us to identify the driving forces within the 1848 and 1875 Assemblées Constituantes. It has sometimes been suggested by historiography that the lack of institutional harmony under the second Republic served the personal ambitions of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte and that the Constitutional Laws of 1875 were conceived purely as incidental measures designed to escape a temporary regime. However, the confrontation of these two supreme norms clearly shows a continuity of regime values. Indeed, a comparative study of these two nineteenth century republican Constitutions underlines their common traits. This may appear surprising as the second Republic has often been portrayed as a rational work drawing inspiration from the first French constitutional experiences, whereas the 1875 model is supposed to be of Orléaniste obedience. However, close scrutiny of the constitutional commission manuscripts as well as that of constituent debates for 1848 and the years 1871-1875 easily allows us to overcome that impression
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Hardy, Jean-Sébastien. "Phénoménologie des kinesthèses et ontologie du geste : Constitutions originaires du monde et de la chair chez Husserl." Thesis, Paris 4, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA040099.
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Cette thèse se donne pour tâche d’expliciter et de déployer, à partir de l’œuvre de Husserl, les diverses conceptions phénoménologiques directrices du mouvement de la chair. En un premier temps, nous cherchons à préciser le contexte d’origine du concept de « kinesthèse », élaboré une première fois à l’été 1907 dans le cadre des leçons de Husserl sur la chose et l’espace. En un deuxième temps, il nous apparaîtra nécessaire d’élargir la signification technique et restreinte que possède le se-mouvoir dans la phénoménologie statique de la perception, afin de prendre en compte le mouvement en tant qu’action pratique du sujet dans divers horizons du monde. L’étude de certains textes qui relèvent de la phénoménologie génétique semble alors permettre de parler d’une co-constitution pratique entre la mobilité de la chair et la choséité, et ainsi de considérer à neuf l’hypothèse d’une historicité de la chair. Dans un troisième et dernier temps, il s’agira d’opérer une radicalisation de la compréhension du mouvement de la chair, afin de la ressaisir comme « geste », c’est-à-dire non plus simplement comme officiant des projets intentionnels de l’ego, mais bien comme origine et support des structures cardinales du monde. La lecture croisée de divers textes tardifs de Husserl et de Heidegger nous permettra de dégager une compréhension ontologique, et non plus strictement sensualiste ou pratique, de la mobilité charnelle. Au travers de ces études, le mouvement se révèle originairement impliqué dans les divers niveaux de la constitution de la mondanéité, mais aussi constitué en retourThis thesis sets itself the task of clarifying and deploying the various phenomenological conceptions of bodily movement within Husserl’s work. As a first step, we seek to shed light on the context which guided the formation of the concept of “kinesthesis” in the 1907 summer lectures on thing and space. As a second step, it will appear necessary to expand the narrow and technical meaning that this “moving-oneself” has in the static phenomenology of perception, in order to take into account the movement thought as a practical action throughout various horizons of the lifeworld. Some texts pertaining to Husserl’s genetic phenomenology seem to allow us to speak of a practical “co-constitution” between the mobility of the flesh and the handiness of the thing and, in doing so, to consider anew the hypothesis of a historicity of the flesh. As a third and final step, we will operate a radicalization of the understanding of bodily movement, in order to grasp it as a “gesture”, that is to say, not only as a mere implement of the intentional projects of the ego, but as the very origin and support of the cardinal structures of the world. The cross-reading of different later texts by Husserl and Heidegger seems to support the project of setting forth an ontological understanding of mobility that is no longer in any way sensualistic or pragmatic. Through these meanings, bodily movement reveals itself as being originally involved in the various constitutive levels of worldliness
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Coutant, Arnaud. "La Constitution de 1848 et le peuple : le regard tocquevillien." Reims, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004REIMD005.
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Cette thèse visait à démontrer que la Constitution de 1848 a été influencée dans sa théorie et dans sa pratique par la prise en compte puis la participation d'un corps électoral opposé au régime qu'elle instituait. Pour ce faire, les travaux comme le témoignage et les jugements d'Alexis de Tocqueville ont été utilisés dans un but : mettre en exergue par comparaison et analyse systématique le rapport au peuple en tant que corps électoral que ce régime français établissait. Imposée par des révolutionnaires socialistes minoritaires, la République n'a été acceptée par l'électorat que pour limiter ceux-ci. Poursuivant initialement le même dessein, les constituants républicains ont pris conscience de l'anti-républicanisme des électeurs censés soutenir le régime. Pour autant, ils n'ont pu se résoudre à modifier leur Constitution. Les limites qu'ils ont intégrées sont demeurées dans le cadre de la conception formelle de la souveraineté, impuissantes face aux conséquences néfastes des votes opposants. L'évolution de la Constitution a alors conduit à sa remise en cause matérielle et institutionnelle. La souveraineté du peuple a ainsi paradoxalement été consacrée par les actions de l'électorat contre le régimeThis thesis aimed at demonstrate that the Constitution of 1848 has been influenced in its theory and in its application by the participation of an electorate who was opposed to the regime which the text created. To prove this, the Works like the testimony and the judgements of Alexis of Tocqueville has been utilized in an aim : to emphasize by simile and systematic analysis the approach of people as electorate that this regime established. Imposed by socialist and minority revolutionaries, the Republic has been accepted by electorate just to limit them. Pursuing initially the same aim, the Republican members of Constituent Assembly have discovered the anti-republicanism of the citizens who must support the regime. Nevertheless, they couldn't agree to modify their Constitution. The bounds which they integrated remained in the formal conception of sovereignty, revealing their incapacity to avoid the disastrous consequences of opposed votes. The evolution of the Constitution resulted in its material and institutional demolition. In this point of view, the proclaimed sovereignty of people resulted in acceptation of anti-republican electorate, against the regime
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Gouvea, Heitor B. "An Iridescent Dream: Money, Politics, and the American Republic, 1865-1976." Thesis, Boston College, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2218.
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Thesis advisor: R. Shep MelnickThe United States now has an extensive, publicly controlled, and bureaucratic system of election regulation. Until roughly a century ago, however, elections were viewed as private party contests subject to minimal state regulation. We examine how this changed, considering in particular the role played by the courts, given that for much of the nineteenth century they viewed the parties as private, constitutionally protected associations. We consider how and why the libertarian argument concerning free speech came to prominence in the campaign debate, and find that at first neither the reformers nor the courts at any level viewed this as a fundamental obstacle to--or even an issue to be considered in--the regulation of money in politics. This shift from a private to a public electoral system had a significant impact on American democracy that has not often been examined. To understand these changes, we examine the arguments put forth by advocates of cam-paign finance reform from the nineteenth to the latter part of the twentieth centuries. We focus on how the proponents justified these laws and how state and federal courts responded to these arguments, paying particular attention to court rulings on the constitutionality of these unprecedented statutes in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and to the evolution of their jurisprudence in this regard during the twentieth century
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2009
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science
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Charrieras, Damien. "Trajectoires, circulation, assemblages : des modes hétérogènes de la constitution de la pratique en arts numériques à Montréal." Thèse, Paris 3, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/4293.
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Cette thèse se penche sur les parcours et les pratiques d'artistes numériques naviguant au sein des secteurs multimédias de Montréal. L'étude des parcours de onze artistes numériques montréalais nous a permis de constater que leurs pratiques de production en arts numériques ne sont pas réductibles aux logiques de production propres à un seul lieu, que ce soit une entreprise privée, un centre d'art numérique ou encore l'université.
La question du maintien de ces pratiques amène à prêter attention aux pluralités des éléments qui informent leurs (re)constitutions perpétuelles, ce qui appelle de nouveaux modes de théorisation des parcours d'artistes numériques et de leurs pratiques. Nous proposons une nouvelle manière de penser ces parcours - en tant que trajectoires - pour mettre en valeur la pluralité des modes d'articulation de ces pratiques. Elles sont ainsi considérées du point de vue de leurs médiations coconstitutives avec différents éléments. Nous avons isolé trois ensembles d'éléments pour rendre compte du maintien des pratiques en arts numériques et au travers desquels ces dernières déploient leurs multiples effectivités. Le premier ensemble recouvre les technologies intervenant dans la pratique en arts numériques. Le deuxième ensemble a trait au milieu des arts numériques et aux modes de l'organisé afférents. Enfin, le troisième ensemble traite du rapport entre les mondes de l'entreprise et la pratique en arts numériques. Ces trois ensembles d'éléments participent de diverses manières à la constitution, au maintien et à la singularisation de pratiques en arts numériques qui déploient leurs effectivités largement au-delà d'un espace social circonscrit ou spécialisé.This thesis examines the paths and practices of digital artists navigating within the multimedia sectors of Montreal. Through the study of the paths of eleven digital artists based in Montreal we found that production practices in digital arts cannot be reduced to the logic of production specific to a single place, whether a private company, a digital arts center or a university. The issue of maintaining these practices leads one to pay attention to the plurality of elements that inform their perpetual (re)constitutions. This requires new ways of theorizing digital artists' paths and practices. We propose a new way of conceptualizing these paths - as trajectories - to highlight the plurality of ways the digital art practices are articulated. They are thus considered in terms of their co-constitutive mediations with different elements. We have identified three sets of elements to account for the maintenance of the practices in digital arts and through which these unfold their multiple effectivities. The first set covers the technologies involved in digital art practices. The second set relates to the digital arts community and the organizational modes characteristic of those locales. Finally, the third set deals with the relationship between the worlds of business and practices in digital arts. These three sets of elements contribute in various ways to the establishment, maintenance and singularity of digital arts practices that deploy their effectivities far beyond a circumscribed or specialized social space.
Réalisée en cotutelle avec l'université Sorbonne Nouvelle - Paris 3
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Schmidt, Christian Hermann. "Vorrang der Verfassung und konstitutionelle Monarchie eine dogmengeschichtliche Untersuchung zum Problem der Normenhierarchie in den deutschen Staatsordnungen im frühen und mittleren 19. Jahrhundert (1818-1866) /." Berlin : Duncker & Humblot, 2000. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/45716296.html.
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Almeida, Pilar de. "A aprendizagem criativa em contextos não-formais : caracterização e processos subjetivos constitutivos." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.26512/2015.04.D.18629.
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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, 2015.Abordamos, nesta pesquisa, o tema da aprendizagem criativa em contextos de educação não-formal, motivados por questões iniciais tais como: qual o papel de espaços sociais na aprendizagem? Como uma pessoa aprende criativamente em contextos menos estruturados do aprender? Como o aprendizado criativo no contexto não-formal, é “retomado” em outros contextos de vida? Assumimos a educação não-formal, como aquela que ocorre em qualquer atividade educativa organizada fora do sistema formal, em contraposição àquela que ocorre nos contextos formal e informal. Ressaltamos características comumente associadas à educação não-formal, tais como a não obrigatoriedade, a ausência de rotinas de estudo e de instrução sistemática, o apelo ao lúdico, a ausência de métodos avaliativos, a liberdade e autonomia de escolha sobre o que aprender, entre outros. Para a pesquisa, partimos da hipótese interpretativa inicial de que características e processos subjetivos constitutivos da aprendizagem criativa em contextos não-formais guardam especificidades próprias destes contextos. Tínhamos, assim, como objetivo geral: compreender a configuração subjetiva da ação do aprender e formas de expressão da aprendizagem criativa em um contexto de educação não-formal. Adotamos, como arcabouço teórico central, os estudos de Mitjáns Martínez sobre a criatividade como processo da subjetividade humana, e a Teoria da Subjetividade, compreendida sob o enfoque Histórico-Cultural, conforme proposta por González Rey. Como caminho metodológico, com base na Epistemologia Qualitativa realizamos três estudos de caso com participantes de uma ação educativa não-formal, de divulgação científica. Para a construção das informações, utilizamos instrumentos como observação, análise documental, entrevistas, redação, completamento de frases, conversas informais, entre outros. A partir do processo construtivo interpretativo da pesquisa, subscrevemos formulações existentes sobre características e processos subjetivos constitutivos da aprendizagem criativa tais como a personalização da informação, a confrontação com o dado, a geração de ideias, o exercício da condição de sujeito, a aprendizagem que retroalimenta novas aprendizagens, entre outros. Nossas análises, no entanto, nos permitiram revisar a formulação sobre a personalização da informação ampliando-a para a personalização do próprio aprendizado. Permitiram-nos ainda duas novas contribuições: o estudo empírico da expressão singular da subjetividade social na subjetividade individual do aprendiz e a construção teórica sobre personalização da experiência da aprendizagem. Com base nessas elaborações, formulamos a tese de que características e processos subjetivos constitutivos da aprendizagem criativa em contextos não-formais possuem especificidades próprias desses contextos e são marcados pela ênfase na maior autonomia por parte do aprendiz nos processos de seleção do que se aprende e da forma como se aprende. Consideramos que os processos subjetivos constitutivos, por nós elaborados, integram a capacidade autônoma, do aprendiz, de converter a própria experiência em aprendizagem o que se torna um recurso subjetivo, em contextos menos estruturados, como os contextos não-formais.
In this research, we approach the theme of creative learning in non-formal education contexts. Part of our motivation were initial questions such as: what is the role of social spaces in learning? How does a person learn creatively in less structured learning contexts? How does the learnt in non formal contexts “emerge” in other contexts of life? We assume non formal education, the one which occurs in any organized educational activity outside the formal system, as opposed to one which occurs in formal and informal contexts. We stress characteristics commonly associated with non-formal education, such as the non-compulsory aspect, the absence of study routines and systematic instruction, the appeal to the ludic, the absence of evaluation methods, the freedom and autonomy of choice over what to learn, among others. We part from an initial interpretative hypothesis that characteristics and constitutive subjective processes of creative learning in informal contexts keep specificities of such contexts. Our general objective was to understand the subjective configuration of the action of learning as well as forms of expression of creative learning in a non-formal education context. Central to our study were the theoretical studies of Mitjáns Martínez on creativity as a process of human subjectivity, and the Theory of Subjectivity, taken from a Historic-Cultural perspective, as proposed by González Rey. As for the methodological approach, we considered the Qualitative Epistemology conducting three case studies with participants of a non-formal educational activity on science popularization. For the research’s information construction, we used research tools such as observation, document analysis, interviews, writing, completion of sentences, informal conversations, among others. As a result of our research interpretative constructions, we endorse existing formulations on the characteristics and constitutive subjective processes of creative learning, such as the personalization of information, the confrontation with the data, the generation of ideas, the subject condition, the learning that feeds back new learning, among others. Our analysis, however, allowed us to review the conceptualization of the personalization of information extending it to the personalization of the learnt. Our analysis also permitted us two new contributions: the empirical analysis of the singular expression of social subjectivity in the individual subjectivity of the learner, and the theoretical construction of personalization of the learning experience. Based on these elaborations, we formulated the thesis that characteristics and constitutive subjective processes of creative learning in non formal contexts have their own specificities and are marked by a greater emphasis on the autonomy of the learner in the selection processes of what to learn and how to learn. Such processes take into account the capacity of the learner to autonomously convert his/her experience to a learning experience. A capacity the becomes a relevant subjective resource in less structured learning settings, like non-formal contexts.
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Prouvost, Géry. "Thomas d'Aquin et les thomismes : essai sur la philosophie chrétienne et sa constitution." Paris 4, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994PA040069.
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Le présent travail s'assigne une triple tâche : donner un sens positif non heideggérien à l'ontothéologie comme figure unique du moment constitué par Thomas d'Aquin ; découvrir dans le mouvement d'une tradition de sept siècles la façon dont on passe de Thomas aux thomismes ; reprendre à nouveau frais la question de la philosophie chrétienne par le biais de l'herméneutique des traditions.
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Pivatto, Priscila Maddalozzo. "Idéias impressas: o direito e a história na doutrina constitucional brasileira na primeira república." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-08092011-102906/.
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Os livros publicados durante a primeira república que desenvolveram estudos com base nas novas configurações políticas e jurídicas introduzidas no país a partir da promulgação da constituição de 1891 podem ser considerados objetos de consumo que funcionaram como depositários da doutrina constitucional brasileira. Esses materiais procuraram dar continuidade e perenidade ao pensamento constitucional, esforçando-se no sentido de consolidar as criações e os debates constitucionais travados em embates discursivos provenientes das mais diferentes esferas. Os discursos construídos pelos autores são compreendidos dentro de um contexto amplo, no qual diferentes elementos e atores agiram como mediadores entre o texto do escritor e a recepção do leitor. Assim, os livros não são entendidos de forma idealizada como textos puros, mas como produtos finais cuja materialidade e realidade do mercado editorial determinaram também as formas de apresentação e de estruturação interna dos conteúdos abordados. A pesquisa analisa os livros de direito constitucional publicados durante a primeira república a partir desses dois pontos principais. Inicialmente trabalha informações relacionadas à materialidade dos textos, considerando aspectos sobre a produção e circulação desses livros, bem como elementos pré-textuais que trouxeram questões importantes para a sua compreensão. Na seqüência, enfoca os discursos produzidos pelos autores em torno de dois temas constitucionais específicos, o federalismo e o estado de sítio, e a forma como construíram seus textos e argumentos e os estruturaram e apresentaram aos leitores. Tanto nos aspectos relacionados ao mercado editorial do período quanto na análise dos discursos dos prefácios e na abordagem dos temas específicos do federalismo e do estado de sítio, foi possível perceber que no momento inicial da história republicana brasileira esses livros agiram construindo, consolidando e difundindo novos padrões, novos entendimentos e novas formas de concepção de mundo e de práticas de vida, ensinando e doutrinando os cidadãos de acordo com as estruturas republicanas. Considerando que o livro procura sistematizar, explicar, interpretar, divulgar e consolidar a constituição brasileira, numa formatação que incentiva o seu uso por uma gama ampla de leitores, o papel que exerce na sociedade é decisivo, já que repercute nas compreensões sociais e institucionais do país acerca do direito.The books published during the Brazilian first republic that developed studies based on the new political and legal settings introduced in the country after the promulgation of the constitution of 1891 can be considered as objects of consumption that acted as keepers of the Brazilian constitutional doctrine. These materials sought to provide continuity and sustainability to the constitutional thought, making efforts to consolidate the constitutional creations and debates caught in discursive struggles coming from varied spheres. The discourses constructed by the authors are included within a broad context in which different elements and actors have performed as mediators between the text of the writer and reader reception. Thus, the books are not understood so idealized as pure text, but as final products whose materiality and reality of the publishing industry have also determined the forms of presentation and internal structuring of the content addressed. The research examines the books of constitutional law published during the first republic from these two main points. Initially, working on information related to the materiality of texts, considering aspects of the production and circulation of these books, as well as pre-textual elements that have brought important issues to understanding. Subsequently, it focuses on the discourses made by the authors around two specific constitutional issues, the federalism and the state of siege, and how they built their texts and arguments and structured and presented to readers. In both aspects of the publishing industry of the period and in the discourse analysis of the prefaces and addressing specific issues of federalism and the state of siege, it was revealed that in the initial time of Brazilian republican history, these books acted by building, consolidating and disseminating new standards, new understandings and new ways of designing the world and the daily practice, teaching and indoctrinating citizens in accordance with the republican structures. Whereas the book is an attempt to explain, interpret, disseminate and consolidate the Brazilian constitution, in a format that encourages their use by a wide range of readers, the role it plays in society is crucial, as it reflects in the social and institutional understandings of the country about Law.
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Bosc, Yannick. "Le conflit des libertés : Thomas Paine et le débat sur la déclaration et la constitution de l'an III." Aix-Marseille 1, 2000. http://www.theses.fr/2000AIX10023.
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Notre etude analyse le debat sur la declaration et la constitution de l' ete 1795, a partir de la critique formulee par thomas paine dans son discours a la convention le 19 messidor an iii. Cette critique denonce un projet de constitution "retrograde des veritables principes de liberte". Nous decrivons le contenu et les justifications du projet de constitution presente par la commission des onze ainsi que le debat auquel il donne lieu a l'assemblee en les confrontant a la conception politique defendue par thomas paine. Les questions de la citoyennete, de la representation, du rapport entre etat de nature et etat social, entre droit materiel et droit personnel, de la relation a la terreur, sont les axes principaux de notre recherche qui tend a mettre en evidence le conflit politique du liberalisme egalitaire et du liberalisme economique au cours du moment thermidorien.
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Drummond, Nicholas W. "Montesquieu, Diversity, and the American Constitutional Debate." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2015. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc822814/.
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It has become something of a cliché for contemporary scholars to assert that Madison turned Montesquieu on his head and thereafter give little thought to the Frenchman’s theory that republics must remain limited in territorial size. Madison did indeed present a formidable challenge to Montesquieu’s theory, but I will demonstrate in this dissertation that the authors of the Federalist Papers arrived at the extended sphere by following a theoretical pathway already cemented by the French philosopher. I will also show that Madison’s “practical sphere” ultimately concedes to Montesquieu that excessive territorial size and high levels of heterogeneity will overwhelm the citizens of a republic and enable the few to oppress the many. The importance of this dissertation is its finding that the principal mechanism devised by the Federalists for dealing with factions—the enlargement of the sphere—was crafted specifically for the purpose of moderating interests, classes, and sects within an otherwise relatively homogeneous nation. Consequently, the diverse republic that is America today may be exposed to the existential threat anticipated by Montesquieu’s theory of size—the plutocratic oppression of society by an elite class that employs the strategy of divide et impera.
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Lobo, Carlos. "Le phénoménologue et ses exemples : étude sur le rôle de l'exemple dans la constitution de la méthode et l'ouverture du champ de la phénoménologie husserlienne." Paris, EHESS, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998EHES0023.
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Mello, Rafael Reis Pereira Bandeira de. "O Apostolado Positivista e o projeto da Ditadura Republicana no Brasil (1889-1891)." Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro, 2011. http://www.bdtd.uerj.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=3786.
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O objetivo da pesquisa foi buscar, por meio de um estudo aprofundado, informações relevantes da ação política do Apostolado Positivista do Brasil na transição entre a Monarquia e a República. O recorte temporal (1889-1891) remete o trabalho ao período do primeiro governo da república, chamado de governo provisório, que teve como Presidente, o Marechal Deodoro da Fonseca. O trabalho foi dividido em três capítulos: o primeiro ressalta o contexto do surgimento do pensamento positivista por intermédio da atuação de seu mentor Augusto Comte no debate intelectual da França. A partir disso, destacam-se aspectos que servem para esclarecer a cisão entre positivistas ortodoxos e heterodoxos e posteriormente, como as idéias positivistas se espalharam no contexto brasileiro. No mesmo capítulo, foi ressaltado ainda, o surgimento da Igreja Positivista do Brasil, as trajetórias de Miguel Lemos e Raimundo Teixeira Mendes até assumirem a direção e vice-direção do Apostolado. No segundo foi apresentada a ação política do Apostolado na tentativa de encaminhar o governo provisório para um regime político de ditadura definitiva. Tendo seu projeto político fracassado, o grupo passou a defender o cumprimento de artigos da constituição de 1891, que por diferentes motivos tivessem aspectos que se assemelhavam com a política tida pelo Apostolado como adequada. No terceiro foi mostrada a influência do positivismo em diferentes temas importantes no Brasil naquele momento, como, ensino, separação entre Estado e Igreja e movimento trabalhista. A persistência do lema positivista ordem e progresso na bandeira nacional até hoje, está entre os símbolos desta militância ortodoxa. Os membros do Apostolado Positivista não tiveram seu projeto de ditadura sacramentado apesar do forte influência da doutrina positivista no Brasil por dois aspectos, o primeiro por seguirem a recomendação de Comte de negar cargos políticos, o segundo pela doutrina positivista não ser orgânica a oligarquia cafeeira que iria nortear as bases de estruturação do país.The aim was to seek, through a thorough, relevant information of political action of Positivist Apostolate of Brazil in the transition between the Monarchy and the Republic. The time period (1889-1891) refers to the period the work of the first government of the republic, called provisional government, which had the President, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca. The work was divided into three chapters: the first emphasizes the context of the rise of positivist thinking through the actions of his mentor Auguste Comte in the intellectual debate in France. From this, we highlight aspects that serve to clarify the division between orthodox and heterodox positivists and later, as the positivist ideas spread in the Brazilian context. In the same chapter, it was also pointed out, the rise of the Positivist Church of Brazil, the trajectories of Miguel Lemos and Raimundo Teixeira Mendes to take direction and vice-director of the Apostolate. In the second was presented the political action of the Apostolate in an attempt to forward the interim government for a definitive political regime of dictatorship. Having failed his political project, the group began to advocate the implementation of articles of the constitution of 1891, which for different reasons had aspects that were similar to the policy taken by the apostolate as adequate. In third was shown the influence of positivism in different important topics at that time in Brazil, such as education, separation of church and state and the labor movement. The persistence of positivist motto "order and progress" in the national flag today, is among the symbols of Orthodox militancy. The members of the Positivist Apostolate had no your project Sacrament of dictatorship despite the strong influence of positivist doctrine in Brazil by two ways, first by following the recommendation of Comte to deny political office, the second by the positivist doctrine isn?t organic with a coffee oligarchy that would guide the base structure of the country.
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Cadogan, Bernard Francis. "Constituting the settler colony and reconstituting the indigene : the native administration and constitutionalism of Sir George Grey K.C.B. during his two New Zealand governorships (1845-1853, 1861-68) until the outbreak of the Waikato War in 1863." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2010. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:7040311f-6a6e-44d2-be47-b1d895380099.
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Sir George Grey (1812-1898) served as Governor of South Australia, of New Zealand twice, and of the Cape Colony. This thesis explains his policy for the first time for a history of the political ideas of colonization. Grey introduced the policy of racial amalgamation to settler colonies after the 1837 Report of the Select Committee into Aboriginal Affairs, that had advised the policy of segregation as had been North American policy under Sir William Johnson. This thesis demonstrates that Grey was a Liberal Anglican who had adopted neo-Harringtonian thought, and who introduced Jeffersonian native policy into British native policy. He practised the strategic theory of Antoine-Henri Jomini, applying it to native policy. Grey captured the monarchical constitution of the empire for what had been a settler policy of dissent to the segregation of indigenes that dated back to Tudor Ireland and early Viginia. Grey's distinctive intellectual practices were ethnograpical research and speculation, for which he enjoyed an international reputation, and the constitutional design of settler colonies, an activity he came to totally identify with. The thesis concentrates on his first New Zealand governorship (1845-53) and upon the resumption of his second New Zealand governorship (1861-68) because it was in that colony he first fully practised his native policy and participated in constitutional design, and into which he brought about a crisis of indigenous amalgamation on the eve of the Waikato War in 1863, having introduced full responsible government.
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PEQUENO, PIMENTEL JOSE. "L'emotivisme et la constitution affective du discours moral. Les limites de la meta-ethique et son influence dans le debat contemporain." Strasbourg 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996STR20065.
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Notre these s'articule autour des fondements, limites et repercussions de l'emotivisme. Au long de ses pages, nous envisageons de degager les elements qui nous permettront d'actualiser sa problematique majeure : ce que les emotions peuvent nous apprendre a propos de l'ethique. Il s'agit donc de trouver une connexion possible entre raison et emotion dans la structure de l'action morale. Notre travail s'ouvre par un chapitre sur les fondements de la philosophie analytique du langage moral, dans lequel nous essayons de delimiter les origines et les interets theoriques de la meta-ethique, a partir des vues de son precurseur : george moore. Ensuite, afin de parcourir les diatribes de la theorie emotiviste, nous tentons de demontrer le soubassement neopositiviste de sa conception de l'ethique en tenant compte des influences de son principal instigateur : ludwig wittgenstein. Notre examen de l'approche emotiviste est centre sur l'ouvrage "language. Truth and logic" d'alfred ayer et surtout "ethics and language" de charles stevenson. Ici, nous envisageons non seulement de mettre en relief les traits generaux d'une telle theorie, mais aussi souligner les incompletudes de cette approche ainsi que l'etroitesse de sa conception de l'emotion. En depit de ses lacunes, nous jugeons que l'emotivisme a eu le merite de reintroduire la discussion sur la fonction de l'affectivite en morale. Dans son ensemble nos propositions visent trois buts : a) reconstituer le parcours de l'emotivisme et les critiques qui lui sont adressees; b) demontrer, a partir de sa confrontation avec les approches natuuralistes (darwinisme social, evolutionnisme, sociobiologie) l'inconsistance de son programme de recherche : c) finalment que le rapport "pathos-logos" doit conquerir le droit de cite en ethique. C'est pourquoi nous cherchons a fonder notre these selon laquelle "si la morale sans emotions est vide; une morale en comportant que l'emotion est aveugle"This thesis is concerned with emotivism, its foundations, scope and consequences. It concentrates in those elements which will facilitate examination of the fondamental question : what can emotions teach us about ethics ? a potential' conection between reason and emotion in the structure of moral action wole be sought. The study begins with a chapter concerning the basis of the analytical philosophy of moral language, in which the origins and the theorical interests of meta-ethics from the theories of its precursor george moore will be discussed. Then, in order to explore the diatribes of the emotivism theory, a demonstration of the neopositivist basis of its conception of ethics, taking into account the influence of its main instigator ludwig wittgenstein, will be attempted. The study of the emotivist approach is centred, here, on the work "language, truth and logic" by alfred ayer and above "ethics and language" by charles stevenson. The general caracteristics of this theory will be examined : however, the limitations of this approach and the ratrowness of its conception of emotion will not be ignored. Despite its shortcomings, this theory has the merit of refocusing attention on the debate aboute the fonction of emotion in moral theory. This thesis as a whole has three aims : a) the reconstruction of the development of emotivism and critical reactions to it; b) the demonstration through its opposition to the naturalist approaches of ethics (social darwinism, evolutionnism, sociobiology) the flinsiness of its research methods; c) the conslusion that the relation pathos/logos" must restablish its rightful place in the philosophical debate
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Walters, Mark D. "The continuity of Aboriginal customs and government under British imperial constitutional law as applied in colonial Canada, 1760-1860." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1995. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b0c0d802-5a51-44d8-a916-aa4ce08de680.
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This thesis examines the British legal status of aboriginal customary laws and governments in colonial Canada between 1760 and 1860, with a view to contributing to the debate about their modern legal status under the Canadian constitution. By "colonial Canada" is meant the British colonies of Quebec (1763-1791), Upper and Lower Canada (1791-1841) and Canada (1841-1867). The central argument of the thesis is that there existed in colonial Canada two distinct systems of municipal law one system for settlers and one system (or set of systems) for natives both deriving legitimacy from an over-arching British imperial constitution. The settler system was established by imperial statute, while native systems were recognized by non-statutory principles of imperial law, or "imperial common law". It is argued that the common-law principle of continuityâaccording to which British courts presumed that the laws of peoples subjected to British sovereignty remained in force at common law until abrogated by prerogative or Parliamentary legislation formed the doctrinal foundation of aboriginal rights to customary law and government in colonial Canada. The objective of Part One of the thesis is to construct a theory of imperial law applicable to the unique constitutional history of colonial Canada. To this end, the principle of continuity is analysed both as it was developed in relation to England's early imperial experiences and as it was manifested in statutes and judicial opinions relating to native nations in British North American colonies of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Part Two of the thesis applies the general principles of imperial law developed in Part One to Canadian constitutional history. The various municipal legal regimes established under imperial statute for settlers are examined in light of the fact that the imperial ministry, which retained direct control over Indian policy in Canada until 1860, recognized the continuity of native customary law and government in both unceded and reserved Indian lands. It will be argued that this imperial recognition confirmed the common-law continuity of native law and government.
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Berlan, Aurélien. "La critique culturelle et la constitution de la sociologie allemande : Ferdinand Tönnies, Georg Simmel et Max Weber." Rennes 1, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008REN1PH02.
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Le « tournant du siècle » (1890-1914) est marqué en Allemagne par le développement de la « critique culturelle ». A côté de la « critique sociale » d’inspiration marxiste et en partie contre elle, la Kulturkritik s’inspire de Nietzsche pour mettre en doute le progrès en général et les bienfaits de la révolution industrielle en particulier. C’est dans le contexte de ce vaste débat sur les origines et les dangers du capitalisme moderne que les « pères fondateurs » de la sociologie allemande (Simmel et Weber, mais aussi Tönnies, Troeltsch et Sombart) ont voulu intervenir. Ce qui les caractérise est d’avoir cherché à dépasser l’opposition entre critique sociale et critique culturelle en fondant leur « diagnostic historique » sur une analyse des tendances structurelles qui définissent la civilisation industrielle. Comme cette problématique est reprise par la Théorie critique, on peut dire qu’elle est constitutive de la sociologie allemandeIn Germany, the turn of the century (1890-1914) was marked by the developement of a « cultural criticism ». Closely related to marxist « social criticism » and partly formed against the latter, this Kulturkritik, under Nietzsche’s influence, casted doubts over the idea of progress and particularly over the merits of the industrial revolution. The « fathers » of German sociology (such as Simmel and Weber, but also Tönnies, Troeltsch and Sombart) wished to play a part in this larger debate about the origins and threats of modern capitalism. Characteristic to their approach was an attempt to go beyond the traditional opposition between social criticism and cultural criticism. They did so by rooting their « historical diagnosis » in an analysis of the structural tendencies which define industrial civilization. As the Critical Theory used this very approach, we might say it is inherent to German sociology
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Chaves, Adelson Belchior. "Poverty, Inaquality of Income, Constitutional FNE and Transferences: An Analysis For the Brazilian Northeast." Universidade Federal do CearÃ, 2007. http://www.teses.ufc.br/tde_busca/arquivo.php?codArquivo=1849.
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nÃo hÃEsta dissertaÃÃo objetiva analisar a relaÃÃo existente entre Pobreza, Desigualdade de Renda, Fundo Constitucional de Financiamento do Nordeste - FNE, as trÃs principais TransferÃncias Constitucionais (FPE, FPM e FUNDEF), a EducaÃÃo (indicada pela MÃdia de Anos de Estudo de Pessoas com 25 anos ou Mais de Idade) e a renda per capita mÃdia domiciliar atravÃs da obtenÃÃo das elasticidades dessas variÃveis em relaÃÃo à pobreza averiguada no Nordeste Brasileiro no perÃodo pÃs - Plano Real. Para esta finalidade, foram desenvolvidos dois modelos economÃtricos do tipo log-log com base na metodologia de dados em painel, sendo um para a variÃvel dependente indigÃncia (pobreza extrema) e outro para a variÃvel pobreza. Os resultados revelam que apenas o primeiro modelo mostra-se estatisticamente significante para todas as variÃveis. Para a sÃrie histÃrica analisada (1994 â 2005), verificou-se que os sinais observados sÃo os esperados, um aumento da renda, das transferÃncias, da MÃdia de Anos de Estudo e do FNE contribui para reduzir a pobreza na RegiÃo Nordeste. Por sua vez, a concentraÃÃo de renda contribui para aumentar o nÃmero de indivÃduos com renda abaixo da linha de pobreza adotada.
This dissertation aims at analyzing the existent relationship among Poverty, Income Inequality, Fundo Constitutional de Financiamento do Nordeste â FNE (a kind of regional development source), the three main constitutional transferences (FPE, FPM and FUNDEF), Education (indicated by the Average Years of Study from People who are 25 or older), and the average income per capita through the elasticity obtained from those variables in relation to the poverty verified in the BrazilianÂs Northeast post - Plano real (an economical plan). For this purpose, there have been developed two log-log econometric models, based on a panel data methodology, whereas one shows the indigence (extreme poverty) dependent variable and the other shows the poverty variable. The results reveal that only the first model has been shown statistically significant for all variables. As for the analyzed historical series (1994 - 2005), it has been found out that the observed signs are the ones expected: a raise of incomes, transferences, average years of study and of FNE contribute to reduce the poverty in the Northeast Region. On the other hand, an income concentration contributes to raise the number of people with revenues under the adopted poverty line.
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Björk, Martin. "Kampen om den svenska utrikespolitiken : Hur den svenska utrikespolitiken definieras och fastställs mellan åren 1867–1905 till följd av den rådande politiska maktdelningen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294429.
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Abstract The struggle for Swedish foreign policy – How Swedish foreign policy was defined and established between the years 1867–1905 as a result of prevailing political power-sharing AIMS – The aim of this master thesis is to problematize how the Swedish foreign policy was defined politically in the context of the existing constitutional power-sharing model between the bicameral parliament and the ruling monarch. The period 1867–1905 is considered an earlier phase in the political process towards modern parliamentarianism in Sweden. DESIGN – An overall theoretical perspective of a correlation between domestic- and foreign policy is applied, and complemented with a theoretical position of which actor has the priority to define Swedish foreign policy. The thesis uses a methodology of extensive argumentation analysis, with a thematic division between the internal political arena on one side, and on the other side the parliamentary arena. The first arena is analyzed by combining political programs with the monarchs’ autobiographies and memoir. The second arena uses parliamentary debate protocols, parliamentary bills. In this way the thesis generates a selection and a greater understanding of various political issues which is of concern to the actual foreign policy definition in the annual official political throne speeches of the Swedish monarch. RESULTS – A variety of political issues are regarded as of foreign political importance within the internal political arena and is distinguished by a degree of correlations with ideological, ideal and political domestic issues. Such issues are then reflected in the parliamentary arena, through debates in both first and second chambers. The range of issues addressed is not only of constitutional importance, regarding the monarch’s executive power over the different foreign policy areas, but also concerning which political approach should be applied to define the main principle of Swedish foreign policy. Together, the parliamentary debates reveals which arguments influence the definition of foreign policy and which actors who claim the priority to define Swedish foreign policy – all within the existing frame of the power-sharing system. CONCLUSIONS – The thesis concludes that the actors of various parliamentary committees, and especially the constitutional committee, not only had the crucial argument which determined the outcome of the numerous parliamentary debates. Same actors also had the priority to define the main arguments on which the foundations of the monarch’s foreign policy political guidelines where dictated.
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Ridenour, Kathryn. "Corruption, Coordination, and Corporate Cash: Re-examining Citizens United in the Era of Super PACs and Dark Money." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1864.
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This work argues that the Supreme Court incorrectly decided the case of Citizens United v. FEC (2010). Beginning with an analysis of past campaign finance law and jurisprudence, this paper then outlines the fact of the case in Citizens United and assesses each of the principle claims made by the majority and dissenting opinions. The analysis then pivots to a practical examination of the immediate legal and regulatory consequences of the decision, namely detailing the advent of super PACs. Furthermore, this paper evaluates the magnitude of super PAC and related dark money spending in the years following the decision and speculates about its impact on elections and shifting public opinion. Drawing from the historical precedent and empiric spending reality, this paper formally reargues the Citizens United case, striking down the five identified premises in the majority opinion’s ruling. These premises are as follows: money is speech, corporations are entitled to the same rights as natural persons, the governmental anticorruption interest is limited to only quid pro quo exchanges, the antidistortion rationale is unconstitutional, and disclosure requirements provide sufficient information to ensure transparency. This inquiry concludes that unlimited corporate independent expenditures have a distortionary impact on the electoral system, presenting a unique corruption threat. As such, Citizens United should be formally overturned.
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Jagot, Hélène. "La peinture néo-grecque (1847-1874) : réflexions sur la constitution d’une catégorie stylistique." Thesis, Paris 10, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA100017/document.
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Au Salon de 1847, Théophile Gautier s’enthousiasme pour l’œuvre d’un tout jeune artiste, Jeunes Grecs faisant battre des coqs par Jean-Léon Gérôme, élève de Delaroche et Gleyre. Scène de genre « à l’antique », l’œuvre se distingue par son charme, sa grâce et sa fraîcheur, loin de la peinture froide et compassée des suiveurs de la tradition davidienne. L’œuvre est aussi le point de départ de la notoriété publique d’un petit groupe de peintres appelés « néo-grecs » – Jean-Louis Hamon, Henri-Pierre Picou, Gustave-Rodolphe Boulanger, Félix Jobbé-Duval, Auguste Toulmouche, Alphonse Isambert et Louis-Frédéric Schützenberger – tous nés autour de 1825, élèves de Paul Delaroche et Charles Gleyre et installés en phalanstère d’artistes de 1846 à 1863, au Chalet, puis à la Boîte à Thé. Dès 1848 et jusqu’aux années 1860, les critiques rendent compte au fil des Salons des évolutions artistiques de ces artistes. La réception critique importance de ces artistes regroupés au sein d’une « école néo-grecque » est symptomatique de l’influence grandissante de la critique sur la constitution des écoles artistiques et sur l’évolution de la carrière des artistes. Leur esthétique va susciter des débats sur le renouvellement de la peinture à l’antique, par l’introduction des notions de pittoresque et de couleur locale, héritées du romantisme, qui vont devenir les caractéristiques du genre historique comme déclinaison légère et sensible de l’ancienne peinture d’histoire. Les premières œuvres néo-grecques vont emporter l’adhésion des critiques inquiets des derniers développements de l’école française, qui voient dans cette nouvelle peinture matière à contrecarrer le réalisme, en apportant au public un art facile d’accès, moralisant les codes de la scène de genre par le recours à l’Antique et à un classicisme formel gracieux. Pourtant, sous une facture classicisante, leur peinture, délibérément antiacadémique, déstabilise rapidement les critiques qui s’interrogent sur les buts artistiques de ces artistes. A ce groupe originel, les critiques associent rapidement d’autres artistes, issus d’horizons très variés, qui adoptent momentanément les codes de l’esthétique néo-grecque, brouillant encore davantage les différences entre peinture d’histoire et genre historique, et entérinant le changement de conception idéologique du modèle antique dans la peinture, qui sera revendiqué par la génération d’artistes des années 1870-1890At the Salon of 1847, Théophile Gautier is enthusiast about the work of art of a young artist, The Cock Fight by Jean-Léon Gérôme, a pupil of Delaroche and Gleyre. This piece of art, an "Antique" genre scene, is a work of elegance, grace and freshness, very different from the cold and formal painting of the Davidian tradition's followers. This artwork is also the starting point of the on coming fame of a small group of painters called "The neo-Greeks" - Jean-Louis Hamon, Henri-Pierre Picou, Gustave-Rodolphe Boulanger, Felix Jobbé-Duval, Auguste Toulmouche, Isambert and Alphonse Louis-Frédéric Schützenberger - all born around 1825. From 1846 to 1863, as students of Paul Delaroche and Charles Gleyre, they all set themselves in a community of artists at the Chalet and the Boite à Thé which one calls a “phalanstère ».From 1848 until the 1860s, all along the Salons, most critics write about the artistic evolutions of these people. The many articles written about the neo-Greeks’works at that time reveales the growing influence of art-critics in the making of artistic schools and the evolution of artists's careers. Their aesthetic will provoke an argument about the renewal of antique theme painting as they introduce the concepts of local color and picturesque, coming from Romanticism, which will become the characteristics of the historical genre as a slight and sensitive declination of the ancient painting of history. The first neo-Greek paintings will gain the support of critics, eager about the latest developments of the French scene. They see in this new stream a way to counteract Realism by giving the public an easy access to art and moralizing the codes of the genre scene by using a formal and graceful classicism with Antique themes. However, though a classical form, their deliberately anti-academic painting soon make the critics wonder about the artistic goals of these artists.In addition to the original group, the critics will soon associate other artists, from very different backgrounds who temporarily adopt the Neo Greek aesthetics's codes, blurring even more the differences between the painting of history and the historical genre. This will also confirm the new ideological conception of Antique model in art, that the painters from the following generation of the 1870’s will claim themselves
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Allen, Leslye. "For Union and Slavery, For Slavery and Union: Know-Nothings in Georgia 1854-1860." restricted, 2006. http://etd.gsu.edu/theses/available/etd-07122006-150447/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006.Title from title screen. Wendy Hamand Venet, committee chair; Glenn T. Eskew, committee member. Electronic text (155 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 25, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 140-147).
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Arruda, Pedro Gustavo Fernandes Fassoni. "O imperialismo e a dominação burguesa na primeira república brasileira (1889-1930)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2007. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2729.
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Previous issue date: 2007-12-17At the end of XIX century and beginning of XX century, important transformations had occurred in the economy, in society and in Brazilian politics. The agromercantile economy, focused on the export of primary products, had in coffee its main source of foreign exchange. The development of coffee economy, that was constituted as axle of the capitalist accumulation of the period, also demanded the improvement of the transport systems and the infrastructure of services and communications, placing the problem of the concentration and the centralization of capitals. Estimating a certain international division of the work, the imperialism penetrated in Brazil and abroached the most dynamic sectors, exporting capitals and goods and contributing, to a certain extent, for the development of the local industry. Internally, it was verified the political hegemony of coffee bourgeoisie, when farmers constituted the partner-minors of the financial oligarchy and of the high commercial bourgeoisie. The legal political system was adjusted to the modus operandi of the agroexport economy, in which the development of the productive forces was quite unsatisfactory. Despite the bourgeois institucional frame (representative government, separation of powers, economic freedom, guarantee of the private property, free work etc.), there was a weak development of the capitalism in terms of production. The excludent liberalism of the First Republic, that had excluded most of the population of the political partcipation in strict sense, it was a consequence of an extremely closed system, that practically prevented any alteration in the balance of power within the established rules, formally or tacitly. The ideology of a essentially agriculturist country was one of founded way to confer legitimacy to a politicaleconomic model which condemned the country to the delay and to the subordination front of the great imperialist powers
No final do século XIX e começo do século XX, importantes transformações ocorreram na economia, na sociedade e na política brasileiras. A economia agromercantil, voltada para a exportação de produtos primários, tinha no café a sua principal fonte de divisas. O desenvolvimento da economia cafeeira, que se constituiu como eixo da acumulação capitalista do período, exigia também o aparelhamento dos sistemas de transporte e da infraestrutura de serviços e comunicações, colocando o problema da concentração e da centralização dos capitais. Pressupondo uma certa divisão internacional do trabalho, o imperialismo penetrava no Brasil e açambarcava os setores mais dinâmicos, exportando capitais e mercadorias e contribuindo, até certo ponto, para o desenvolvimento da indústria local. Internamente, verificava-se a hegemonia política da burguesia cafeeira, sendo que os fazendeiros eram os sócios-menores da oligarquia financeira e da alta burguesia comercial. O sistema jurídico-político ajustava-se ao modus operandi da economia agroexportadora, em que o desenvolvimento das forças produtivas era bastante acanhado. Apesar da moldura institucional burguesa (governo representativo, separação de poderes, liberdade econômica, garantia da propriedade privada, trabalho livre etc.), havia um fraco desenvolvimento do capitalismo ao nível da produção. O liberalismo excludente da Primeira República, que alijava a maior parte da população do jogo político em sentido estrito, era uma consequência de um sistema extremamente fechado, que praticamente impedia qualquer alteração do equilíbrio de poder dentro das regras estabelecidas, formal ou tacitamente. A ideologia do país essencialmente agrícola era uma das fórmulas encontradas para conferir legitimidade a um modelo político-econômico que condenava o país ao atraso e à subordinação diante das grandes potências imperialistas
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Masselot, Nathanaël. "Temps et individuation : le sens du transcendantal dans la philosophie de Kant et de Husserl : métaphysique, ontologie, phénoménologie." Thesis, Lille 3, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL30024/document.
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La notion d’individu fait l’objet d’une intuition triviale. Notre expérience nous la livre si naturellement qu’elle semble constituer le socle élémentaire de toute ontologie naïve. Mais en philosophie, le problème de l’individuation ouvre un vaste champ de problèmes métaphysiques traités dans la postérité scolastique d’Aristote. Dénoncée et ré-élaborée dans l’ontologie fondamentale de Heidegger comme métaphysique du Dasein à la faveur d’une critique de Kant, prolongée et dépassée dans la phénoménologie de la donation, la métaphysique semblerait évacuée de la pensée moderne post-kantienne, a fortiori de la phénoménologie, si Husserl ne lui restituait pas un problème évincé par l’ensemble des phénoménologies du sujet : l’individuation. Faisant de l’individuation le problème de « la constitution de l’être individuel (donc “factuel”) en général et d’après ses formes fondamentales essentielles » accompagné de « la résolution de la problématique transcendantale la plus profonde », Husserl, en 1918, porte cet enjeu à son paroxysme. Rédigeant les Manuscrits de Bernau, il se livre à un projet ambitieux et doublement étonnant en ce qu’il sonne comme une résurgence métaphysique au cœur de sa phénoménologie et invite à une lecture phénoménologique de Kant alternative à celle de Heidegger. La première partie de cette étude s’emploie à faire apparaître le sens transcendantal du problème de l’individuation par rapport à l’approche métaphysique traditionnelle. Cette mise au jour invite à établir, deuxièmement, en quel sens il existe bien un problème d’individuation au cœur de la Critique de la raison pure, mobilisant la synthèse et l’imagination dans la constitution du phénomène kantien. Une troisième partie analyse la manière dont le temps se présente chez Kant et Husserl comme un opérateur transcendantal adapté à la résolution de ce problème. Elle s’efforce de présenter à la fois l’affinité de leur traitement et ce qui les distingue l’un de l’autre. Une quatrième et dernière partie montre de quelle manière le problème de l’individuation jette, chez Husserl, une lumière nouvelle sur l’eidétique et sur le concept de constitutionThe notion of the individual is the object of a trivial intuition. It is so naturally delivered by our experience that it seems to constitute the basic core of any kind of naïve ontology. But in philosophy, the problem of individuation opens up a wide range of metaphysical issues that have been tackled in the wake of Aristotle’s scholastic posterity. Denounced in Heidegger’s fundamental ontology and recast as the metaphysics of Dasein which is critical of Kant, then extended and exceeded within the phenomenology of givenness, Metaphysics would appear to have been abandoned by the modern post-kantian (especially phenomenological) legacy until Husserl came to restore an issue pushed aside by every kind of subjective phenomenology : namely, individuation. By making individuation the issue of “the constitution of the individual human being (thus “factual”) in general and according to its essential fundamental forms” along with “the resolution of the deepest transcendental problem”, Husserl, in 1918, made this central issue reach its height. While writing the Bernau Manuscripts, he undertook a project which is ambitious and remarkable for two reasons : first, because it appears to be a metaphysical resurgence within his phenomenology, and then second, because it engages a phenomenological reading of Kant, yet not Heidegger’s. The first part of this analysis aims at highlighting the transcendental meaning of the issue of individuation in comparison with the traditional metaphysical approach. Secondly, this invites us to see to what extent there is indeed an issue of individuation at the core of the Critique of Pure Reason, relying on synthesis and imagination in the constitution of the Kantian phenomenon. The third part accounts for time in Kant and Husserl as the transcendental operator fitted to the solving of this problem. It endeavours to analyse what makes them similar and what sets them apart. The fourth and last part reveals how the problem of individuation sheds a new light on eidetics and Husserl’s concept of constitution
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Fournier, Jean-Baptiste. "Du flux de vécus au monde objectif : le concept de constitution chez Edmund Husserl et Rudolf Carnap." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010532/document.
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Ce travail propose une réévaluation du schisme phénoménologico-analytique à la lumière des textes de Husserl et de Carnap qui en constituent l’un des fondements et qui cependant émergent d’un contexte philosophique et scientifique similaire. L’idée carnapienne de constitution comme « reconstruction rationnelle » et arbitraire du monde peut en effet paraître s’opposer terme à terme au «se-constituer» des choses que déploie la phénoménologie husserlienne, mais l’emploi par Carnap du vocabulaire de la constitution nous impose d’interroger le lien que l’entreprise de l’Aufbau entretient avec la constitution idéaliste transcendantale. La thèse de ce travail revient à affirmer que l’opposition Husserl/Carnap ne peut être interprétée dans les termes d’une opposition entre phénoménologie et analyse logique, ni non plus sur la base des concepts d’idéalisme transcendantal, de logicisme ou de phénoménalisme. Comprendre l’opposition entre les deux auteurs (et donc plus lointainement entre les deux mouvements dont ils endossent, au moins partiellement, la paternité) implique de se pencher sur les textes de jeunesse où l’un et l’autre élaborent leur concept respectif de constitution, en s’intéressant notamment au modèle logico-mathématique du formel dont ils héritent, et dont leur système de constitution présente le déploiement. Cette confrontation nous amène à définir la constitution comme l’élaboration d’un modèle continu de la discontinuité atteinte par la description phénoménologique pré-constitutive du monde – ce qui nous conduira à interroger la pertinence du modèle topologique pour la constitutionIn this PhD thesis, I attempt to reevaluate the opposition between analytical and phenomenological philosophy through the study of Husserl’s and Carnap’s systems of constitution. Carnap’s idea of constitution as a “rational” and arbitrary “reconstruction” of the world seems to be radically antithetical to Husserl’s descriptive account of the “self-constitution” of the things themselves. Yet, Carnap’s use of the language of constitution, as well as his attempt to translate it into the language of logistics, lead us to question the links between his own enterprise and Husserl’s transcendental idealist constitution. What I am trying to demonstrate in this work is that the opposition between Husserl and Carnap cannot be interpreted either in terms of “phenomenology” and “analytical philosophy” or in terms of transcendental idealism, logicism and phenomenalism. In order to understand the opposition between Husserl and Carnap (and therefore, between continental and analytical philosophy), it is necessary to ask how and why, in their very first works and articles, they both conceived philosophy as a system of constitution. This leads us to give an account of Husserl’s and Carnap’s logico-mathematical models of the formal dimension of experience, and to define constitution as the elaboration of a continuous model for the discontinuity of the world – this discontinuity being given by the phenomenological and pre-constitutive description of the world. Would this imply then that topology is a suitable model for the construction of the world ?
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Vieira, Marcela Carolina Schild. "Reflexos possíveis: o olhar de Winnicott e Lacan para constituição subjetiva." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47133/tde-09022011-104300/.
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As reflexões que compõem este estudo partem de inquietações geradas a partir da prática clínica com crianças, especialmente aquelas com distúrbios graves no desenvolvimento, como autismo e psicose. Seguindo as coordenadas oferecidas pela psicanálise, o analista tem a sua disposição uma extensa fundamentação teórica em torno do tema da constituição subjetiva, revelando múltiplos contornos conforme a filiação teórica-clínica adotada e impasses decorrentes da resistência em dialogar com perspectivas de compreensão distintas. A partir da discussão sobre os sentidos do processo de subjetivação para a psicanálise, esperamos demonstrar como é possível encontrar diferentes modelos de compreensão referentes ao que é o bebê, a relação primordial, o papel integrador do outro, a cultura e, por fim, o cuidado. Ao promover o diálogo entre múltiplas perspectivas, aponta-se para a necessidade de impulsionar a reflexão sobre o trabalho do analista, apostando que, por meio da interlocução entre Winnicott e Lacan, autores considerados tão distantes a um primeiro olhar, possam emergir giros teóricos significativos. Seguindo o percurso que ambos dedicaram ao tema da constituição subjetiva, apoiados na relação entre o bebê e o outro, vislumbra-se uma proposta de articulação entre a noção de dependência absoluta dos primeiros estágios da vida humana e a capacidade de o analista valorizar as diversas possibilidades de conceber a prática clínica. O espaço reflexivo promovido permitirá alcançar algumas conclusões, em especial, sobre uma concepção frente à prática psicanalítica orientada pela heterogeneidade e maleabilidade teórica. É preciso esclarecer que a proposta de dialogar não configura uma tentativa de converter uma teoria na outra, apoiada em comparações que visam localizar pressupostos comuns e eliminar as diferenças em função de uma pretensa harmonia. Por outro lado, não se trata também de exultar as diferenças a ponto de cunhar limites intransponíveis, o que só pode resultar em exposições reducionistas e estéreis. O desafio aqui enfrentado implica não ceder à tentação de simplificar o complexo, mas preservar a heterogeneidade produtiva tanto para uma teoria quanto para a outra, preservando um modelo de compreensão, a partir dos estágios precoces da subjetivação, suficientemente sensível às diferentes estratégias e demandas clínicas. Ao final do percurso, encontramos como ponto de convergência entre as teorias de Lacan e Winnicott a ênfase dada à função do outro no processo de constituição subjetiva e à resistência frente ao entendimento da psicanálise como uma prática de interiorização, o que se pode testemunhar pelo privilégio atribuído por ambos à situação de descentramento radical que inaugura a aventura subjetiva. Parece evidente, assim, que não se nasce sujeito, mas que uma subjetividade se instala pela garantia de algumas condições originárias e que, nesse encadeamento, transitamos incessantemente pela tênue linha entre aquilo que assegura que o sujeito possa advir, ou seja, sua possibilidade de subjetivação, até aquilo que passa a configurar o ponto de aprisionamento do ser ao desejo do outroThis study gathers some concerns borne from clinical practice with children, especially those with severe disturbances in development, such as autism and psychosis. Following the coordinates provided by psychoanalysis, the analyst works with an extensive theoretical framework around the theme of subjectivity, revealing multiple contours according with his clinical orientation, where the theoretical impasses usually arise from the resistance to dialogue with different perspectives of understanding the subject. Discussing the meanings of subjective constitution for psychoanalysis, we hope to demonstrate how you can find different models of understanding what the infant is, the primordial relation, the integrative role of the other, the culture and, finally, the concern. By promoting a dialogue among multiple perspectives, we expects to encourage reflection on the work of the analyst, betting that, through the dialogue between Winnicott and Lacan, authors whose are considered so far at first sight, a theoretical renewing could appear. Following the route that both devoted to the topic of subjective constitution, supported by the relationship between the baby and the other, the aim propose of this study is to articulate the notion of absolute dependence of early stages of human life and the ability of the analyst to deal with different possibilities to develop clinical practice. The reflections promoted some conclusions, especially on the perspective of a psychoanalytic practice guided by heterogeneity and plasticity theory. We must clarify that the proposed dialogue does not constitute an attempt to transform a theory into another one, based on comparisons that aim to find common understanding and to eliminate differences due to a false harmony. On the other hand, it is not also worried to establish a point of coining insurmountable limits by increasing the differences between them, which may result in exposures reductionist and sterile. The challenge faced here means not yielding to the temptation to simplify the complex, but to preserve the productive heterogeneity of both theory, preserving a model of understanding, from the early stages of subjectivity, sufficiently sensitive to different strategies and clinical demands. At the end of the journey, we find a point of convergence between the theories of Lacan and Winnicott focus on the function of the other in the process of subjective constitution and the resistance against the understanding of psychoanalysis as a practice of internalization, which on both theories we can recognize the privilege of a radical decentralization on the relations. It seems clear, therefore, that subject does not comes with birth, it is installed under warranty of some original conditions, where we are constantly moving on the thin line between what ensures that the subject could arise to the point of imprisoning the subjective into other\'s desire
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Cotta, José Alberto Moreira. "Memórias de um desterro: corporeidade na clínica contemporânea." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/47/47133/tde-22072010-085320/.
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Neste estudo, farei uma narrativa de minhas investigações clínicas, cujo percurso clínico se iniciou na psicoterapia de base neo-reichiana e chegou à análise winnicottiana do self, com o objetivo de discutir os dispositivos clínicos necessários no trabalho com as subjetividades contemporâneas. Direi de que modo, inicialmente, a teoria e a técnica neo-reichianas eram eficazes para iluminar a clínica. Ressaltarei que, no entanto, com o decorrer do tempo, esta abordagem foi caducando frente a problemas clínicos contemporâneos. Abordarei elementos teóricos, clínicos e epistemológicos que sinalizam a caducidade da perspectiva neo-reichiana frente à clínica. Destacarei aspectos significativos da teoria e da técnica winnicottiana que passaram a iluminar a clínica, como sua concepção de homem, sua antropologia e epistemologia, a mudança paradigmática operada por esta teoria, ao dizer que o sujeito só se constitui na presença de um outro, a idéia do corpo possibilitado pelo cuidado materno, sua compreensão da patologia como quebra na continuidade da linha da existência (Winnicott, 1986, p. 22), provocada por um ambiente intrusivo e/ou abandonante, quebra esta que leva aos buracos no eu, àquilo que Safra (2004 e 2005) denomina de fraturas éticas, ao que intitulo (Cotta, 2003) de corpo sem dono, de uma alma sem corpo, e de um eu não-nascido (Cotta, 2006). Ilustrarei minhas hipóteses com a reprodução de vinhetas clínicasIn this work, I shall make a narrative of my clinical investigations, which trajectory started on the neo-reichian based psychotherapy and arrived at the winnicottian analysis of the self, with the purpose of to discuss the necessary clinical dispositive to work with the contemporary subjectivities. I shall say in which way initially the neo-reichian theory and technique were efficient to illuminate the clinical practice. I shall line-up that, nevertheless, as time passed, such approach began to fail when confronted to the contemporary clinical problems. I shall quote theoretical, clinical and epistemological elements that signalize the caducity of the neo-reichian perspective related to the clinical practice. I shall detach significant aspects of the winnicottian theory and technique that started to illuminate the clinic, as his conception of human kind, his anthropology and epistemology, the paradigmatic change operated by his theory, when he says the subject can only be constituted in the presence of another human being, his idea of the body which is only made possible through the maternal caring, his comprehension of the pathology as a break in the line of the existence (Winnicott, 1986, p. 22), provoked by an intrusive and/or abandoning environment, which takes to a role in the I, to what Safra (2004 and 2005) denominates as an ethical fracture, to what I (Cotta, 2003) name as a homeless body, homeless soul, and as an unborn-self (Cotta, 2006). I shall illustrate my hypothesis with the reproduction of clinical vignettes
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Valiullina, Farida. "Dialogue of the Courts in Europe: Interactions between the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the Courts of the ECHR Member States." Doctoral thesis, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18452/18609.
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Aufgrund des wachsenden Bedarfs an kohärenter Interaktion zwischen dem Europäischen Gerichtshof für Menschenrechte, dem Gerichtshof der Europäischen Union und den Gerichten der EMRK-Mitgliedstaaten, untersucht diese Arbeit die Problematik von Kompetenzkonflikten, die die Glaubwürdigkeit der europäischen und nationalen Gerichtshöfe untergraben und die Effektivität des gerichtlichen Rechtsschutzes in Europa schwächen, und schlägt die Lösungen vor, um Rechtsprechungskonflikte zwischen den Gerichtshöfen zu verringern. Es erfolgt eine Betrachtung der Fragen, wie Inkonsistenzen der gerichtlichen Rechtsprechung der europäischen und nationalen Gerichte vermieden werden können, wie der Beitritt der EU zur EMRK angegangen werden kann und wie das Piloturteilsverfahren des EGMR und nationalen gerichtlichen Überprüfungsverfahren wirksam funktionieren kann. Die Arbeit kommt zu dem Schluss, dass es für die Koordination der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Gerichten wichtig ist, ihre Interaktionen zu verstärken, indem bewährte Verfahren auf allen Ebenen ausgetauscht werden. Um eine tiefere Integration der Staaten in die europäische und internationale Gemeinschaft zu erreichen und das Risiko von sich widersprechenden gerichtlichen Entscheidungen zu reduzieren, wird von den Mitgliedstaaten erwartet, dass sie ihre Verpflichtungen aus dem EU-Recht und der EMRK verlässlich erfüllen, und die europäischen Gerichtshöfe werden ihrerseits die Möglichkeit eines Eingriffs in die Souveränität der Staaten ausschlieβen lassen. Nur wenn einvernehmlich beschlossene Lösungen angenommen werden, wird eine größere Kohärenz in Rechtsprechung der europäischen und nationalen Gerichtshöfe erreicht und ein einheitliches System zum Schutz der Menschenrechte gewährleistet.In light of the growing need to establish a coherent relationship between the European Court of Human Rights, the Court of Justice of the European Union and the courts of the ECHR member states, this study explores the challenges of jurisdictional competition that undermine the credibility of the courts and weaken the effectiveness of judicial protection of fundamental rights in Europe, and suggests ways to reduce emerging judicial tensions between these courts. It examines how to avoid inconsistencies in judicial practices of the European and national courts, how to approach accession of the EU to the ECHR, and how to ensure effective functioning of the pilot judgment mechanism and national judicial review procedures. It concludes that in order to coordinate cooperation between the courts it is important to strengthen their interactions through adhering to best practices at all levels. To pursue deeper integration of states into the European and international community and minimise the chance of rendering contradicting judgments by the courts, member states are expected to comply faithfully with their obligations under EU law and the ECHR, and the European courts shall exclude the possibility of encroachment on state sovereignty. Only if mutually agreed solutions are adopted will a greater consistency in their case law be achieved and a uniform system of protection of human rights ensured.
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Barbuy, Victor Emanuel Vilela. "Idéias jurídicas de José de Alencar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2131/tde-13022015-134909/.
Full textAbstract:
No presente trabalho, analisaremos as ideias jurídicas de José de Alencar (1829-1877), procurando demonstrar que este não foi somente um dos mais proeminentes vultos das letras pátrias e um dos mais destacados publicistas, políticos e oradores do Brasil de seu tempo, mas também um importante jurista. Embora o jurisconsulto José de Alencar seja inegavelmente menor do que o literato e mesmo que o homem de Estado, não deixa ele de ter sua relevância, merecendo, pois, ser mais conhecido e reconhecido do que tem sido. Em nossa exposição de suas ideias em diversos campos do Direito, nos concentramos mais naquelas que reputamos mais importantes social, política e historicamente, particularmente naquelas referentes à relação entre a Lei Natural e a Lei Positiva, à Constituição Imperial, ao Poder Moderador, à representação política, à abolição da escravatura, à codificação civil e à propriedade.In this work we will analyse the juridical ideas of José de Alencar (1829-1877), seeking to demonstrate that he was not only one of the most prominent figures of the Brazilian literature and one of the most distinguished journalists, political writers, politicians and orators of the Brazil of his time but also an important jurist. Although the jurisconsult José de Alencar is unquestionably smaller in importance than the writer and even the man of State he does not lack relevance, thus deserving to be more known and recognised. In our exposition of his ideas in different fields of law we will concentrate more on those that we consider more important socially, politically and historically, particularly on the ones which refer to the relation between Natural Law and Positive Law, the Imperial Constitution, the Moderator Power, the political representation, the abolition of slavery, the civil codification and the property.
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Dasgupta, Sandipto. "Legalizing the Revolution." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Q52MN0.
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This dissertation reconstructs a theoretical framework for the Indian Constitution. It does so immanently, by focusing on the making of the Indian Constitution, taking into account both the demands of its specific historical conditions, and the formal constraints of drafting a constitution. The dissertation shows that in its historical context the task of the Indian constitution makers should be understood as creating a constitutional system that can mediate a transformation of the social condition. Performing this task required reinterpreting the established tenets of constitutionalism. The reinterpretation produces a distinct variation of constitutionalism that is termed transformational constitutionalism. Part I of the dissertation focuses on some of the central tenets of constitutional theory by examining the writings in which they first assumed their paradigmatic form. The concepts are situated in the historical context in which they were formulated to highlight the specific challenges they were a response to, and hence distinguishing them from the conceptual terrain in which the Indian Constitution was formulated. Part I also shows the essentially preservative nature of the main tenets of constitutional thought, and that the fully developed versions of its central concepts seek to preclude any possibility for major changes in social conditions. Part II sets out the historical developments that led to the material and ideational terrain on which the Indian Constitution was conceived. It first outlines the institutional and discursive structures of colonial rule to tease out the development of concepts that would serve as the point of reference for the constitution-makers. Part II then turns to the resistance to colonial rule by focusing on the ideas and politics of M.K. Gandhi to delineate the strengths and weaknesses of Congress's claim to represent the Indian nation at the moment of independence, and outline the two different visions of what it meant to free oneself from colonial subjugation, and the different challenges for bringing those visions to fruition. Finally, Part II outlines the way in which the Indian constitutional vision was caught in an interdependent dynamic of break and continuity with its colonial past. After Part I and II have traced the conceptual coordinates of a modern constitution, and the specific historical condition in which the Indian constitution was conceived respectively, Part III focuses on the Indian Constituent Assembly Debates to show how the framers sought to respond to the concrete challenges facing them by creatively reinterpreting the precepts of modern constitutionalism itself. The dissertation shows that the Indian Constitution has to be understood as a totality containing three related strata - that of constitutional imagination, promises, and text - which exist in tension with each other. This tension constitutes the contradiction at the heart of the Indian Constitutional form. The dissertation concludes by following one such contradiction, between the strata of imagination and text as it developed during the most important constitutional conflict of the initial years on the question of compensation for acquisition of property. It also demonstrates how that conflict fundamentally shaped the nature of Indian constitutional practice.
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Voisard, Caroline. "Reconnaître et protéger le statut constitutionnel des municipalités: critique de l'état du droit et perspectives d'avenir." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/3991.
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Ce mémoire propose un portrait global et une critique de l'état du droit canadien relatif au statut juridique des municipalités. L'adage voulant que les municipalités constituent des créatures des législatures ne possédant aucun statut constitutionnel est un héritage du droit américain (théorie du Dillon 's rule) de la fin du 1ge siècle. Or, plusieurs États américains ont introduit très tôt le principe du home rule (autonomie locale) dans leurs constitutions. Le Canada n'a pas fait de même et les institutions municipales ne sont toujours pas protégées dans la Constitution écrite. On constate toutefois une évolution de la législation et de la jurisprudence vers une augmentation de l'autonomie municipale. Notre hypothèse est que l'existence d'institutions municipales représentées par des élus et pourvues de pouvoirs autonomes dans les matières d'intérêt purement municipal fait partie de la Constitution non écrite. Les exceptions non écrites au pouvoir d'une province de modifier sa constitution interne, ainsi que les principes structurels de la démocratie et de la protection des minorités sont étudiés. Un statut protégé pour les municipalités est conforme au droit international et plusieurs États, dont la Californie et l’Italie, ont constitutionnalisé les pouvoirs locaux. Enfin, nous proposons diverses avenues inspirées du droit international et du droit comparé afin que le Canada, ou le Québec, reconnaisse expressément que l'existence de la troisième branche de gouvernement est protégée et que la Législature ne peut porter atteinte au caractère démocratique des municipalités, ni à leurs pouvoirs municipaux généraux.This thesis proposes a global portrait and criticism of Canadian Law concerning the legal status of municipalities. The adage that municipalities are merely creatures of legislatures that have no constitutional status is an inheritance of the American Law (Dillon’s rule) dating back to the end of the 19th century. Many American states have rejected this rule though and implemented home rule powers in their state constitution. But canadian case law has not followed and still refuses to recognize constitutional protection to municipalities. We notice however an evolution of the legislation and the case law towards an increase of municipal autonomy. This research tries to demonstrate that the existence of municipal institutions steered by elected representatives and provided with autonomous powers on subjects of purely municipal interest is part of the unwritten constitutional law. The unwritten exceptions to the legislative power of a province to amend its internal constitution and the unwritten fundamental principles of democracy and protection of minorities will be examined. A protected status for municipalities is in compliance with the international instruments concerning local powers and is present in the constitutions of several States, among which California and Italy. Finally, we propose different measures inspired by international law and comparative law for Canada or Quebec to recognize expressly that the existence of the third branch of government is protected and that the democratic character of municipalities and their general municipal powers cannot be withdrawn by the Legislature.
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Choquette, Hugo. "Translating the Constitution Act, 1867: A Legal-Historical Perspective." Thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1974/5271.
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Twenty-seven years after the adoption of the Constitution Act, 1982, the Constitution of Canada is still not officially bilingual in its entirety. A new translation of the unilingual English texts was presented to the federal government by the Minister of Justice nearly twenty years ago, in 1990. These new French versions are the fruits of the labour of the French Constitutional Drafting Committee, which had been entrusted by the Minister with the translation of the texts listed in the Schedule to the Constitution Act, 1982 which are official in English only. These versions were never formally adopted.
Among these new translations is that of the founding text of the Canadian federation, the Constitution Act, 1867. A look at this translation shows that the Committee chose to depart from the textual tradition represented by the previous French versions of this text. Indeed, the Committee largely privileged the drafting of a text with a modern, clear, and concise style over faithfulness to the previous translations or even to the source text.
This translation choice has important consequences. The text produced by the Committee is open to two criticisms which a greater respect for the prior versions could have avoided. First, the new French text cannot claim the historical legitimacy of the English text, given their all-too-dissimilar origins. Its adoption through a constitutional amendment will not grant it the requisite legitimacy, as the nature of such an amendment is generally misunderstood by lawyers, let alone the ordinary citizen.
In addition, the new text is, in many instances, anachronistic, as a result both of the purism and the modernism of the Committee. This desire to erase the “mistakes” of our ancestors, to “refrancize” the language of the era, leads to the drafting of a text which is entirely divorced from its original context, a text which cannot be a true reflection of the historical source text. This necessarily results in a lack of historical accuracy in the new translation.
These two problems might have been avoided by giving greater weight to the translations of the past. In the current circumstances, the unreflecting adoption of the new text would have unfortunate effects for the understanding of our constitutional law and its history.Thesis (Master, Law) -- Queen's University, 2009-10-06 18:32:47.602
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Weissman, David N. "Constitutions and constitutionalism in China and Japan 1889-1936." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20149332.html.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1989.Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 195-200).
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Krane, Joshua. "Forfeited: Civil Forfeiture and the Canadian Constitution." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/25734.
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The enactment of civil asset forfeiture legislation by Alberta and Ontario in the
fall of 2001, followed by the passage of similar legislation in five other provinces,
has signalled a dramatic change in the way Canadian constitutional law ought to
be understood. This thesis builds on American legal scholarship by highlighting
how deficiencies in Canada’s constitutional law could create space for more invasive
civil forfeiture statutes. Following a historical overview of forfeiture law in
Canada, the thesis (i) examines how the Supreme Court of Canada mischaracterized
this legislation as a matter of property and civil rights; (ii) considers whether
the doctrine of federal paramountcy should have rendered the legislation inoperable
and the consequences of the failure by the Court to do so; and (iii) evaluates iiithe
impact of the absence of an entrenched property right in the constitution, in
regard to this matter.
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KOÇUNYAN, Aylin. "Negotiating the Ottoman Constitution : 1856-1876." Doctoral thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/27180.
Full textAbstract:
Defence date: 3 June 2013Examining Board: Professor Anthony Molho, European University Institute (Supervisor) Professor Edhem Eldem, Boğaziçi University (External Supervisor) Professor Antonella Romano, European University Institute Professor Gilles Pécout, Ecole Normale Supérieure
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
The dissertation is about the genesis of the Ottoman Constitution, which was promulgated on December 23, 1876. The main objective is to reconstruct the nineteenth-century Ottoman constitutional movement in relation to Europe and international politics without neglecting the internal administrative developments that affected the process. The dissertation traces the transcultural and transnational dimension of the internal process of the genesis of the Ottoman Constitution and shows that the Ottoman constitutional movement developed beyond the control of Ottoman bureaucracy and state apparatus, through a web of relations that exceeded the boundaries of the Ottoman territory. The movement incorporated, from domestic authorities to foreign powers, a plurality of formal and informal agents of different ethno-religious, cultural and ideological backgrounds and of different legal norms. The dissertation investigates how Ottoman reformers synthesised different legal traditions, imported from the West to the Ottoman context through various human channels, and how the Ottomans' constitutional thought was shaped and negotiated by the encounter of European models with the imperial political culture as well as by the encounter of foreign actors with domestic draftsmen.
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Bencherki, Nicolas. "Avoir ou ne pas être : la constitution possessive de l'organisation." Thèse, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/6988.
Full textAbstract:
Comment une organisation peut-elle agir ? Peut-elle être considérée comme un acteur en elle-même ou nécessite-t-elle que d’autres agissent pour elle ? Comment parler de son action sans présumer son existence ? Je voudrais proposer ici une approche proprement communicationnelle à la question de l’action organisationnelle. M’appuyant sur la narratologie de A. J. Greimas pour rendre apparentes certaines des idées centrales de la philosophie de l’individuation, je montre que l’organisation – et tout être social – agit en se faisant attribuer des actions. La philosophie de l’individuation est nécessaire ici pour dériver une théorie de l’action organisationnelle à partir de la manière même dont se constituent les organisations. Cela me permet notamment d’affirmer que l’organisation participe aussi elle-même à ces pratiques d’attribution, car en tant qu’elle existe déjà « plus ou moins et d’une certaine manière », elle appelle des actions particulières. À travers l’imbrication de mandats et de programmes d’actions, dans une logique d’appropriation/attribution, l’organisation peut effectivement agir tout en comptant toujours sur d’autres pour le faire. Nul besoin de s’en remettre à une ontologie essentialiste de l’organisation pour affirmer qu’elle agit elle-même, car il n’y a pas d’opposition entre affirmer que l’organisation agit et que d’autres agissent pour elle.
En fait, loin de s’opposer, ces deux affirmations s’impliquent mutuellement. Les pratiques d’attribution sont nécessaires pour agir légitimement – il faut toujours agir pour autre que soi – mais aussi pour agir tout court, car la logique même de la propriété d’action, donc de pouvoir dire que ceci est mon action, suppose que l’action ne soit jamais tout à fait mienne. Les conséquences de cette proposition sur les questions de pouvoir et d’éthique sont brièvement abordées.
En observant quatre terrains distincts, j’ancre cette proposition théorique dans l’empirique. Ces terrains sont une association de locataires, un projet de réforme d’un grand établissement d’enseignement français, quelques événements dans la vie d’un gestionnaire de gratte-ciel de New York et une réunion entre des représentants de Médecins sans frontières et des administrateurs de santé congolais. Compte tenu de la nature théorique de ma proposition, cette variété de terrains permet de montrer l’utilité de ces idées à l’étude d’une diversité de situations.How can an organization act? Can it be considered as an actor in itself or does it need others to act on its behalf? How is it possible to address these questions without presupposing the organization? I would like to put forward a specifically communicational approach to the question of organizational action. Borrowing from A. J. Greimas’ narratology to make salient some of individuation philosophy’s most central ideas, I show that the organization – and any ‘social’ being – acts by being attributed actions. Individuation philosophy is necessary to derive a theory of organizational action from the very manner organizations are constituted. This allows me, among other things, to suggest that organizations themselves also play a part in attribution practices, for inasmuch as they exist “more or less and in a certain way”, they call for further actions. Through the imbrication of mandates and of programs of actions, in a logic of appropriation/attribution, the organization can act by always relying on others to do so. There is no need to invoke an essentialist ontology of organization to state that it acts by itself, for there is no opposition between stating that the organization acts and that others act for it. In fact, far from opposing, both statements imply each other. Practices of attribution are necessary for legitimate action – I must always act for someone other than myself – but also for acting at all. In other words, to be able to say that this is my action, I need this action not to be entirely my own. The consequences of this proposal on questions of power and ethics are also briefly considered. I provide my theoretical discussion with a firm empirical grounding through the study of four different fields. I analyse audio and video recordings from a tenants association, the reform project of a French higher education institution, events from the daily work of a New York skyscraper manager and a meeting between Doctors without border representatives and Congolese health administrators. Given the theoretical nature of my proposal, this variety of empirical data allows me to show the usefulness of those ideas to the study of a large array of situations.
Thèse réalisée en cotutelle entre le Département de communication de l'Université de Montréal (sous la direction de François Cooren)et le Centre de sociologie des organisation de Sciences Po Paris (Institut d'études politiques de Paris; sous la direction de Bruno Latour).
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Brodeur, Louis-François. "Liberté et Constitution : la préservation des libertés civiles en situation d'urgence." Thèse, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7514.
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Morin, Dominic. "L'Einfühlung chez Husserl et Edith Stein : la constitution intersubjective du sujet." Thèse, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/20295.
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Sarrasin, Rachel. "Dynamiques de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec, 2000-2010." Thèse, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/11071.
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Cette thèse par articles porte sur le processus de constitution de la communauté de mouvement social antiautoritaire au Québec, entre 2000 et 2010. Partant du constat de l’évolution de cet acteur politique d’inspiration anarchiste dans la province au cours de cette période, la thèse interroge les facteurs qui ont favorisé sa construction progressive autour de composantes diversifiées. Telles qu’elles se révèlent au grand jour vers la fin de la décennie, les composantes de cette communauté de mouvement social sont en effet hétérogènes au regard des enjeux qui retiennent leur attention, mais convergent néanmoins dans l’adoption de positions politiques, de stratégies d’action et de modes organisationnels caractéristiques de la perspective antiautoritaire contemporaine. Bien que l’environnement politique général dans lequel intervient la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec ait influencer son développement, la thèse démontre que les dynamiques internes à cette communauté sont celles qui ont assuré la pérennité de cet acteur politique en favorisant l’intégration de la diversité qui s’est exprimée en son sein au cours de la période étudiée. Le fait d’appréhender le mouvement antiautoritaire sous l’angle conceptuel de la communauté de mouvement social permet ainsi d’aborder le développement de cet acteur politique dans la continuité, au-delà des seuls moments publics d’interaction avec les autorités. Ce faisant, cette approche met également en lumière les facteurs endogènes qui ont contribué à son développement.
Dans la lignée des travaux sur les mouvements sociaux qui proposent une perspective théorique synthétique liant la considération des aspects structurels et culturels dans l’analyse, l’étude du processus de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec fait ressortir le rôle des dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans ce phénomène. Cette thèse par articles contribue à cette perspective théorique par l’application de l’approche mécanistique dans l’étude des mouvements sociaux. Celle-ci met en relief, d’une part, l’interaction de ces dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans la constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire et documente, d’autre part, les dynamiques qui leur sont inhérentes. Le passage graduel du mouvement antiautoritaire vers la configuration de communauté de mouvement social a ainsi été marqué, d’une part, par un processus de constitution organisationnelle qui a interagi avec le processus de démarcation identitaire en cours au sein du mouvement. D’autre part, la communauté antiautoritaire a pu se développer entre 2000 et 2010 grâce à un processus de conciliation identitaire réalisé par le travail identitaire des militants et des militantes. Ces processus ont favorisé la construction d’une identité collective fondée sur la lutte contre la pluralité des formes d’oppression, exprimée à la fois dans le discours et dans les pratiques des acteurs de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec.
La démonstration analytique proposée dans cette thèse repose sur une approche méthodologique de recherche-action participative combinant observation participante, analyse d’entretiens et étude de sources documentaires. L’interprétation empirique de la communauté antiautoritaire est basée sur un projet réalisé conjointement avec le Collectif de recherche sur l’autonomie collective (CRAC) de l’Université Concordia, à Montréal.This thesis by articles is a case study of the development process of the anti-authoritarian social movement community in Quebec between the years 2000 and 2010. The study questions the factors that have contributed to the evolution of this political actor during this period and allowed for its heterogeneous character to be unveiled by the end of the decade. While the anti-authoritarian community’s components encompassed numerous issues of struggle, there was convergence around the adoption of political positions, action strategies and organizational methods that form a contemporary anti-authoritarian ideal-type. Although the overall political environment of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec did have an influence on its development, this thesis by articles demonstrates that it was the movement’s internal dynamics that ensured its survival by allowing for the accommodation of the diversity expressed within the movement during that period. Understanding the anti-authoritarian movement through the conceptual lens of the social movement community allows us to observe and analyse the development of this political actor well beyond its public interactions with authorities. In doing so, this approach also highlights the role of the internal factors that have contributed to its development. In line with previous work on social movements that put forth a synthetic theoretical perspective linking structural and cultural aspects, this analysis of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec highlights the role of organizational and identity factors, while contributing to this perspective by applying a mechanistic approach. By doing so, the thesis highlights, on the one hand, the interaction of these dimensions in the development of the antiauthoritarian community and, on the other, the dynamics that are inherent to them. The gradual transition towards a social movement community structure was noted first as a process of organizational development that interacted with the process of boundary formation within the movement. On another hand, the anti-authoritarian community was able to sustain itself between 2000 and 2010 due to the identity work undertaken by its activists, through a process of identity reconciliation. These processes have contributed to the formation of a collective identity built around the struggle against various forms of oppression, simultaneously expressed in the political discourse and practices of anti-authoritarian activists. The findings proposed in this thesis rely on a participative action research methodology and combine participant observation, the analysis of interviews and the study of documentary sources. The empirical interpretation of the anti-authoritarian community is based on a project carried out with the Research Collective on Collective Autonomy (CRAC) at Concordia University in Montreal.
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Mackrous, Paule. "La constitution de l'effet de présence dans la conscience : art contemporain et animisme." Mémoire, 2006. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/3229/1/M9608.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Ce mémoire représente l'ensemble de mes réflexions portées sur le phénomène de l'« effet de présence » dans des oeuvres d'art contemporaines. Il s'attache d'abord à la présence elle-même. Avec une approche phénoménologique, j'expose la manière dont la présence de l'Autre être humain se construit dans la perception humaine. Dans un deuxième temps, c'est une réflexion sur l'effet lui-même qui est opérée par l'étude de la religion primitive dite animiste. J'expose ici comment la présence dans les choses inertes s'érige dans l'esprit animiste. Cette réflexion me permet de proposer un éclaircissement sur l'effet de présence dans des oeuvres d'art, sur la manière dont celui-ci opère dans notre perception. Finalement, quatre oeuvres contemporaines (Forty-Part Motet, Janet Cardiff, I Want You to Feel the Way I Do, Jana Sterbak, Too Sweet Go Away, Helen Choe et Lodge, Marianne Corless) sont étudiées selon leur effet de présence. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Phénoménologie, Husserl, Altérité, Présence, Primitif, Animisme, Représentation, Installation, Polysensorialité.
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Sauvé, Marc. "Le pouvoir fédéral de dépenser et la nature centralisatrice de la Constitution canadienne de 1867." Mémoire, 2008. http://www.archipel.uqam.ca/2255/1/M10669.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Le pouvoir fédéral de dépenser est l'instrument de conservation de la nature centralisatrice de la constitution canadienne. Il est le résultat de la vision des Pères de la Confédération du rôle des provinces et du rôle de l'État. L'exercice du pouvoir fédéral de dépenser au Canada se rattache à une vision hiérarchique et centralisatrice de la constitution canadienne, vision qui prévalait dès le début de la Confédération et qui s'est manifestée tout au long de l'histoire de la fédération. La pensée centralisatrice de la majorité des Pères de la Confédération a exercé ses effets tout au long de l'histoire politique canadienne par l'exercice du pouvoir fédéral de dépenser: initiatives et politiques unilatérales dans les domaines de compétence exclusive des provinces, subordination ou dépendance fiscale et financière des provinces, domination et suprématie fédérales. Ces aspects du fédéralisme canadien rattachés à l'exercice du pouvoir fédéral de dépenser ont été dénoncés sévèrement par tous les gouvernements québécois depuis les 60 dernières années.
L'exercice du pouvoir de dépenser au Canada doit être examiné à la lumière du principe fédéral tout en tenant compte de l'évolution du rôle de l'État. Traditionnellement, le gouvernement du Québec adhère à la définition classique du fédéralisme dans sa critique du pouvoir fédéral de dépenser. La Commission Tremblay de 1956, la Commission Séguin de 2001 et les gouvernements québécois depuis au moins les 60 dernières années évaluent le pouvoir de dépenser du gouvernement fédéral sur la base de cette grille d'analyse. Cette approche dualiste repose sur les notions de non subordination et d'autonomie. Pour sa part, le gouvernement fédéral adopte implicitement un modèle de fédéralisme coopératif décloisonné. Ce modèle insiste sur la nécessaire interdépendance des entités fédérées et met de côté le dualisme et la notion de souveraineté divisée. Que ce soit notamment à l'occasion des discussions entourant la Charte de Victoria, les accords de Meech et de Charlottetown ou l'Union sociale canadienne, la vision centralisatrice du fédéralisme canadien s'est affirmée dans les débats entourant le pouvoir fédéral de dépenser. Par ailleurs, en intervenant de façon massive et visible dans des matières de compétence provinciale comme en santé et en sécurité sociale, le gouvernement fédéral vise notamment à renforcer le sentiment de solidarité nationale et l'identité canadienne. Les tentatives du Québec pour limiter ou baliser le pouvoir fédéral de dépenser se sont avérées infructueuses car ce pouvoir constitue une composante fondamentale du fédéralisme au Canada. Il est possible de dépasser les paradigmes historiques véhiculés dans les rapports Rowell-Sirois de 1940 et Tremblay de 1956, tout en réconciliant les principes d'autonomie, de non subordination et d'interdépendance des partenaires de la fédération dans le cadre du fédéralisme au Canada. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Fédéralisme canadien, Pouvoir de dépenser, Centralisation, Constitution canadienne, Interdépendance, Autonomie, Pères fondateurs.