Relevant bibliographies by topics / Constitution (1869)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
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Academic literature on the topic 'Constitution (1869)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 28 July 2024
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Constitution (1869)"

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Stefanovski, Mirjana. "Radivoje Milojkovic’s 1867 constitution draft." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 138 (2012): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn1238001s.

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As an authoritative work of an excellently educated writer well acquainted with constitutional theory and foreign constitutional solutions, Milojkovic?s draft constitution is also a product of a serious political reasoning. That draft deserves a particular and very important role in the nineteenth century constitutional history of Serbia. It is an evidence of the character of constitutional transformation prepared during the last years of Prince Mihailo?s reign. Taken for the specimen during the enacting of Regent Constitution of 1869, which followed it in its basic concept, composition of constitutional solutions and framing of more important institutions, that draft determined adoption of the model of constitutional monarchy in Serbia. By catching sight of the Saxony?s Constitution of 1831, it transfers basic German constitutional model, supplemented by taking into consideration other European constitutions. Its distinction is an attempt to adapt foreign model mostly to particular circumstances of the country and to implement harmoniously new institutions in accordance to the Serbian constitutional tradition.
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Batakovic, Dusan. "The road to democracy: The development of constitutionalism in Serbia 1869-1903." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738133b.

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After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mobilized population, the 1888 Constitution, proposed by the Radical Party in response to the egalitarian aspirations of the nation's agrarian majority, adopted a French constitutional model - with a unicameral system and frequent coalition governments. Shaped on the model of the Belgian Constitution of 1831, which in its turn was a modified version of the French Charte of 1830, it restored a French influence, expressed for the first time in the 1835 Constitution. The 1888 Constitution was passed by the Grand National Assembly with its five-sixth majority of Radicals, representatives of the agrarian majority. It was soon annulled by the coup d'?tat of 1894 and the Court-imposed Constitution of 1869 was reinstituted. The Constitution of 1901 was an attempt to introduce a bicameral system as a means of upholding the influential role of the ruler, while limiting that of the Radical Party, which had enjoyed an ample electoral support since the 1888 Constitution. After the assassination in 1903 of the last Obrenovic ruler king Alexander, and his wife, queen Draga, the liberal Constitution of 1888 with minor modifications was reinstituted. Under this Constitution - which is commonly known as the 1903 Constitution and which, during the democratic reign of king Peter I Kardjordjevic, was no longer challenged - Serbian democracy remained fragile, because there was no upper house to counteract as it did in the French Third Republic, the predominantly party-biased way of running the affairs of state.
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MARTÍNEZ CUEVAS, MARÍA DOLORES. "THE DEFENCE OF THE DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTION IN EXTRAORDINARY CIRCUMSTANCES: THE LAW OF EXCEPTION IN COMPARATIVE LAW AND IN SPANISH CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY." Spanish Journal of Legislative Studies, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21134/sjls.vi3.1394.

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Abstract: In this paper we examine the appropriateness and significance of the law of exception in the Spanish constitutional order. For this, we have examined the models of Comparative Law that Spain has followed to restore its disturbed constitutional order. Basically, historically, concern arose at the time of North American and French Revolutions of how to incorporate into the Constitution the institutions related to their protection. British singularity was also manifested in the way of understanding and including specific protection for the defence of the Constitution and the law of exception, with institutions such as martial law or habeas corpus. The suspension of habeas corpus as an extraordinary instrument of protection of the state organization was considered in the American Constitution of 1787, and is thought of as a precedent of Article 55.1 of the current Spanish Constitution of 1978. During the period between 1812 and 1869, the law of exception contemplated in Spanish Historical Constitutions covers only the suspension of guarantees. The republican Constitution of 1931 conserved the outline of the Constitution of 1869, with certain relevant alterations. The most significant normative instruments of this legislation were the Law of Defence of the Republic and the Law of Public Order of 1933. After the publication of this last Law, it became the extraordinary norm that has most deeply and habitually been put into practice, since Spain has experienced practically a permanent situation of "constitutional abnormality". This highlights the fact that a Law of Public Order for the defence of the constitutional regime established by the Second Republic could be transferred in many of its precepts, with very similar contents to the Francoist Law of Public Order that was able to remain in force until much later, being finally repealed by the Organic Law of LO 1/1992, of Protection of Citizen Safety.
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Fitzgerald, Michael W., and Earl M. Maltz. "Civil Rights, the Constitution, and Congress, 1863-1869." American Historical Review 96, no. 5 (December 1991): 1615. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165437.

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Bogue, Allan G., and Earl M. Maltz. "Civil Rights, the Constitution and Congress, 1863-1869." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22, no. 3 (1992): 533. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/205018.

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Swinney, Everette, and Earl M. Maltz. "Civil Rights, the Constitution, and Congress, 1863-1869." Journal of Southern History 58, no. 2 (May 1992): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2210894.

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Trefousse, Hans L., and Earl M. Maltz. "Civil Rights, the Constitution, and Congress, 1863-1869." Journal of American History 78, no. 2 (September 1991): 680. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079602.

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Mackey, Thomas C., and Earl M. Maltz. "Civil Rights, The Constitution, and Congress, 1863-1869." American Journal of Legal History 37, no. 1 (January 1993): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/845773.

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Glass, Maeve Herbert. "Bringing Back the States: A Congressional Perspective on the Fall of Slavery in America." Law & Social Inquiry 39, no. 04 (2014): 1028–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12111.

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In the aftermath of America's Civil War, national lawmakers who chronicled the fall of slavery described the North as a terrain of states whose representatives assembled in Congress, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–77) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–70). Beginning in the early 1900s, scholars who helped establish the field of American constitutional history redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–1877) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–1870), a first generation of scholars writing during the Progressive Era redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in William A. Dunning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (1898), John W. Burgess's The Civil War and the Constitution (1901–1906), and James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems Under Lincoln (1926). Although a second generation of scholars uncovered traces of the lawmakers' perspective of states, new efforts in the wake of the civil rights movement to understand the internal workings of political parties and the contributions of ordinary Americans kept the study of national lawmakers and their states on the margins of inquiry, as evidenced in leading revisionist histories of Reconstruction, including Harold Hyman's A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution (1973), Michael Les Benedict's A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (1974a), and Eric Foner's Reconstruction: An Unfinished Revolution (1988). Today, the terrain of Northern states remains in the backdrop, as illustrated in recent studies featuring the wartime national government, including James Oakes's Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (2012) and Mark E. Neely, Jr.'s Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (2011), as well as studies of the mechanisms of constitutional change during Reconstruction, including relevant sections of Bruce Ackerman's We the People II: Transformations (1998) and Akhil Reed Amar's America's Constitution: A Biography (2005). This review essay argues that incorporating the states back into this century‐old framework will open new lines of inquiry and provide a more complete account of federalism's role in the fall of slavery. In particular, a return to the archives suggests that in the uncertain context of mid‐nineteenth‐century America, slavery's leading opponents in Congress saw the Constitution's federal logic not simply as an obstacle, but as a crucial tool with which to mobilize collective action and accommodate wartime opposition at a time when no one could say for sure what would remain of the United States.
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Ivkina, Liudmmila. "Constitutional acts of Cuba during the liberation wars of the last third of the 19th century (1868-1898)." Latin-American Historical Almanac 38, no. 1 (June 30, 2023): 50–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2023-38-1-50-85.

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The liberation struggle of the Cuban people against Spanish domination, which unfolded in the last third of the XIX cen-tury, was a logical continuation of the national liberation pro-cess that began in Latin America at the beginning of the nine-teenth century. There are two most important stages in this struggle: the Ten Yearʹs War for Independence of 1868–1878, which ended with the signing of the compromise Treaty of Zanjon (a treaty without independence), and the War of 1895–1898, the "Necessary War", as its leader José Martí de-scribed it, interrupted by the intervention of the United States in the liberation process in 1898 and the outbreak of the Spanish-American War (April 25 / August 12, 1898), which ended with the elimination of Spanish domination and the creation in 1902 of the so-called "pseudo-republic" (1902–1934). During the years of the Liberation Struggle of 1868–1898, constitutional acts were created that testified to the so-cial orientation of these processes. During the Ten Year's War, important political acts such as the Manifest of Inde-pendence (October 10, 1868) proclaimed by C.M. de Céspedes, the Constitution of Guaymaro (April 1869) and the Constitution of Baraguá (March 17, 1878) were adopted. Dur-ing the liberation struggle of 1895–1898, two constitutions were created: Jimaguayú (September 16, 1895) and Yaya (Oc-tober 29, 1897). The analysis of the constitutional acts of the era of the liberation struggle became the subject of our re-search.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Constitution (1869)"

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Levaillant, Jacqueline. "La Nouvelle Revue Française et le theâtre (1909-1925) : constitution d'une esthétique." Paris 4, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997PA040175.

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Dans ce qu'il est d'usage de considérer comme les deux premières périodes de la Nouvelle Revue Française, de 1909 à 1925, nous nous proposons de dégager une esthétique théâtrale, manifestée principalement dans les écrits de ses six fondateurs, André Gide, avec autour de lui Michel Arnauld, Jacques Copeau, Henri Gheon, André Ruyters, Jean Schlumberger, ainsi que de leurs plus intimes collaborateurs, par ordre d'apparition, Jacques Rivière, Gaston Gallimard et Roger Martin du Gard. Notre corpus de base est constitué de tous les articles, chroniques et notes de la revue se rapportant au théâtre. Nous l'avons élargi à des écrits extérieurs, publics ou privés, particulièrement significatifs à nos yeux : ouvrages théoriques, conférences, articles parus dans d'autres périodiques, correspondances et journaux intimes. Les textes sur lesquels s'appuie notre recherche traduisent une orientation commune : une esthétique théâtrale qui est l'expression particulière des conceptions littéraires et artistiques de la revue. On y retrouve notamment le refus du romantisme, du symbolisme, du réalisme, et le souci tout classique du dépouillement et de la construction. S'y ajoute la volonté de restituer dans les interprétations l'esprit et la beauté des oeuvres du passé, et de rénover totalement un théâtre en pleine crise. C'est dans cette perspective qu'est abordée l'expérience du Vieux-Colombier, dont la création en 1913 s'inscrit dans la filiation directe de la revue. Nous examinons tout d'abord les conditions et les perspectives du combat que les hommes de la N. R. F. Ont mené pour le théâtre. Puis nous évoquons les "grands modèles" qui les ont inspirés. Nous dégageons alors l'esthétique théâtrale qui leur est propre, en l'envisageant successivement sous l'angle du texte et sous celui de la représentation. Nous voyons enfin leur contribution au renouvellement du théâtre dans ses formes et dans son rapport au public
From the years 1909 to 1925, commonly described as the two initial periods of la Nouvelle Revue Française we intend to draw a theatrical aesthetics such as is displayed in the writings of the six founders of the review, André Gide and, around him, Michel Arnauld, Jacques Copeau, Henri Gheon, Andre Ruyters, Jean Schlumberger, as well as of their closest collaborators, Jacques Rivière, Gaston Gallimard and Roger Martin du Gard (in order of appearance). Our primary corpus consisting of all the papers, chronicles and notes concerning theatre issued by the revue was extended to private and public writings which, although not published in the review, seemed particularly significant : theoretical works, lectures, papers from other periodicals, letters and diaries. All the texts relevant to our enquiry bear witness to a common turning towards a theatrical aesthetics which features in a particular way the literary and artistic conceptions of the revue : a rejection of romanticism, symbolism and realism as well as a distinctively classical concern for plainness and construction. To these they add a will to make interpretations render the spirit and beauty of works from the past and to renew completely the theatre, then deep in a crisis. From this standpoint we consider the Vieux Colombier experiment which, begun in 1913, is a direct offspring of the revue. We first ascertain the conditions and perspectives of the struggle the people from the N. R. F. Waged for theatre. We then turn to the "great models" who inspired these men. From this material their own particular theatrical aesthetics can then be drawn and studied successively from the standpoints of the texts and of the productions. We finally consider their contribution to a renewal of theatre, both in its forms and in its relation to the audience
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Muller, Melissa. "Reunification and Reconstruction as Constitutional Moments: Constitutional Identity in Germany and the United States." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1859.

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This thesis employs the lens of constitutional identity to engage in a comparative analysis of Germany during reunification and the United States during Reconstruction. I argue that these developments should be considered constitutional moments that fundamentally shifted the ways each country conceptualized citizenship, economic liberties, and federalism. Moreover, the similarities between these shifts highlight an overarching logic to constitutional design by showing why realizing these re-conceptualizations required substantive changes to constitutional mechanisms and delegation of powers. Ultimately my thesis emphasizes the analytical power of constitutional identity and critiques a variety of perspectives on Reconstruction, including those found in the majority opinions in the Slaughterhouse Cases and Civil Rights Cases.
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Howell, John. "Burke, the Benthamites, Bagehot and the unwritten constitution, 1776-1867 /." Title page, synopsis and table of contents only, 1999. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arh8589.pdf.

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Trudden, Sallie Raye. "The Power Behind the Constitution: The Supreme Court." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1864.

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The framers of the Constitution designed a document to be the "Supreme Law of the Land" and within its pages a branch of government, a federal judiciary, never before envisioned. The Constitution, along with the Federal Judiciary Act of 1789, set the framework for building the strongest branch of government, the Supreme Court. Historical events and court decisions with few exceptions strengthened the power of the judiciary contributing to its authority. The Supreme Court Justices, by interpreting the Constitution and judging the legality of laws instituted by both state and federal legislatures, solidified its superior position in the government hierarchy. An examination of documents, case decisions, and the results of these decisions for the nation add credence to the assertion that of the three branches of government the strongest and most powerful was and is the Supreme Court.
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Clark-Wiltz, Meredith. "Revising Constitutions: Race and Sex Discrimination in Jury Service, 1868-1979." The Ohio State University, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1305652946.

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Bentley, Colene. "Constituting political interest : community, citizenship, and the British novel, 1832-1867." Thesis, McGill University, 2001. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36875.

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This dissertation asserts a strong connection between democratic culture and the novel form in the period 1832--1867. As England debated constitutional reform and the extension of the franchise, novelists Charles Dickens, Elizabeth Gaskell, and George Eliot endeavoured to define human communities on democratic terms. Drawing on work of contemporary political philosopher John Rawls to develop a methodology that considers constitutions and novelistic representations as analogous contexts for reasoning about shared political values and citizenship, this study provides readings of Bleak House, North and South, and Felix Holt that emphasize each novel's contribution to the period's ongoing deliberations about pluralism, justice, and the meaning of membership in democratic life. When read alongside Bentham's work on legislative reform, Bleak House offers a parallel model of social interaction that weighs the values of diversity of thought, security from coercion, and the nature of harmful actions. Felix Holt and North and South are novelistic contributions to defining and contesting the attributes of the new liberal citizen. Through their central characters, as well as in their respective novelistic practices, Eliot and Gaskell highlight the difficulty of uniting autonomous individuals with collective social groups, and this was as much a problem for literary practice in the period as it was for constitutional reform.
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Sundin, Anders. "1809 : Statskuppen och regeringsformens tillkomst som tolkningsprocess." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7371.

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This dissertation analyses the coup d’état and the instrument of government of 1809 as an interpretative framing process. By close examination primarily of official sources it focuses on how political actors utilized the components of the existing political culture in order to legitimise their actions. The results show that the regime transition of 1809 was a contingent process. Actors competed to define concepts such as “citizen”, “patriotism” and “public opinion” in order to legitimise different political claims. This process served to strengthen the role played by the concept of public opinion as a source of authority in the language of politics. The dissertation also addresses how the regime transition of 1809 relates to the historical epoch known as the Age of Revolution. Experiences from the French Revolution in particular were crucial to the debate on the prospects for constitutional change in Sweden. The study shows that the constitutional committee took a reformist stance based on the concepts of civic virtue and enlightenment, thereby rejecting demands for an enhanced national representation. Instead they argued for gradual constitutional change and believed that the constitution should serve as an instrument to educate the public in the virtues of citizenship. Grounded in the so-called "cultural turn" taken by studies of politics in recent decades, the analysis has borrowed from studies of social movements the concepts of interpretative framing. In analyzing differences and oppositions between various interpretative frames, concepts from discourse analysis has been used, particularly those that emphasize discourse contingency. Extra-discursive conditions in the process of interpretation have been analyzed by means of the concept of possibility structures. This has chiefly involved taking into consideration the degree of repression and actors' differing access to what Bourdieu has termed "institutional authority".
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Le, Floch Etienne. "Les projets de constitution de Vichy (1940-1944)." Paris 2, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA020066.

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Le mandat de promulguer une nouvelle constitution a été confié par l'Assemblée nationale au gouvernement de la République placé sous l'autorité du maréchal Pétain par la loi constitutionnelle du 10 juillet 1940. Trois équipes d'auteurs différents ont été nécessaires pour mettre au point la nouvelle constitution, ce qui a abouti à la rédaction de nombreuses versions au contenu à la fois constant et évolutif. Poursuivant la réflexion menée par le mouvement pour la réforme de l'État dans les années 1930 et influencés notamment par le Portugal de Salazar, ces projets optent d'abord pour un État autoritaire et corporatiste puis, progressivement, sous l'effet de diverses influences intérieures et extérieures, pour un parlementarisme rationalisé. Ces projets comportent des Déclarations de droits et de devoirs d'inspiration personnaliste, ainsi qu'un système de contrôle de constitutionnalité des lois. Ils mettent en place un chef de l'État fort face à un Parlement d'abord rabaissé, puis réhabilité dans ses fonctions traditionnelles. Le régime construit par ces projets s'appuie en outre sur l'Empire colonial, et sur des provinces, à la tête desquelles sont placés des gouverneurs. Cette étude contribue à replacer ces projets de constitution, longtemps ignorés par la doctrine, dans l'histoire et la pensée constitutionnelles françaises, en soulignant la continuité de cette dernière.
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Morgan, Frédéric. "Prendre la constitution au sérieux : leo Strauss et ses disciples interprètes du régime américain." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040061.

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La philosophie politique de Leo Strauss a inspiré aux États-Unis des disciples bien au-delà des départements de philosophie. En créant une communauté de conversation, les « straussiens » ont insufflé à l’étude et à l’activité politique un style de pensée irréductible aux sensibilités libérale et conservatrice contemporaines, bien qu'ils aient principalement choisi de dialoguer avec le conservatisme politique naissant. Le conservatisme lincolnien qu’ils ont adopté en est une version modérée par le rationalisme du premier constitutionalisme américain et trouve son origine dans la réhabilitation polémique de la science politique aristotélicienne. En effet, cette science politique les a conduit à interpréter le constitutionalisme à la lumière des principes des pères fondateurs de la République américaine
The Political Philosophy of Leo Strauss has a far wider sphere of influence in America than the departments of Philosophy. By creating their own community of conversation, the “straussians” inflected to study and political activity a style of thought beyond contemporary liberalism and conservatism, even if Straussians mainly chose to converse with new born political conservatism. The lincolnian conservatism they embraced is one moderated by the rationalism of the first American constitutionalism, and has foundings in the reenforcement of the aristotelician political science. This Political Science led them to read the constitutionalism thanks to the principles of the Founding Fathers of the American Republic
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Sausse, Julien. "Ecrire la Constitution républicaine au XIXe siècle : la Constitution de 1848 et les Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013AIXM1038.

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Loin d’être une œuvre de pure théorie, l’écriture d’une Constitution républicaine au XIXe siècle exige de ses auteurs d’adapter leurs convictions idéologiques aux réalités politiques. L’étude des procès-verbaux de la commission de rédaction de la Constitution de la IIe République et des commissions des Trente chargées d’examiner les projets des Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875, révèle justement l’état des forces en présence au sein des Assemblées Constituantes de 1848 et de 1871. Tandis que l’historiographie a parfois laissé penser que la IIe République était un régime aux agencements institutionnels maladroits qui ont servi les ambitions personnelles de Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte et que les Lois Constitutionnelles de 1875 étaient une œuvre purement circonstancielle destinée à sortir d’un régime provisoire, la mise en perspective de ces deux normes suprêmes démontre un continuum des valeurs entre ces régimes. En effet, l’étude comparative des deux Constitutions républicaines du XIXe siècle souligne leurs traits de caractères communs. Ceci peut surprendre puisque la IIe République a souvent été comprise comme une œuvre rationnelle inspirée des premières expériences constitutionnelles françaises alors que le modèle proposé en 1875 est supposé se rattacher au régime orléaniste. Néanmoins cette impression peut être dépassée par la lecture minutieuse des manuscrits des commissions constitutionnelles et des débats constituants de 1848 et des années 1871-1875
Far from being a purely theoretical work, writing a republican Constitution in the nineteenth century required its authors to adapt their ideological beliefs to political realities. The minutes of the writing committee for the Constitution of the second Republic, as well as the minutes of the Commissions des Trente, whose job it was to examine the various projects for the Constitutional Laws of 1875, allow us to identify the driving forces within the 1848 and 1875 Assemblées Constituantes. It has sometimes been suggested by historiography that the lack of institutional harmony under the second Republic served the personal ambitions of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte and that the Constitutional Laws of 1875 were conceived purely as incidental measures designed to escape a temporary regime. However, the confrontation of these two supreme norms clearly shows a continuity of regime values. Indeed, a comparative study of these two nineteenth century republican Constitutions underlines their common traits. This may appear surprising as the second Republic has often been portrayed as a rational work drawing inspiration from the first French constitutional experiences, whereas the 1875 model is supposed to be of Orléaniste obedience. However, close scrutiny of the constitutional commission manuscripts as well as that of constituent debates for 1848 and the years 1871-1875 easily allows us to overcome that impression
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Books on the topic "Constitution (1869)"

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Maltz, Earl M. Civil rights, the Constitution, and Congress, 1863-1869. Lawrence, Kan: University Press of Kansas, 1990.

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L, Schmoke Kurt, Kronemer Seth M, Young Jacqueline C, Howard University. School of Law., and Howard University Constitutional Law Collection (Law Library of Congress), eds. A legacy of defending the Constitution: Howard University School of Law, 1869-2009. Washington, DC: Howard University School of Law, 2009.

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Canada. A consolidation of the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982. [Ottawa]: The Dept., 1989.

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Canada. Department of Justice., ed. A Consolidation of the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982. Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1996.

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Canada. A consolidation of the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982. [Ottawa]: Dept. of Justice Canada, 2001.

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Canada. A consolidation of the Constitution Acts 1867 to 1982. Ottawa, Canada: Dept. of Justice, 1996.

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Canada. A consolidation of the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982. [Ottawa]: Dept. of Justice, Canada, 1999.

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Canada. Department of Justice., ed. A Consolidation of the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982. Ottawa: Supply and Services Canada, 1989.

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A, Driedger Elmer, Canada. Dept. of Justice., and Canada, eds. A consolidation of the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1982. [Ottawa]: Minister of Public Works and Government Services, 1998.

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Argentina. Constitución de la Nación Argentina: Sancionada en 1853 con las reformas de las convenciones de 1860, 1866, 1898, 1957 y 1994. Edited by Veas Oyarzo Jaime M. [Argentina]: Adrograf Argentina Editora, 1994.

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Book chapters on the topic "Constitution (1869)"

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Bowditch, William I. "Slavery and the Constitution (1849)." In Antislavery Political Writings, 1833–1860, 133–43. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003316848-16.

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Reeh, Niels. "Constitutional Monarchy: 1849–1901." In Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies, 111–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-39608-8_7.

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Austin, John. "A Plea for the Constitution, 1859." In Perspectives on Political Parties, 135–39. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230107403_18.

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Lynch, John Roy. "1869: State Elections and Reorganization." In Reminiscences of an Active Life, edited by John Hope Franklin, 67–72. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0009.

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This chapter explores how 1869 was an important year in the political history of the state of Mississippi. The new constitution which was rejected in 1868 was to be resubmitted to a popular vote in November. At the same time, state officers, members of the legislature, congressmen, and district and county officers were to be elected. Since the objectionable clauses in the constitution were to be submitted to a separate vote and since it was understood that both parties would favor their rejection, there was no serious opposition to the ratification of the constitution as thus amended. But a hard and stubborn fight was to be made for control of state government.
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Cicero, Frank. "Epilogue." In Creating the Land of Lincoln. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041679.003.0009.

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Illinois developed into the Land of Lincoln during the pivotal period from its 1818 enabling act, which set the state’s northern boundary to encompass the area that became Chicago, through its four nineteenth-century constitutional conventions (1818, 1847, 1862, 1869). The northern boundary extension and Chicago’s rapid economic and industrial development contributed to the rise of the Republican Party, Abraham Lincoln’s election, and the legacy of his Civil War amendments that altered the course of U.S. history. Each convention focused on significant issues of the times, from authoritarian rule to black bondage to rail regulation, culminating in the forward-looking 1870 constitution, many provisions of which were retained in the 1970 revision.
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Schwartz, Bernard. "War and Reconstruction,1861-1877." In A History of the Supreme Court, 126–46. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195080995.003.0006.

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Abstract In many ways the Civil War was the test of fire of the American constitutional system. In an 1862 article, Lord Acton referred to it as the Second American Revolution1-a characterization that has since been made often. Like the Revolution, the Civil War represented an extralegal appeal to force to settle the ultimate legal issue of the nature of the polity. And the issue itself was decided, not by the tribunal to which the resolution of such questions was confided by the Constitution, but by the victorious Union armies. When the Supreme Court in 1869 decided that secession was illegal, since “[ t]he Consititution in all its provisions, looks to an indestructible Union,” it was only confirming a decision already made at Appomattox Courthouse.
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Cicero, Frank. "The Constitution of 1870." In Creating the Land of Lincoln. University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041679.003.0008.

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Chapter 7 summarizes debates of the 1869–70 Illinois state constitutional convention, whose blend of representatives from Democratic, Republican, and People’s Parties yielded a relatively nonpartisan outcome. The balance of governmental powers was adjusted so that the executive branch had a stronger veto, the legislative branch was barred from passing special-interest legislation, and the judicial system was enhanced with more courts and judges, a particular benefit to populous Cook County, home to the economic powerhouse of Chicago. Other major issues included African Americans’ civil rights and state management of railroads and warehouses. A progressive approach to minority representation sought to bridge sharp political divisions between north and south. The proposed 1870 constitution was ratified by the voters and remained in force for a century.
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Green, Steven K. "The Cincinnati “Bible War” of 1869–1873." In The Bible, the School, and the Constitution, 93–136. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199827909.003.0004.

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"Modification de la Constitution du Canton de Berne (1869)." In Bellinzona - Fricktal, 350–52. De Gruyter Oldenbourg, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110291537-049.

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Cushman, Barry. "A Stream of Legal Consciousness." In Rethinking The new deal court, 141–55. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195115321.003.0010.

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Abstract Categories and Images In 1869, Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase used the opportunity presented by Texas v. White to adumbrate the contours of the postbellum constitutional order. “[T]he perpetuity and indissolubility of the Union,” Chase declared, “by no means implies the loss of distinct and individual existence, or the right of self-government by the States.” Each of the several state governments were, like the federal government, “endowed with all of the functions essential to separate and independent existence.” “The preservation of the States,” Chase concluded, and the maintenance of their governments, are as much within the design and care of the Constitution as the preservation of the Union and the maintenance of the National Government. The Constitution, in all its provisions, looks to an indestructible Union, composed of indestructible States.
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Conference papers on the topic "Constitution (1869)"

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Jovanović, Zoran, and Stefan Andonović. "UPRAVNO SUDSTVO PREMA VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.233j.

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The Vidovdan Constitution of the newly formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes is one of the most important monuments of regional history of constitutional law. Adopted in 1921, in order to determine the basic principles of state and social organization, the Vidovdan Constitution contained certain provisions that are still acceptable today 100 years later. Moreover, the Vidovdan Constitution represents one of the most important moments in the creation of the administrative judiciary of the states that later emerged in the territory of the Kingdom. Namely, the literature states that the organization of the administrative judiciary, provided by the Constitution, leads to the most significant period in the development of the administrative judiciary (in Serbia) from its founding in 1869 until the Second World War. In this regard, as one of the most important aspects, authors emphasize the introduction of a two-tier administrative judiciary, with significant guarantees of professionalism in the selection of judges. Having in mind its significance in the history of the administrative judiciary, the authors will analyze the basic constitutional norms regarding the legal nature and organization of the administrative judiciary. Also, the research will include the issue of the position of judges of the administrative court and members of the State Council. In addition to the constitutional provisions, paper gives mentions to relevant provisions of the Law on the State Council and Administrative Courts, as well as the Decree on the State Council and Administrative Courts adopted shortly after the Vidovdan Constitution.
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Al-Badawi, Habib. "Sengo kenpo 1947 Vs. Meiji kenpo 1889: comparative study." In Development of legal systems in Russia and foreign countries: problems of theory and practice. ru: Publishing Center RIOR, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.29039/02061-6-20-37.

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This article is a comparative study between not only two manuscripts of constitutions of Japan, but also analytic research revealing all the cultural, ideological, and political aspects that led the Japanese authorities to adopt each of them. The Meiji Constitution was proclaimed in 1889 during the imperialistic phase of Japanese history where the country was named Empire of Greater Japan (大日本帝国), where Tokyo was a dominant world power. While the recent Constitution of Japan (日本国憲法) was issued in 1947 under the supervision of the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), which is eventually, a foreign occupation authority. Through the detailed analysis, premising, and reasoning this study will reveal the historical events that resulted those constitutions and will open the debate to discuss the future prospects of the Japanese armament attempts, which is confined and restricted by Article 9 (日本国憲法第9条).
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Wilson, Anders, Mikael Enelund, and B. Josefson. "Dynamic substructuring of viscoelastic structures with fractional derivatives constitutive relations." In 39th AIAA/ASME/ASCE/AHS/ASC Structures, Structural Dynamics, and Materials Conference and Exhibit. Reston, Virigina: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.1998-1862.

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Cuevas, Manuel Fernando González. "Bipartisanship: A discursive phenomenon in the United States of Colombia (1863 -1876)." In V Seven International Multidisciplinary Congress. Seven Congress, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/sevenvmulti2024-016.

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Discussing the constitution of Colombian society throughout history reflects important reflections on the social basis, as well as the disagreements that are demonstrated in the scenarios constituted by the confrontation between political and civic ideals and demands in terms of prevalence of peace in a community.
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Doolittle, Sara. "The Constitutional Challenge: Oklahoma Territory (1889–1907) and Its Role in School Segregation Law." In 2020 AERA Annual Meeting. Washington DC: AERA, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/1569695.

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Zhao, K. M., and J. K. Lee. "Generation of Cyclic Stress-Strain Curves for Sheet Metals." In ASME 2000 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2000-1868.

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Abstract The main objective of this paper is to generate cyclic stress-strain curves for sheet metals so that the springback can be simulated accurately. Material parameters are identified by an inverse method within a selected constitutive model that represents the hardening behavior of materials subjected to a cyclic loading. Three-point bending tests are conducted on sheet steels (mild steel and high strength steel). Punch stroke, punch load, bending strain and bending angle are measured directly during the tests. Bending moments are then computed from these measured data. Bending moments are also calculated based on a constitutive model. Normal anisotropy and nonlinear isotropic/kinematic hardening are considered. Material parameters are identified by minimizing the normalized error between two bending moments. Micro genetic algorithm is used in the optimization procedure. Stress-strain curves are generated with the material parameters found in this way, which can be used with other plastic models.
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Bataveljić, Dragan, and Bojan Petrović. "USTAVNO-PRAVNI POLOŽAJ OMBUDSMANA U VAŽEĆEM USTAVU REPUBLIKE SRBIJE IZ 2006. GODINE." In Razvoj i unapređenje institucije ombudsmana u funkciji zaštite ljudskih prava. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/ruio23.003b.

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In this work the authors first points to the historical development of the institute of ombudsman that is to its significance in terms of the protection of human and citizens’ rights and liberties. Although this institute dates back only two centuries ago, the need and interest for this kind of protection has been present forever. The credit for establishing this autonomous and independent body goes to Sweden which has conducted the control of the executive branch of power aimed at the protection of human rights since 1809. Unfortunately, this institute was not readily accepted throughout the entire 19th and in the first half of the 20th century. Nevertheless, the significance of the creation of this institute is great, regardless the fact that in various countries it has developed under different circumstances and under different names. The Republic of Serbia is among those countries which accepted the institute of “people’s attorney” rather late. While it was the member state of the First, Second and Third form of Yugoslavia, Serbia did not have this institute since the previous constitutions did not foresee the existence of this body. It was introduced for the first time in 2002 within the Law on local self-governments, but only in an optional form. This institute became a mandatory body with the Law on citizen’s protector that was passed in 2005 which foresaw the establishment of ombudsman and its deputy at the level of the republic, that was confirmed a year later by the Constitution of 2006.
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Uo, Takuma, Heidi Dvinge, Cynthia C. Sprenger, Robert K. Bradley, Peter S. Nelson, and Stephen R. Plymate. "Abstract 1819: Intrinsic determinants of constitutive activity of exon-skipping variants of androgen receptor in castration resistant prostate cancer." In Proceedings: AACR 107th Annual Meeting 2016; April 16-20, 2016; New Orleans, LA. American Association for Cancer Research, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1538-7445.am2016-1819.

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Loiseau, Olivier, Karine Cheval, Bruno Autrusson, and Didier Brochard. "Study of the Dynamic Response of Large Scale Buildings Using Simplified Approaches." In ASME 2003 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2003-1829.

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The dynamic response of large scale concrete buildings submitted to an explosion cannot always be obtained by means of classical FE analysis codes at reasonable costs. Indeed, the precision level required to predict efficiently the local failure of structural elements needs very fine meshes, which rapidly becomes unaffordable especially in the case of dynamics. The approach presented in this paper relies on a partitioning of the phenomena and their study by simplified methods: (1) The loading of the structure resulting from the detonation of an explosive charge is computed by a numerical implementation of semi-empirical formulas (Kinney and Graham, 1985, Baker et al., 1983); (2) The response of external walls elements, directly impacted by the aerial shock wave, is studied by a modal projection method, based on the use of analytical solutions from the thin plate theory; (3) Longitudinal propagation of the shock through the floors and walls of the building, including material and structural damping, is modeled by a 1D approach. This allows to determine finally whether the resistance limit of the constituting material is locally exceeded or not. Examples taken from a representative building study are presented in order to illustrate the approach.
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Buffon, Beatriz Citroni, and Flávia Piva Almeida Leite. "UN Agenda 2030 and accessibility in cities: A case study." In I Seven International Engineering Congress. Seven Congress, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/seveniengineering-034.

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On March 30, 2007, Brazil ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol, promulgated by the United Nations (UN), through the edition of Legislative Decree 186/08 (BRASIL, 2008 ). This international treaty was the first to have constitutional equivalence, its main objective being to ensure that people with disabilities enjoy their rights on equal terms, without discrimination, providing for the elimination of any barriers to this being achieved. Likewise, in line with the aforementioned convention, we find target 11.7 of the UN 2030 Agenda, which also seeks to ensure the rights of people with disabilities, focusing mainly on providing accessibility in all environments.
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Reports on the topic "Constitution (1869)"

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Hendricks, Kasey. Data for Alabama Taxation and Changing Discourse from Reconstruction to Redemption. University of Tennessee, Knoxville Libraries, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7290/wdyvftwo4u.

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At their most basic level taxes carry, in the words of Schumpeter ([1918] 1991), “the thunder of history” (p. 101). They say something about the ever-changing structures of social, economic, and political life. Taxes offer a blueprint, in both symbolic and concrete terms, for uncovering the most fundamental arrangements in society – stratification included. The historical retellings captured within these data highlight the politics of taxation in Alabama from 1856 to 1901, including conflicts over whom money is expended upon as well as struggles over who carries their fair share of the tax burden. The selected timeline overlaps with the formation of five of six constitutions adopted in the State of Alabama, including 1861, 1865, 1868, 1875, and 1901. Having these years as the focal point makes for an especially meaningful case study, given how much these constitutional formations made the state a site for much political debate. These data contain 5,121 pages of periodicals from newspapers throughout the state, including: Alabama Sentinel, Alabama State Intelligencer, Alabama State Journal, Athens Herald, Daily Alabama Journal, Daily Confederation, Elyton Herald, Mobile Daily Tribune, Mobile Tribune, Mobile Weekly Tribune, Morning Herald, Nationalist, New Era, Observer, Tuscaloosa Observer, Tuskegee News, Universalist Herald, and Wilcox News and Pacificator. The contemporary relevance of these historical debates manifests in Alabama’s current constitution which was adopted in 1901. This constitution departs from well-established conventions of treating the document as a legal framework that specifies a general role of governance but is firm enough to protect the civil rights and liberties of the population. Instead, it stands more as a legislative document, or procedural straightjacket, that preempts through statutory material what regulatory action is possible by the state. These barriers included a refusal to establish a state board of education and enact a tax structure for local education in addition to debt and tax limitations that constrained government capacity more broadly. Prohibitive features like these are among the reasons that, by 2020, the 1901 Constitution has been amended nearly 1,000 times since its adoption. However, similar procedural barriers have been duplicated across the U.S. since (e.g., California’s Proposition 13 of 1978). Reference: Schumpeter, Joseph. [1918] 1991. “The Crisis of the Tax State.” Pp. 99-140 in The Economics and Sociology of Capitalism, edited by Richard Swedberg. Princeton University Press.
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Ashley, Caitlyn, Elizabeth Spencer Berthiaume, Philip Berzin, Rikki Blassingame, Stephanie Bradley Fryer, John Cox, E. Samuel Crecelius, et al. Law and Policy Resource Guide: A Survey of Eminent Domain Law in Texas and the Nation. Edited by Gabriel Eckstein. Texas A&M University School of Law Program in Natural Resources Systems, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/eenrs.eminentdomainguide.

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Eminent Domain is the power of the government or quasi-government entities to take private or public property interests through condemnation. Eminent Domain has been a significant issue since 1879 when, in the case of Boom Company v. Patterson, the Supreme Court first acknowledged that the power of eminent domain may be delegated by state legislatures to agencies and non-governmental entities. Thus, the era of legal takings began. Though an important legal dispute then, more recently eminent domain has blossomed into an enduring contentious social and political problem throughout the United States. The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution states, “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.” Thus, in the wake of the now infamous decision in Kelo v. City of New London, where the Court upheld the taking of private property for purely economic benefit as a “public use,” the requirement of “just compensation” stands as the primary defender of constitutionally protected liberty under the federal constitution. In response to Kelo, many state legislatures passed a variety of eminent domain reforms specifically tailoring what qualifies as a public use and how just compensation should be calculated. Texas landowners recognize that the state’s population is growing at a rapid pace. There is an increasing need for more land and resources such as energy and transportation. But, private property rights are equally important, especially in Texas, and must be protected as well. Eminent domain and the condemnation process is not a willing buyer and willing seller transition; it is a legally forced sale. Therefore, it is necessary to consider further improvements to the laws that govern the use of eminent domain so Texas landowners can have more assurance that this process is fair and respectful of their private property rights when they are forced to relinquish their land. This report compiles statutes and information from the other forty-nine states to illustrate how they address key eminent domain issues. Further, this report endeavors to provide a neutral third voice in Texas to strike a more appropriate balance between individual’s property rights and the need for increased economic development. This report breaks down eminent domain into seven major topics that, in addition to Texas, seemed to be similar in many of the other states. These categories are: (1) Awarding of Attorneys’ Fee; (2) Compensation and Valuation; (3) Procedure Prior to Suit; (4) Condemnation Procedure; (5) What Cannot be Condemned; (6) Public Use & Authority to Condemn; and (7) Abandonment. In analyzing these seven categories, this report does not seek to advance a particular interest but only to provide information on how Texas law differs from other states. This report lays out trends seen across other states that are either similar or dissimilar to Texas, and additionally, discusses interesting and unique laws employed by other states that may be of interest to Texas policy makers. Our research found three dominant categories which tend to be major issues across the country: (1) the awarding of attorneys’ fees; (2) the valuation and measurement of just compensation; and (3) procedure prior to suit.
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Fibbi, Rosita, Leonie Mugglin, Lisa Iannello, Andrea Bregoli, Philippe Wanner, Didier Ruedin, Denise Efionayi-Mäder, and Marta Marques. « Que des locataires ! » : participation politique des résident·e·s espagnols et portugais à Genève et Neuchâtel. Université de Neuchâtel - Swiss Forum for Migration and Population Studies (SFM), 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35662/unine-sfmstudies-83.

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Les cantons de Neuchâtel et Genève ont fait de l’inclusion politique de personnes étrangères un axe majeur de leurs politiques d’intégration. Neuchâtel a été le premier canton à octroyer le droit de vote communal pour les résident·e·s étrangers en 1849 ; en 2000, avec la nouvelle Constitution, il a accordé le droit de vote cantonal aux étranger·ère·s au bénéfice d’un permis d’établissement, domiciliés dans le canton depuis 5 ans et, successivement, en 2007 le droit d’éligibilité au niveau communal. Genève a été le premier canton à accepter en votation populaire en 2005 l’introduction du droit de vote communal (sans l’éligibilité) aux étranger·ère·s résidant légalement en Suisse depuis 8 ans. La participation électorale de la population étrangère est inférieure à celle des autochtones en Suisse à l’instar des autres pays ayant accordé des droits politiques au niveau local aux résident⸱e⸱s étrangers. L’âge, le niveau de formation et la condition socio-économique, ainsi que la connaissance du système politique, expliquent dans une large mesure ce décalage dans la participation électorale. La recherche montre également que des lois électorales inclusives permettant aux résident·e·s étrangers de voter, quel que soit le degré d’utilisation de ces droits, ont un impact positif plus large, favorisant la participation politique des citoyen·ne·s naturalisés. Constatant en outre des disparités entre collectivités étrangères et soucieux de promouvoir une participation politique accrue des résident·e·s étrangers, les délégué·e·s à l’intégration de Genève (BIC) et de Neuchâtel (COSM) ont chargé le Forum suisse pour l’étude des migrations et de la population (SFM) de l’Université de Neuchâtel, en collaboration avec l’Institut de démographie et socioéconomie (IDESO) de l’Université de Genève, d’étudier les raisons d’un tel décalage. L’étude se concentre sur les deux groupes présentant le taux le plus faible de participation électorale, à savoir les Portugais·e·s et les Espagnol·e·s. Dans le but de comprendre le comportement électoral en le situant dans un contexte plus large des trajectoires et des projets migratoires de ces populations, l’étude s’appuie sur une méthodologie mixte : elle combine une analyse documentaire approfondie avec, d’une part, des analyses statistiques sur des données jusqu’ici inexploitées et, d’autre part, une large étude auprès des populations en question.
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