Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Constituent powers'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 49 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'Constituent powers.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
Cissé, Balla. "Le juge, la doctrine et le contrôle juridictionnel des lois de révision de la Constitution." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019USPCD011.
Full textThis research establishes the controversial status of the derivative constituent power, examining its limits and its control by the constitutional judge. It is composed of two parts. The first one concerns itself with the justifications of the refusal of the control of the acts of the derivative constituent power by the doctrine and the judge. These justifications are based on the influence of the “Rousseauist” conception of sovereignty and legalism. It implies that the control of the derivative constituent power by the judge would then lead to a questioning of the democratic principle. This view point on the derivative power is a source of debate about the notion of the doctrine and its imperative nature of the rule of law and fundamental rights.As to the second part, it deals with the constitutional principles contributing to the limitation of the derivative constituent power, in the name of the rule of law. It consists in showing that constitutional identity could serve as a basis for the control by the judge of the acts of the derivative constituent power. If some foreign constitutional judges authorise the control of the derivative constituent power, the French Constitutional Council rejects it. Thus, this thesis contributes to establish a comparative and theoretical study of the control of the acts of the power of revision by the constitutional judge
Mock, Mélody. "Le coup d'Etat moderne, formation ajuridique d'un nouvel ordre juridique." Thesis, Paris 2, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA020090.
Full textHow can the violent overthrow of a government generate a stable legal order? Often overlooked by the legal community, a modern coup is not just a process of accession to power; it is also one of the ways of engaging the original constituent power, of constitutional rupture and of reconstruction. This concept is located at the intersection of political science, of the philosophy of law and of history. The modern coup, which permits the establishment of a new constitution, is the sudden, illegal replacement of a government by a small group of the existing state establishment by the use of force. Based on various historical events, such as the coups d’état of Bonaparte, Lenin, Pinochet, etc., we define this concept and distinguish it from a revolution. We establish a classification of different types of coups, according to their protagonists and their impact on the constitutional system: revolutionary coups, classical coups, modern coups, putsches, and pronunciamienti. We also define the techniques of preparation, implementation and preservation of the coup which affect both the political and legal spheres
Filho, José Filomeno de Moraes. "Congresso Constituinte, constituição dirigente e estado de bem-estar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2133/tde-06052010-165428/.
Full textThis thesis has as its objective an analysis of the decision on the \"economic constitution\", within the ambit of the directive constitution and the establishment of the Social and Democratic State of Law in Brazil, through the constituent process carried out during the years of 1987 and 1988. In view of the fact that legal and constitutional Brazilian literature does not give the necessary attention to the problem nor the linkage between constituent State, Constitution and Politics and in view of the \"economic constitution\" laid out in the constitutional text of 1988, this paper articulates the themes of constituent power, economic directive constitution and the reconstruction of the State, using the tools of constitutional theory, theory of the state and constitutional history. So, it has been assessed that the manifestation of the constituent power comes as privileged locus for the observation of the correlation between State, Constitution and Politics, demonstrated by observing its manifestations in Brazil, at different times, particularly in 1987/1988. In fact, in the wake of the call established by the 26th Constitutional Amendment, from November 27th 1985, Brazil experienced one of its most important moments of political awakening of organized civil society, which had been pushing for political change, from the mid-70s and into the 80s, that led to the fall of the military regime, the building of representative institutions and the founding of multiparty system and a new constitution. Thus, if the rhythmical pace of change and the negotiations between the players that struggled for political opening and the leaders of the political and bureaucratic-authoritarian regime suggested the existence of a special type of transition, called \"transition through the transaction\", and despite the limitations of the call for the Constituent Congress, the final product of the effort was closer to the constitutional democratic and progressive aspirations. It appears that in the past two decades, despite the changes that have occurred in capitalism, with the abandonment of Keynes regulatory standard, the expansion of markets, the relativization of the state, in other words, the neoliberal threat, the leading character of the Brazilian Constitution, however, remains intact. It can be concluded that after twenty years of the enactment of the Federal Constitution, conformation of a normative \"economic order, based on the enhancement of human labor and free enterprise\", in order to \"ensure a dignified livelihood for all, according to the dictates of social justice\" (Federal Constitution, art. 170, caput), it represents a great leap in national constitutionalism and challenges a joint realization of political democracy, social welfare and economic development.
Lisowski, Telma Rocha. "O poder constituinte entre continuidade e ruptura: limites, tradição e transformação." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-13022014-112657/.
Full textThe foundation or refoundation of a political community doesnt signify an absolute beginning or transformation, for there is some load of continuity in every change, even when it is considered to be revolutionary. From that hypothesis, this work will analyze the concept of originary constituent power, by trying to show some oversights and insufficiencies of its classical theory. The major problem to be mentioned is that the theory of the constituent power, when understood as a theory of rupture, can lead to confusion between power and authority and between power and law, which favors a radical formulation of democracy. As an alternative, another point of view from the constituent power will be introduced, one that doesnt put it as an absolute creator of the juridical and political order, but as a creature of a pre-existent order, bringing therefore limits to its proceeding. On the one hand, these limits come from the assumption that we are dealing with the constituent power of popular titularity, which means that the making of the constitution itself will have to obey some democratic principles; on the other hand, there is a series of limits that derive from the institutions developed in a determined time and place, as from the organizational level and previous conceptions from the people that want to build a body politics. The ideas exposed in the firsts chapters will be exemplified through the study of a case, that of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987/1988. At this point, the work will analyze some elements that demonstrate the great level of institutional continuity between the new and the old constitutional orders, with special attention to the maintenance of the federal form of state and the presidential system. On the other side, it will be studied which elements define de rupture between the two orders, discussing the essential alteration of the political regime. In the end, we expect to present an alternative notion of the originary constituent power in comparison with that of derived constituent power, avoiding its characterization as an unlimited and unconditional body, as the classical theory intends.
Dallari, Paulo Massi. "O instituto do veto presidencial no constitucionalismo brasileiro contemporâneo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-03052016-103219/.
Full textIn modern republican states, the system of checks and balances is one of the institutional models responsible for ensuring the balance between powers and preventing abuses by rulers. Two issues can be found in the Brazilian academic literature on the matter that underlie this Dissertation: one concerning the alleged excessive power that our political system grant to the executive branch, and another one more specific that, in this context, the veto would have a main role in the supremacy of the President of the Republic over Congress in the legislative process. Beginning with these assumptions, this research evaluates whether these characteristics are consistent with the expectations and the institutional design proposed for the Brazilian State by the National Constituent Assembly (ANC) of 1987. Based on the ANC records and historical references, it concluded that, at least in regard to the presidential veto institute, the preponderance of the executive branch model observed in the legislative process derived from a deliberate and reaffirmed choice made by the political elite in 1988, at the promulgation of the Constitution.
Rosa, Gabriela Rodrigues da Guia. "Soberania popular: um clássico conceito contemporâneo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-25042018-101557/.
Full textThis dissertation investigates the rousseaunian concept of popular sovereignty and its influence on contemporary debates about democracy. For that, we highlight aspects of this concept from the Social Contract: general will, the role of participation, the problem of representation and the threat of private interests. We show that by placing the original authority and the responsibility for exercising political power on the people, Rousseau establishes new bases for modern States political legitimacy. This new legitimacy is placed on an universal and collective subject and marks democracies since the consolidation of represnetative governments, but not withut criticism. Surely, the universalism underlying the classic model was and still is criticized as it obliterates the plural, heterogenous and unequal reality of contemporary societies. Also, the supposition that the people unifies at any concrete moment is questioned as a fiction limiting its democratic potential. By identifying two moments of popular sovereignty, one related to the origin and the other to the exercise of political power, we argue that deliberative democratic theory looks more towards the political practices that assure the democratic legitimacy of decisions. Aware of the contemporary democracies substantive demands, we agree with Daniel Lee (2016) who historically shows that being popular doesnt make sovereignty democratic. According to Lee, popular sovereignty reflects th unification of a homogenous and collective agent, necessary as the authority of the State derives from the people and its simple existence as a collective actor (a moral person) depends on the peoples previous unification. Finally, we annalyse popular sovereignty as a form of constituent power, convinced of an intrinsic tension between sovereignty, as a representation of the political worlds autonomy, and the sovereign, the constituent power deciding about the nature of politics.
Blouët, Alexis. "Le pouvoir pré-constituant : contribution à l'étude de l'exercice du pouvoir constituant originaire à partir du cas de l'Egypte après la Révolution du 25 janvier (février 2011-juillet 2013)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01D039.
Full textDue to certain epistemological assumptions, constitutional law theory tends to neglect the study of the exercise of original constituent power, namely, the process of new constitution-making. This PhD intends to address the gap in investigation by proposing the concept of “pre-constituent power”, which entails the competence to define rules for drafting a new constitution. We argue that these rules serve to institute a constituent procedure and thus justify and constrain the constituent phenomenon. We also maintain that these rules inevitably vanish from the legal system as soon as the constitution is adopted, as a constitution’s adoption does not derive its legal legitimacy from the rules that framed its production, but rather from the sole will of the sovereign. The first part of this work demonstrates how the establishment of rules for new constitution drafting is reliant on the rest of the legal system in existence during the transitional period. In the second part, employing the concept of pre-constituent power enables us to consider the constitution-making process as an object of normativity, governed by a set of rules characterized by relative autonomy vis-à-vis non-pre-constituent rules. In the third part, we illustrate how actors in the constituent procedure can be compelled to precipitate the process. This occurs as the actors attempt to prevent contestations regarding the legality of the process, given the provisional character of the pre-constituent power. This PhD is rooted in an in-depth case study, based on the analysis of primary sources detailing the Egyptian constitution-making process that took place between the fall of President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 and that of President Morsi in July 2013. It also sheds new light on the country's trajectory after the January 25, 2011 Revolution, given that the constitutional issue represented one of the major political concerns in the post-revolutionary period
LIMA, MÁRCIO PENIDO SOUZA. "THE CONSTITUENT POWER IN MACHIAVELLI." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2011. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=18808@1.
Full textThe constituent power is a concept of great importance for the political and the law theories. The merit of having been the first to conceptualize constitutional power is usually attributed to Sieyès. The present work argues that, in fact, Machiavelli had already dealt about the constitutional power in his work, although he didn’t give the phenomenon the addressed name. For so, we will demonstrate the concepts of virtù and fortune in the context of Machiavelli’s work and examine the required institutions for its conservation. Finally, the concept of constituent power will be covered, which cannot be simply trapped in the meshes of the law. Once the characteristics of the constituent power are stablished, the presence of its elements in Machiavelli will be demonstrated.
Campos, Juliana Cristine Diniz. "Nomogênese e poder constituinte: fundamentação racional e legitimação democrática da norma constitucional." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-23112016-083053/.
Full textConstituent power, based on classical constitutional theory, is defined as raw, original, limitless and unconditional power, from which the state and, consequently, legal order are born. Such power, defined as supranational, knows no boundaries in the law and according to democratic notions it is held by the sovereign people. This thesis reexamines that theoretical conception in order to define constituent power as a communicative power which creates constitutional norm; it appears occasionally and it allows for a selection of moral, ethical-political and strategic arguments introduced by citizens in the public democratic sphere which represent a shared way of life that imposes itself politically. According to this reexamination, postulates of constituent powers material illimitation and unconditionality cannot resist to the paradigm of communicative and dialogical rationality. As the founding moment and grounds of constitutional order, constituent power must respect presupposed rights which guarantee individual autonomy and institutionalize discursive procedures which enable the reproduction of legitimate law. Understood as an extraordinary process in which interests and values remain latent in society, exercise of constituent power represents a unique moment to analyze the normative grounds discourse, the core issue of this thesis. Combining normative grounds and political legitimacy, in the terms of the democratic theory introduced by Jürgen Habermas, the conclusion is that the essence of legitimacy of democratically-organized state orders is the institutionalization of a legal order based discursively through a process of public deliberation, where all individuals potentially affected by the norm may express their consent. By structuring the state, constituting power ensures that the public will and opinion formation process will become stable and consensus will be reached.
Souza, Maria Gabriela Borges Puente de. "Entre decisão e juízo : poder constituinte e controle de constitucionalidade em Hannah Arendt." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/175050.
Full textThis work presents reflections on constituent power and constitutional control in representative liberal democracies, based on Hannah Arendt’s political theory. The problem is based on the author's conception of those who are legitimated for constituent power and the constitutional control, not securitized by one political actor, but by the people and by the Judiciary, respectively. Or rather, the problem of this research is to determine if there is a contradiction in Arendt's constitutional theory in assigning the constituent power to the people through the constitutional foundation, and to give constitutional control to the Judiciary, which is not an elected institution. The problem is demarcated from the development of four hypotheses. The first says Arendt's adheres to the American constitutional theory, in which power is assigned to the people and authority to the Constitution, whose guarantee of custody is of the Constitutional Court, as a form of control of tyranny from the distinction of the sources that legitimize power and Law. The second is the author's position on the French Revolution and the subsequent formation of tyrannical governments, based on the idea of concentration of power and authority in the people, as the sovereign will of the nation. The third hypothesis covers the tyrannical concentration of power in the sovereign, with the will of the leader as the basis for constitutional order. The fourth analyzes Arendt’s restlessness regarding the phenomenon of a-politicization in representative democracies, impacting the choices made through voting. With these hypotheses as references, the study was based on some of Arendt’s fundamental paradigms, namely, politics, authority, revolution and foundation, as well as in her reflections on American and French eighteenth-century constitutionalism. Finally, regarding the study of constitutional control itself, inside Arendt’s structure of power, the study found, although with reservations, that there is no contradiction in imputing it to a constitutional court, guaranteeing not only the separation of powers, but access to political action by minorities, as an instrument of control of the tyranny of the majority, proving the viability of Arendt’s idea of politics.
Chiaradia, Tatiana Del Giudice Cappa. "A essência do poder constituinte." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/8821.
Full textThe Constituent Power is a mysterious and intriguing representation, it awakes the curiosity about the practicing of a power which is responsible for the elaboration of a Constitution, establishing the Constitutional State and creating the legal system of a nation. The practicing of the Constituent Power is the manifestation of the political power which belongs to the People, who relies on the State the power for regulating social relations, limiting its acting in order to assure fundamental rights, by using the ruling established in the Constitution. The objective of this study was analyzing the Constituent Power, in order to reveal its nature, its rationale, so that its identity can be defined allowing the analysis of a few interesting points about its reach. Considering that this study aimed at discovering the essence of the Constituent Power, concepts of Philosophy, Law, power, Constitution and Constitutional State were also investigated, enlarging the comprehension of what actually is the Constituent Power and the analysis of its manifestation, by using a zetetic (philosophical) focus, based on research of issues related to Law, Sociology, Politics, Economy and History. As consequence of the studies carried out, it became possible to realize that the power is characterized by the presence of an authority and of a hierarchic relation, due to which its withholder can grant his will to be fulfilled voluntarily by his addressees, being strongly related to matters of sovereignty and legitimacy. The Constitution is a set of juridical ruling responsible for the formation of the State, limiting the practice of the political power and assuring the fundamental rights of a person. It is the fundamental rule, featured of supremacy, which is positioned on the most elevated spot of the legal system, granting validity to any other juridical rules. The Constitutional State is an outgrowth of the elaboration of its Constitution by the Constituent Power, being conceived as a historical means for organizing political power, before a given society, in a given territory, in a given moment. As for the essence of the Constituent Power, it was identified as a political will which acts over a determined social structure, either in the practice of elaborating the Constitution of a country (Original), or in the elaboration of a Constitution of a State Member of a Federation (Resulting Derivative), or yet in the reformulation of the constitutional text (Resulting Reformer). The theory of the Constituent Power has been developed based on the manifest of Emmanuel Sieyès ( What is the Third Estate? ), which grants its title to the nation, with power to create the Constitution of a country
O Poder Constituinte é uma figura misteriosa e intrigante, pois desperta a curiosidade sobre o exercício de um poder responsável pela elaboração de uma Constituição, que institui o Estado Constitucional e cria o ordenamento jurídico de um país. O exercício do Poder Constituinte é a manifestação do poder político, de titularidade do povo, que confere ao Estado a prerrogativa de disciplinar as relações sociais, limitando sua atuação, para segurança dos direitos fundamentais, por meio de normas presentes na Constituição. O objetivo do estudo foi analisar o Poder Constituinte, a fim de descobrir qual é a sua natureza, a sua razão de existência, para lhe conferir uma identidade que permita a avaliação de algumas questões interessantes sobre sua atuação. Considerando que o estudo teve por finalidade descobrir a essência do Poder Constituinte, foram apreciados os conceitos de essência, Filosofia, Direito, Poder, Constituição e Estado Constitucional, permitindo a compreensão do que é o Poder Constituinte e a análise de sua manifestação, valendo-se de um enfoque zetético (filosófico), com base em pesquisas de questões de ordem jurídica, sociológica, política, econômica, filosófica e histórica. Pelos estudos realizados, percebe-se que o poder é caracterizado pela presença de uma autoridade e uma relação hierárquica, mediante a qual o seu detentor consegue que sua vontade seja respeitada voluntariamente pelos seus destinatários, estando intimamente relacionado às questões de soberania e legitimidade. A Constituição é o conjunto de normas jurídicas responsáveis pela formação do Estado, limitando o exercício do poder político e assegurando os direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana. É a norma fundamental, dotada de supremacia, posicionada no lugar mais elevado do ordenamento jurídico, conferindo validade às demais normas jurídicas. O Estado Constitucional é fruto da elaboração dessa Constituição pelo Poder Constituinte, sendo concebido como uma forma histórica de organização do poder político, diante de determinada sociedade, num dado território e em um momento específico. Quanto à essência do Poder Constituinte, identificou-se tratar de uma vontade política que atua sobre determinada estrutura social, seja no exercício de elaborar a Constituição de um país (Originário), seja na elaboração de Constituições dos Estados-membros de uma Federação (Decorrente Derivado), seja na reforma do texto constitucional (Decorrente Reformador). A Teoria do Poder Constituinte desenvolveu-se com base no manifesto de Emmanuel Sieyès ( O que é o Terceiro Estado? ), o qual confere sua titularidade à nação, com capacidade de criar a Constituição de um país
Roux, Stéphane. "Le concept de "convention nationale" sous la Révolution. Contribution à l'étude de la représentation constituante." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020076.
Full textIn a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege
Maiolino, Eurico Zecchin. "Limitações ao poder de reforma constitucional na Constituição Federal de 1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-03092012-093012/.
Full textThe Constitution is a product of Constituent Power. After elaborating the Constitution, the Constituent power remains asleep. Nevertheless, the Constitution, as a law, necessits to be adjusted to the social reality or will not be able to rule the live of the State and the society and will be replaced by the Constituent Power revoluctionary action. Therefore, the Constituent Power imputes to an Assembly the function of amending the Constitution; however, both of them are not the same phenomenon. The power of amending the Constitution is created by the Constituent Power and consequently is submited to the limitations established. Some authors refuse the limitations of amending process, because the generation can not bind the future generations; others support the possibility to overcome the limitations by a double amending process; finaly, there is a tendency to defend the limitations presenting three mainly arguments: constitutional precommitment, dualist democracy and the defense of the democracy and the human rights. The Brazilian Constitution ordains four sorts of limitations: substantial, formal, circunstantial and temporal. The deepest disagreement refer to the substantial limitations that obstruct the reform of the Constitution nucleus. To guarantee the existence of the limitations, the amending process submits to the control by the Supreme Court.
Castillo, Córdova Luis. "The unconstitutional decisions of the Constitutional Court." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/108292.
Full text¿Pueden ser inconstitucionales las decisiones de unTribunal Constitucional o de una Corte Suprema?Las respuestas de la doctrina y de la propia juris-prudencia constitucional no son uniformes, convirtiéndose éste en un tema controvertido, pero sumamente importante para el Derecho Constitucional.En el presente artículo, el autor, considerando que el Tribunal Constitucional es el supremo intérprete y controlador de la Constitución, y que, como tal, crea Derecho Constitucional, sostiene que sí es posible que las decisiones que toma éste sean inconstitucionales. Enfocándose en el ordenamiento peruano, el autor también presenta alternativas para resolver la problemática de estas decisiones inconstitucionales.
GOMES, RAFAEL BRAVO. "INSTITUTES OF SEMI-DIRECT DEMOCRACY AT THE NATIONAL CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY: MOMENTS OF CONSTITUENT POWER OR THERMIDOR?" PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2015. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=26493@1.
Full textCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
A Constituição Federal de 1988 inaugurou uma nova fase política no país, sendo considerada inegavelmente um avanço no caminho do regime democrático no Brasil, após aproximadamente 24 anos de ditadura militar. Entretanto, para se compreender melhor o texto constitucional, se faz necessária a análise dos debates na Assembleia Constituinte de 1987-1988, que foi palco de confrontos entre progressistas e conservadores. Em disputa, encontravam-se temas relativos à soberania popular, poder constituinte, reforma agrária, dentre outros. A presente dissertação propõe uma análise acerca de temas relacionados ao poder constituinte, abordando o tema, não sob uma perspectiva do constitucionalismo, mas a partir das lições de Antonio Negri, para quem o poder constituinte pertence à multidão e traduz uma força de produção ontológica de novas realidades e institucionalidades. Assim, o trabalho analisará propostas institutos de Democracia Semidireta, que prestigiavam uma maior participação popular nas decisões políticas do país, e que foram rejeitadas ou esvaziadas durante os debates da constituinte. Longe de defender tais instituições como o melhor projeto, até porque só quem pode decidir e pensar nas melhores instituições políticas é a multidão, a presente dissertação busca auferir se tais exclusões dos institutos caracterizam momentos de termidor.
The Federal Constitution of 1988 ushered in a new political phase within the country and is considered a landmark to the return of Democracy in Brazil, after 24 years of military dictatorship. However, to better understand the constitution, it is imperative to analyze the debates of the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988, which was the scene of conflicts between Progressivists and Conservatives. In Dispute, themes related to popular sovereignty, constituent power, agrarian reform, and among others. This dissertation proposes an analysis of theses debates related to the constituent power, addressing the topic, not from the perspective of constitutionalism, but from the lessons of Antonio Negri, for whom the constituent power belongs to the people and reflects an ontological force of production of new realities and institutionalities. Therefore this paper will analyze proposals of semi-direct Democracy institutions that encouraged greater popular participation in political decisions and were rejected during the debates of the Constituent Assembly. Staying distant from defending such institutions as the best project, because the only one who can think and decide on the best political institutions is the multitude. This thesis seeks to identify if such exclusions are moments of the thermidor of Negri.
Camozzato, Mauro Marafiga. "PODER CONSTITUINTE, CONTRADEMOCRACIA E NOVAS TECNOLOGIAS: limites e possibilidades do processo democrático na sociedade em rede." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2015. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/6387.
Full textEste trabalho procurou investigar os limites e as possibilidades da participação democrática por meio das novas tecnologias em rede, considerando a posição efetivamente ocupada pelos cidadãos comuns baixo a uma retórica de legitimação do poder. Para que tal análise pudesse ser realizada, foram investigadas as teorias de legitimação do poder constituinte e da representatividade democrática, sem ignorar a conjuntura econômica e política globais da atualidade. Paralelamente, investigou-se as influências da evolução tecnológica nas estruturas sociais, e prováveis consequências das tecnologias em rede para a participação democrática em um futuro próximo. As conclusões obtidas foram confrontadas com o estudo do caso de uma experiência real e atual, a tentativa da população da Islândia em criar uma Constituição colaborativa, por meio da Internet, pelo povo e para o povo daquele país. A pesquisa foi realizada por meio de consultas à bibliografia especializada, com referências complementares extraídas da Internet e ainda, no estudo do caso islândes, por meio do cotejamento de diversos jornais europeus sobre o assunto. O método de abordagem foi o dialético, enquanto o método de procedimento foi o monográfico. Concluiu-se que o poder constituinte é um processo aberto que pode ser invocado a qualquer momento pelo seu detentor legítimo, o povo, desde que respeitados os limites materiais históricos, assim como o povo também tem o dever de posicionar-se como agente político na defesa dos seus interesses contra a discricionariedade dos seus representantes. Em relação as influências das novas tecnologias na democracia, concluiu-se que é improvável haver boas notícias em uma população com muitas diferenças sociais. A experiência da Islândia demonstrou-se insatisfatória, pois o império econômico e político terminaram por não permitir a efetivação da vontade do povo, mesmo em um país pequeno. Por outro lado, a tentativa tornou-se mundialmente conhecida e com potencial para influenciar outras democracias no mundo.
Baquerizo, Minuche Jorge. "El concepto de 'poder constituyente'. Un estudio de teoría analítica del derecho." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Girona, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671054.
Full textLa presente tesis doctoral consiste en un estudio conceptual: un análisis del concepto de ‘poder constituyente’ en clave jurídica y mediante los instrumentos de la filosofía analítica receptados por la teoría del derecho. A lo largo de los cinco capítulos se procederá a: i) una labor de desambiguación del significado de la expresión ‘poder constituyente’; ii) una labor de clarificación respecto de cómo se encuentra construido el concepto de ‘poder constituyente’ relevante para el derecho; y, iii) una labor conectiva, que supone relacionar o conectar el concepto de ‘poder constituyente’ con otros conceptos que son utilizados dentro de la teoría jurídica en la explicación del origen y del fundamento del derecho de los Estados. El objetivo central de la tesis es modelar el concepto de ‘poder constituyente’ que interesa al derecho mediante su respectiva redefinición, describiendo y reconstruyendo de mejor modo los usos y prácticas que se advierten alrededor de este concepto
Programa de Doctorat Interuniversitari en Dret, Economia i Empresa
Consani, Ana Cláudia do Rego. "Os direitos adquiridos na constituição federal de 1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-23042010-143740/.
Full textIn a country of fertile constitutional changes and modifications such as Brazil, the issue of vested rights arouses special interest of the doctrine of jurisprudence. This essay intends to present the contours and limits of such subjective rights, addressing the treatment given to them by the Federal Constitution of 1988, through the study of its constitutional clause of protection in relation to legislative innovations, with support in the examination of the main categories of intertemporal law. Regarding the protection of constitutional rights and their scope, it examines in detail the guarantee clause, with the examination of its major controversies in the light of national doctrine and jurisprudence. It intends to fix and understand the extension of the protection of vested rights in the Constitution of 1988, analyzing the impacts of the choice made by the constituent legislature in petrifying this guarantee in the Constitution, as well as the possibility of its opposition to the manifestations of Constituent Power. In this matter, the concepts and characteristics of each species of Constituent Power are recalled, with the presentation of the major doctrinal and jurisprudential guidelines on the subject.
Matakane, Gcina M. "The people shall govern: Constituent power and the South African Constitution." University of the Western Cape, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5625.
Full textThe South African negotiations process, in the true spirit of classical liberalism, emphasised juridical continuity, legality, and gradual political change. But in spite of this and the fact that South Africa’s constitution-making process is acclaimed as the most successful negotiated revolution, it is generally recognised that there is incongruity between the promise and hope brought about by South Africa’s constitution-making process and the political and social crises that ensued after the advent of constitutional democracy in the country. I argue in this analysis that the South African constitutional discourse must undergo a fundamental shift by abandoning the normative regulation of the constituent power of the people in order to allow for the people to truly govern. The acknowledgement of the possibility of the unregulated exercise of constituent power through people-driven initiatives can mitigate the current malaise facing South Africa’s constitutional democracy.
Pfenninger, Christian. "Capillaries of force : constituent power, porous sovereignty, and the ethics of anarchism." Thesis, University of Westminster, 2017. https://westminsterresearch.westminster.ac.uk/item/9zy29/capillaries-of-force-constituent-power-porous-sovereignty-and-the-ethics-of-anarchism.
Full textLecoq-Pujade, Benjamin. "La naissance de l'autorité de la représentation nationale en droit constitutionnel français (1789-1794)." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://scd-rproxy.u-strasbg.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D5442%26nu%3D238%26selfsize%3D1.
Full textThe place and the contemporary role of Parliament in French institutions lead to question the nature of the traditionally recognized authority of national representation. The objective of this research is to analyze the revolutionary origins of French constitutional principle which consists in seeing, in the assembly of representatives of the Nation, the heart of a politicial authority whose source is the representative expression of the general will. The French Revolution has long appeared as the matrix moment of modern constitutional law and constitutionalism in France. However, unlike its predecessors in England and North America, it was less intended to limit power than to regenerate both its foundation and exercise. In this respect, it presents itself to constitutional law as a revolution of authority, that is to say as a total upheaval of the foundations of political existence tending to replace the old monarchy, traditional and sacral, with a modern constitutional order based on the equal freedom of citizens and the natural autonomy of national community. The great work of the French revolutionaries was, therefore, to redefine the relation of command to obedience by substituting the transcendent authority of the monarch, by the immanent authority of a Nation, which materializes itself through its representatives. It is in fact through the lens of representation that the Revolution undertook to reconcile authority and freedom. The advent of the national rpresentation, destined for a long time to become the center of gravity of French political life, finds its origin in this desire to refound the obligation of obedience through the conjunction of individual autonomy and collective autonomy. This liberal and emancipatory project, which consists in realizing the nation’s grip on itself through representation, nevertheless suffers from a congenital ambivalence due to the contradictory aspirations of revolutionary constitutionalism. It is divided between the need to justify the subversion of the old order, and the desire to establish for the future a liberal and temperate government, tending to rationalize and depersonalize public authority. The institution of national representation, produced and generated by the Revolution, crystalized this tension. The work of the Constituent Assembly and the National Convention reveals that the revolutionary constituents have constantly oscillated between two conceptions of representation and constitutionalism. One, modern, relies on the otherness of the Nation and its representatives to place the Constitution and the guarantee of rights above the authority of the latter. On the contrary, the older one tends to symbiosis with it by basing the authority of national representation on an existential imperative: to give life to this sovereign nation which can only come to legal existence by the expression of a common will. Revolutionary constitutionalism therefore remains in the middle, stuck between the organicist tradition of the Old Regime, in which it has its roots, and the outline of a modern constitutionalism tending instead to dissociate the state and the society, as well as authority and freedom
Cezar, Ribeiro Gustavo. "Modos da soberania e a questão contemporânea do poder." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010588/document.
Full textThis work is divided into three parts an effort of reconstruction of the concept of sovereignty. The theoretical starting point of the argument lies in the assertion that the possibility of thinking of politics in modern and contemporary times passes through the need for affirmation of the principle of sovereignty. It admits, at first, the need for a quick recovery of its historical sense, revisiting the origins of modern political thought and there identifying the elements of the concept of sovereignty, which now operates in the different theories of power. But the biggest effect of that recovery is to be understood in terms of an effort to the “rehabilitation” of sovereignty. This goal, however, requires two parallel movements: 1) an attempt to recognize the presence of the sovereignty or some of its key elements in theories that reject it, either for political or epistemological reasons; 2) an indication of any new joint elements of sovereignty, so that it can regain its power of analysis and explanation of the reality of power. In general, the work seeks to recover not exactly the history of the concept, but the cognitive operators of sovereignty that have been allocated in a particular historical moment. From the identification of these operators, I want to emphasize its presence in seemingly unfavourable formulations to the idea of the sovereign. This argument has requested, in the first part, a return to the classics of this great theme
Serotini, André. "Tribunal constitucional: uma proposta da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil na constituinte de 1987/88." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2014. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/965.
Full textThe aim of this research is the performance of the Bar Association in Brazil concerning the Constituent Process of 1987/88, which was an important political time at the end of the twentieth century in Brazil. Marked by an ambivalence of vocations, the Brazilian Bar Association managed to move self confidently between corporate and institutional interests. It is by taking advantage of this characteristic and its history, mainly related to conflicts of legal and democratic nature, that we are motivated to immerse into a universe of this sui generis institution, drawing Law and Policy closer in such a way that they seem inseparable. The chosen arena, the Constituent of 1987, brings all the characteristic features of a good political novel , full of alliances and strategies. The topic that we report as ideal is the analysis of questions which involve setting up a Constitutional Court, proposed by the association, which went through procedures in the Subcommittee of the Judicial Power and the Public Prosecutor. One of the main obstacles was the centuries-old tradition of the Supreme Constitutional Court, an organ of the Judicial Power, which would be substituted, if the progressive intent of the Bar Association in Brazil had been successful. Moreover, taking this into account, we attempt to clarify which factors contributed to this frustration, even knowing that approximately 75% (seventy five percent) of the constituents belonging to the Subcommittee were professionally declared as lawyers.
A presente pesquisa tem como enredo a atuação da Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil no Processo Constituinte de 1987/88, principal momento político do final do século XX, no Brasil. Marcada por uma ambivalência de vocações, a OAB consegue transitar com tamanha desenvoltura entre os interesses corporativos e institucionais. É aproveitando dessa característica e de sua trajetória, principalmente, relacionada aos embates de natureza jurídica e democrática, que nos motivamos a imergir no universo dessa instituição sui generis, aproximando o direito e a política, de tal forma que parecem indissociáveis. A arena de atuação escolhida, a Constituinte de 1987, traz todos os elementos caracterizadores de um bom romance político, recheado de alianças e estratégias. O recorte temático que reportamos como ideal é a análise das questões que envolveram a criação de um Tribunal Constitucional, proposta pela Ordem, a qual tramitou na Subcomissão do Poder Judiciário e do Ministério Público, tendo como um dos principais obstáculos a tradição centenária do Supremo Tribunal Constitucional, órgão de cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o qual seria substituído, caso o intento progressista da OAB tivesse logrado êxito. E, nesse contexto, procuramos esclarecer quais foram, realmente, os fatores que contribuíram para essa frustração, ainda mais sabendo que cerca de 75% (setenta e cinco por cento) dos constituintes pertencentes àquela Subcomissão haviam se declarado profissionalmente como advogados.
Darees, Danielle. "Contribution a l'etude d'associations monolithiques de composants mos et bipolaires : le thyristor a gachette isolee." Toulouse, INSA, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986ISAT0029.
Full textSTYZEI, MARCO GERARD SKINNER. "IMMATERIAL LABOR ON A PERSPECTIVE OF THE CONSTITUENT POWER AND THE CULTURAL PUBLIC POLICIES." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2009. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=16646@1.
Full textA resistência às novas formas de apropriação do trabalho intelectual e a falência do sistema representativo para dar conta dessas mudanças são os problemas que estão postos à sociedade. A correlação das políticas culturais com o trabalho imaterial, na perspectiva negriana do poder constituinte, pretende investigar novos caminhos de resistência e de liberação. As políticas públicas relativas à cultura no Brasil têm dois momentos de intenso brilho: o período do Estado Novo da criação do Serviço do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional (SPHAN), onde os modernistas puderam neutralizar a ameaça integralista e participar do processo revolucionário de criação de uma política pública cultural abrangente e universalista; e o período subsequente à Constituição Federal de 1988, que, de maneira ambígua, reabriu a possibilidade de se pensar em novas perspectivas para as políticas culturais. Com as garantias de cidadania e de acesso e fruição dos direitos culturais previstas constitucionalmente a partir de então, foi possível alargar o conceito de cultura e abrigar a noção de patrimônio imaterial. A partir do Ministério da Cultura (MinC) da gestão de Gilberto Gil, as noções de cultura e do papel do Estado transformaram-se radicalmente, culminando com a sistematização do Plano Nacional de Cultura (PNC). Esta dissertação quis expor os embates político-constitucionais relacionados às políticas públicas culturais e analisar as transformações do trabalho nas sociedades contemporâneas, mostrando a estreita relação desta nova forma trabalho com o trabalho desempenhado nas atividades culturais - uma vez que a tendência hegemônica do trabalho imaterial tornou-se realidade.
The actual problems raised to any society are the resistance to new forms of appropriation of intellectual work and the bankruptcy of representative system to take care of these changes. The connection of cultural politics with immaterial labor on a Negrian`s perspective of constituent power intends to investigate new ways of resistance and liberation. Public politics related to the culture have two specific moments of intense brightness in Brazil: the period of the Estado Novo and the creation of the National Service of Historic and Artistic Patrimony (SPHAN), in which the modernists have been capable to neutralize the threat integralista and participate in a revolutionary process of creation of a comprehensive and universalist cultural public politic; and the later period of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, that, in an ambiguous way, reopened the discussion about cultural politics. With citizenship garanties established and the access and fruition of cultural rights protected by the constitution from now on, it has been possible to enlarge the concept of culture and harbor the notion of immaterial patrimony. Notions such as culture and the role of the State have been dramatically changed since the first management of the minister Gilberto Gil at the Cultural Ministry (MinC), and the direct consequence is the organization of the National Plan of Culture (PNC). This dissertation intended to expose the political and constitutional impingements related to the cultural public politics and to analyse the transformations of the work at contemporary societies. As a direct consequence, we want to establish the narrow relation between this new form of work and the work performed at cultural activities, since immaterial labor tendency has become a reality.
Chapel, Sébastien. "La démocratie : pouvoir constituant ou auto-institution ?" Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010539/document.
Full textHow can one rethink democracy in its most substantive dimension (beyond the form of the State) without finding the theological core of the concept of political representation (repräsentation) and/or the stalemate of the infinite subject? This work intends to bring a new perspective to this problem by considering in relation the dellavolpian and the "operaist" interpretation, with the ontological reformulation of the political problem such as it was formulated (partially) by Antonio Negri and (much more completely) by Cornelius Castoriadis. The major contribution of della Volpe and of "operaism" indeed includes (while separately, as was the common sign of their respective failures) a glimpse of the ontological significance of the Marxian criticism of the dialectic (for the first) and (for the second) the intrinsic "politicality" of the Law of Value bequeathed by Marx, double movements that Castoriadis reunites entirely in determining the political implications arising from the “linguistic” relativisation of the unitary ontology and, more precisely, the possibility of a radically democratic form of representation ("anonymous collective"), considered in the irreducible element of the social imagination (and of plurality)
Freitas, Lígia Barros de. "A consolidação institucional do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST) na longa Constituinte (1987-2004)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2012. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/952.
Full textUniversidade Federal de Minas Gerais
The objective of this thesis is to analyze the political performance of the Superior Labor Court (TST) and the Legislative Power in the context of changes to the Labor Law between 1987 and 2004. To reach this objective, we analyze the internal procedure of TST, classify the institutional changes factors responsible for altering the political performance of the TST in the course of the constituent process in the Constituent Assembly (ANC) during the 1987/1988 period, as well as in the constituent reform process in the Judiciary Power Reform (which gave rise to the Constitutional Amendment 24/1999 and Constitutional Amendment 45/2004). Likewise, these aspects of institutional change generated changes in the direction of jurisprudence and the policy of judiciary organization of the TST. In the ANC of 1987/1988, the political performance of the TST, which did not represent the Labor Court, returned to the constitutional articles of its structure and expertise, and attained little public visibility. In the Judiciary Power Reform, the TST started to participate in public hearings, increasing its public visibility and legitimizing itself as an outlet to represent the Labor Court when facing other powers, as well as about human rights issues related to employment. Therefore, this research reflects the support of the legislative model of labor relations in Brazil in the institutional consolidation process of the TST.
O principal objetivo da tese foi analisar a atuação política do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST), junto ao Poder Legislativo, na alteração do Direito do Trabalho, entre 1987 a 2004. Para tanto, analisamos o funcionamento interno do TST, classificando os fatores de mudanças institucionais, responsáveis pela alteração de atuação política do TST, durante o processo constituinte da Assembléia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987/88 e no processo de reforma constitucional da Reforma do Poder Judiciário (que originou a Emenda Constitucional 24/1999 e Emenda Constitucional de 45/2004). Igualmente, esses fatores de mudanças institucionais provocaram alterações no direcionamento da jurisprudência e da política de organização judiciária do TST. Na ANC de 1987/88 a atuação política do TST, que não representava a Justiça do Trabalho, voltou-se para os artigos constitucionais sobre sua estrutura e competência e ganhou pouca visibilidade pública. Na Reforma do Poder Judiciário, o TST passou a participar de audiências públicas, ganhou maior visibilidade pública e legitimou-se como um dos porta-vozes para falar em nome da Justiça do Trabalho perante outros poderes, bem como sobre temas de direitos humanos relacionados com o trabalho. Com isso, o estudo apresenta o processo de consolidação institucional do TST e como o mesmo reforça o modelo legislado de relação do trabalho no Brasil.
Herrera, Juan C. "Las cláusulas durmientes de integración latinoamericana: origen, función y alternativas para despertarlas." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665486.
Full textIs economic, political, and social integration a legal objective in Latin America? Is integration one of the central promises of contemporary constitutional law in that region? The quick answer is yes. To demonstrate the reason for and purpose of integration, this dissertation offers a set of taxonomies of thirty-six constitutions of the Americas and the Caribbean for the object of illustrating and analyzing those norms that contemplate the creation of a supranational space. With a special focus on the South American experience, this work aims at contextualizing and reconstructing the historical origins of these norms, their technical function, and their status as aspirational provisions. In recent decades, Latin America has made progress in the construction of a common supranational space. It has done so precisely by ‘awakening’ the dormant clauses concerning democracy and fundamental rights. The key contribution of this research consists of pointing out the possibility of awakening and implementing these clauses for attaining "deeper" regional integration. To this effect, it understands economic, political, and social integration as a cohesive element of a commune and transformative law in the region and proposes to interpret the dormant clauses through a pro integratione criterion as well as to take inspiration from and adapt some mechanisms of the integration experiences in Europe, Africa and Asia.
As cláusulas adormecidas da integração latino-americana: Origem, função e alternativas para despertá-lasA integração econômica, política e social é um mandamento jurídico na América Latina? Esta integração é uma das promessas centrais do direito constitucional contemporâneo na região? A resposta rápida é sim. Para demonstrar por que e para que fins, nesta monografia foram criadas e analisadas as taxonomias que explicam cada uma das normas relevantes para consolidar um espaço supranacional a partir das disposições existentes em 36 constituições das Américas e do Caribe. Com especial ênfase no caso e na experiência sul-americana, são contextualizados e reconstruídos a origem histórica dessas normas, sua função técnica e seu status como disposições operacionais.Nas últimas décadas, a América Latina avançou na construção de um espaço supranacional comum, justamente porque despertou outras cláusulas adormecidas, as democráticas e relativas aos direitos fundamentais. A contribuição nuclear desta pesquisa consiste em apontar a possibilidade de despertar e efetivar as cláusulas de integração regional "profunda", ou seja, a integração econômica, política e social como elemento coeso de um direito commune e transformador para a região. Como alternativas para despertá-las, propõe-se que estas sejam interpretadas através de um critério pro integratione, assim como a adaptação de alguns mecanismos das experiências integrativas da Europa, África e Ásia.
DIAS, RAQUEL COSTA. "CRIMINAL REPRESSION TOWARDS THE CONSTITUENT POWER: THE JUNE 2013 PROTESTS IN RIO DE JANEIRO AND THE CRIMINAL PROCEDURE." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2017. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=32136@1.
Full textCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
O presente trabalho destrincha a tensão entre poder constituinte e poder constituído na perspectiva das manifestações no Rio de Janeiro em junho de 2013, que são analisadas como formas contemporâneas de vivência real e prática da democracia, através da multidão, que velozmente reagia às agressões acumuladas vindas do poder constituído e dos setores interessados em manter o status quo. A multidão que foi às ruas participar dos movimentos iniciados em 2013 no Rio de Janeiro, através das redes sociais da internet, promoveu a interação e conexão de pessoas por meio dos movimentos em rede, independentemente de suas origens, ideologias ou filiações. A partir da autonomia desse espaço virtual, os movimentos sociais venceram o medo do poder constituído e lançaram-se às ruas, formaram coletivos e utilizaram-se de táticas de autodefesa. A essa parcela da sociedade contemporânea formadora da multidão de 2013 são negados os direitos da cidadania, distanciando-a dos interesses do capital e aproximando-a do conceito de inimigo. Isso ocorre especialmente quando esta se rebela contra o status quo, cuja manutenção interessa à sociedade global de controle, e que funciona simultaneamente como fomentador e como estabilizador da desigualdade, sendo esta aumentada com o incremento da repressão do Estado. A repressão violenta e desproporcional do Estado é exemplificada neste trabalho por três momentos que contribuíram para o enfraquecimento do movimento constituinte emerso das ruas em 2013, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, marcando uma verdadeira instrumentalização da repressão à multidão: (i) a criação da Comissão Especial de Investigação de Atos de Vandalismo, através de decreto do chefe do Executivo estadual; (ii) a tramitação em regime de urgência do projeto de lei e a sanção, pela chefe do Executivo Federal, da Lei que cria o conceito de organização criminosa; e (iii) o inquérito policial que culminou com a prisão de vinte e três manifestantes cariocas às vésperas da final da Copa do Mundo no Brasil. A severa repressão dos levantes de 2013 colaborou para a manutenção do pensamento inquisitorial e para o fortalecimento de instituições autoritárias. Tal fenômeno desafia o presente trabalho a refletir sobre a viabilidade da instrumentalização do Processo Penal como meio de contenção das arbitrariedades reiteradamente cometidas contra aqueles que não se beneficiam da manutenção do status quo.
This work unravels the tension between constituent and constituted power in the perspective of the protests of June 2013 in Rio de Janeiro, analyzed as contemporary ways of a practical and concrete experiencing of democracy, given the spontaneity of the multitude, who rapidly reacted to the gathered aggressions that came from the constituted power and the segments interested in maintaining the status quo. The multitude that went to the streets to protest in the movements started in Rio de Janeiro, 2013, through the social media, promoted the interaction and connection of people through network movements, regardless their origins, ideologies or affiliations. From this autonomous virtual space, the social movements overcame the fear of the constituted power and went to the streets, formed collective initiatives and used self-defense tactics. Citizenship rights are denied to this part of contemporary society that formed the 2013 multitude, making it more distant from the interests of capitalism and closer to the concept of enemy. This happens specially when this multitude rebels against the status quo, whose maintenance interests the global control society, and that works simultaneously as promoter and stabilizer of inequality, which is raised by the increase of the State repression. The violent and unmeasured State repression is exemplified in this work by three moments that contributed to the weakening of the constituent movement surfaced from the streets of Rio de Janeiro in 2013. These moments marked a true instrumentalisation of the repression of the multitude: (i) the creation of the Special Commission for the Investigation of Vandalism Acts, through decree from the chief of the state Executive Power; (ii) the urgent proceeding of the bill and the sanction of the law that creates the concept of criminal organization, by the chief of the Federal Executive Power; and (iii) the police inquiry that resulted on the arrest of twenty-three carioca protestors right before the ending of FIFA World Cup in Brazil. The severe repression of the 2013 movements collaborated to maintain the inquisitorial thought and to strengthening authoritarian institutions. This phenomenon challenges this work to ponder on the viability of the instrumentalisation of the Criminal Procedure as a way of restraining the arbitrary actions repeatedly perpetrated against those who do not benefit from the maintenance of the status quo.
Berhanu, Kassahun. "Returnees, resettlement and power relations : the making of a political constituency in Humera, Ethiopia /." Amsterdam : VU University Press, 2000. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38868326j.
Full textDéchaux, Raphaël. "Les normes à constitutionalité renforcée : recherches sur la production du droit constitutionnel." Thesis, Aix-Marseille 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011AIX32074.
Full textJudicial review of constitutional amendments is not yet accepted in France. The legal community quasi-unanimously agreed on that solution since the early days of the III Republic. In its decision dated from march 26th, 2003, the Constitutional Council has explicitly denied its power concerning constitutional amendments. In view of the situation in neighboring countries Germany and Italy, the French situation remains singular, if not exceptional.The Constitution contains a provision which cannot be amended. Article 89 para 5 thus states: The republican form of government shall not be the object of any amendment.” Far from the debate on supraconstitutionaliy, it is therefore possible to envisage a specific action of constitutional amendment, based on the Constitution itself. These norms are called constitutionally enforced. The idea is to determine whether a hierarchy exists between “enforced constitutionally norms” and “simple constitutionally norms”. This research must be conducted under a positivist and kelsenian approach. It demonstrates that the constituent power creates specific norms that the amending power, along with all delegated power must respect. It should then be assessed if this theory is effective. The analysis of “constitutions changes” during constitutional transition reinforces the theoretical analysis. Comparative constitutional law studies demonstrate that judicial review of constitutional amendments is not a “Government by judiciary”; it further advances the rule of Law
Monge, Morales Gonzalo J., and Chang Regina Odar. "Critical analysis of Constitutional law from the new latinoamerican constitutionalism’s perspective. Interview with Rubén Martínez Dalmau." THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho, 2015. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/109683.
Full text¿Qué tienen en común las Constituciones vigentesde Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador y Bolivia? Todas ellas son parte de lo que se denomina el nuevo constitucionalismo latinoamericano, una corriente del Derecho Constitucional que propone un nuevo enfoque para analizar el rol del constitucionalismo en nuestros tiempos.THĒMIS-Revista de Derecho tuvo la oportunidad de conversar con uno de los principales teóricos de este constitucionalismo latinoamericano, respecto de qué trata esta nueva propuesta, las soluciones que ella plantea, los retos que se le presentan, así como la lectura que ofrece respecto de los fenómenos constitucionales e instituciones del Derecho Constitucional.
Yendo, Sergio Andrade. "Entre a exceção econômica e a retomada do desenvolvimento." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2011. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1006.
Full textCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The exercise of sovereignty by the people, specifically the popular sovereignty of the poor, is vital for national development. The underprivileged are the main interested in development, desiring improvement of general living conditions and diffusion of technical progress. In recent years, there was a considerable reduction of poverty and income inequality. However, underdevelopment was not surpassed. Based on the thought of Celso Furtado, this research aims to establish the basis for a discussion about the resumption or not of national development. That is, if Brazil is on track or not, even in a first step, of development. To do so, will adopt the view furtadian on development. From this, I will try to check if there is a first stage in the process of developing or if there is an economic state of emergency. In this way, trying to obtain evidences, this study will analyze the cash transfer program called Bolsa Familia, after exposition of the core of the doctrine of Furtado on development and underdevelopment. The Bolsa Familia has contributed a lot to the reduction of inequality and poverty. Because of that, it will be taken as empirical element to answer the question: was considerable the social homogenization and the investment in human factor? These are the foundations of development in Furtado and are for example, in Article 3º, brazilian's transformation clause in the 1988 Brazilian Constitution.
O exercício da soberania pelo povo, mais especificamente a soberania popular dos pobres, é fundamental para o desenvolvimento nacional, uma vez que os desvalidos são os principais interessados no desenvolvimento, com melhoria das condições gerais de vida e difusão do progresso técnico. Nos últimos anos, constatou-se uma considerável redução da pobreza e da desigualdade de renda. Porém, o subdesenvolvimento não foi superado. Partindo do pensamento de Celso Furtado, esta pesquisa visa estabelecer as bases de uma discussão acerca da retomada ou não do desenvolvimento nacional. Isto é, se o país se encontra ou não no caminho, ainda que num primeiro passo, do desenvolvimento. Para tanto, será adotado o ponto de vista furtadiano sobre o desenvolvimento. A partir disso, tentar-se-à contrapor a possibilidade de um início de processo de desenvolvimento a um estado de exceção econômico que se apresenta. Para isso, será analisado o caso do Programa Bolsa Família, após a exposição do cerne da doutrina de Furtado sobre o desenvolvimento e o subdesenvolvimento. O Bolsa Família em muito contribuiu para a diminuição da desigualdade e da pobreza. Em razão disso, ele será tomado como elemento empírico para se chegar à questão: houve homogeneização social e investimento considerável no fator humano? Essas são as bases do desenvolvimento em Furtado e estão por exemplo, no Artigo 3º, nossa cláusula transformadora positivadas na Constituição de 1988.
Santos, Hermano de Oliveira. "Cidadania na constituinte e constituição do Brasil : discurso, símbolo, utopia." Pós-Graduação em Direito, 2018. http://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/8361.
Full textAo se abordar o tema da forma jurídica da cidadania no Brasil, deve-se questionar como as necessidades e os interesses dos cidadãos foram considerados e debatidos na Constituinte de 1987/1988 e são reconhecidos e protegidos pelo Estado a partir da Constituição de 1988. Com o objetivo de descrever a constitucionalização da cidadania, procura-se explorar e explicar como se estabelecem as relações entre os cidadãos e o Estado. Parte-se da hipótese de que os direitos e deveres de cidadania refletem e são usados para justificar relações de dominação, cujos efeitos são diversos graus de inclusão ou exclusão, acesso e exercício de poderes pelos cidadãos, com intermediação do Estado. Adota-se uma metodologia de investigação multidisciplinar, amparada no procedimento de genealogia do poder como referencial teórico, mediante aplicação de instrumentos de análise crítica de discurso textualmente orientada, em fontes primárias e secundárias de material bibliográfico empírico e teórico, de modo qualitativo. Justifica-se esse retorno ao contexto constituinte como meio para atingir a finalidade de compreender os fundamentos e as manifestações de poder no texto constitucional, assim como suas limitações e possibilidades na realidade social. Numa estrutura dividida em três capítulos, apresenta-se o seguinte conteúdo: (1) a formação e os trabalhos constituintes usaram o anseio de participação popular para instituir um regime constitucional de democracia baseada na representação, sendo a cidadania mais configurada pelo Estado do que construída pelos cidadãos; (2) grupos oligárquicos manipularam e manipulam o poder constituinte utilizando as necessidades comuns para atender a interesses hegemônicos, o que faz daquele poder um poder simbólico e dos cidadãos menos sujeitos do que objetos de poder, estando a cidadania submetida à regulação e ao controle pelo Estado; e (3) esse déficit de legitimidade constituinte dificulta a eficácia constitucional, na medida em que o poder é exercido e justificado por agentes do Estado mesmo sem que a autoridade lhes seja conferida pelos cidadãos, o que não é criticado como se poderia pela doutrina constitucionalista, fazendo da cidadania mais utopia do que realidade.
São Cristóvão, SE
Horvit, Beverly J. "Putting Okinawa on the agenda : a case study on agenda-setting in U.S. foreign policy /." free to MU campus, to others for purchase, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/mo/fullcit?p9962533.
Full textMattiacci, Eleonora. "The Determinants of Foreign Policy Volatility." The Ohio State University, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1408964976.
Full textGonzalez, Carolina. "Interpreting the taking vs. creating power dichotomy : A case study of the Argentinean labour movement CTA and the Constituyente Social." Thesis, Stockholm University, Stockholm University, Institute of Latin American Studies, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-28954.
Full textThis is a case study of the alternative labour union organization Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA) in Argentina and the most recent project under process striving for system change, named the Constituyente Social. The case under study is used to illustrate the perception of power in relation to aspirations for societal change among the left in Latin America. The overall struggle of the CTA and the Constituyente Social is to create a more just society based on a deepening of democracy, more participatory in character. Two understandings of power are presented, on the one hand is the taking power concept, inherited from the political struggles where the belief is that power needs to be taken from the elite in order to succeed with structural change in society. On the other hand is the creating power perception, best exemplified with the Zapatista movement in Mexico. There is no conquering of power in this view, but a creation and strengthening of power among the masses. The theoretical chapter presents a view that unites these two perceptions, arguing for the need to intersect the vertical (power taking) and the horizontal (power creating) struggles. The Constituyente Social is analyzed in relation to this intersection, providing concrete examples of where the two power perceptions are utilized, sometimes simultaneously. The overall conclusion is that the dichotomization usually done between the two understandings of power is incomplete and may even damage the struggle for societal change.
Bachour, Samir Dib. "Poder constituinte derivado de equivalência às emendas constitucionais: os tratados de direitos humanos após a EC nº 45/04." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-11022015-124424/.
Full textThe theory of Constitutional Amendments Equivalence of Derived Constitutional Power seeking to embrace fully the phenomenon of legal approval of international treaties and conventions on human rights as equivalent to constitutional amendments, pursuant to §3º of art. 5º of the Constitution, inserted by Constitutional Amendment nº 45/04. After critically describing the constitutional, jurisprudential and doctrinaire panorama in that was engendered in this new device of art. 5º and the procedure by which the incorporation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol was approved as equivalent to the Amendments, follow three essential parts that make up the approach to the subject. The first is directed to describe the presence of a new manifestation of constituent power, with the goal of providing solutions coherent and consistently backed into a theoretical framework common to all the problems involved, which will be examined specifically from the issues faced in Part II. The third part is more tied to material issues, to worry about the object of constitutional equivalence: if this includes the entire international diploma; exclusively human rights therein, or also rules otherwise, abstracting and projecting findings from the concrete experience of the Convention. The most intense contribution to legal thought is evidently in the identification of a new type of constitutional derived power; but also in the conceptualization of equivalence to constitutional amendments norms; when pointing the exact object of §3º of art. 5º; revealing the complexity of the phenomena involved in the introduction of the Convention and its Optional Protocol; the delimitation of the spectrum of equivalent to constitutional amendments norms; and in obtaining greater theoretical conformity with the fundamentals of the constitutional and international legal systems, from entanglement between the theories of law and the State; and the disciplines of constitutional law; international law; and human rights
Antonietto, André Luís Gomes. "Contornos político-jurídicos do poder decisório dos conselhos populares: análise após 30 anos da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/107/107131/tde-04022019-093606/.
Full textIn this dissertation, we proposed an investigation of the political and juridical contours of the decision power of the popular councils, through issues identified by means of the activity of popular legal advice at the university to groups and popular movements that participate these councils. The first question that we analyzed concerns the guarantees that the Federal Constitution of 1988 provides for the existence and participation of society in the management of public policies through popular councils. We identified that the popular councils were based on innumerable proposals that were processed in the Constituent National Assembly and that all of them were rejected or had their content heavily altered in the sense of making them more abstract. Despite the non-approval of the proposals, the context of popular mobilization of the Constituent Assembly contributed to the construction of a participatory ideology that would influence the process of creating the popular councils, through the regulation of social rights provided in the Constitution. This process was marked by the demand for councils with decision- making power, which was expressed through the requirement that these have a deliberative character. However, after three decades of the Constituent Assembly, the deliberative councils don\'t seem to respond to the wishes for popular participation in state decisions. From this point of view, we propose an analytical model that considers the nuances of the decision-making power attributed to the councils to classify their attributions, based on some concepts of Administrative Law. Through the analysis, we demonstrate that the prediction of deliberative feature isn\'t enough by itself to guarantee decision-making power to the councils, what should be expressed through the forecast of competencies that specify the scope of this power. We identified that there is a big variety of types of decisions that can be taken by councils and that the laws and norms that regulate these bodies establish many imperfect competencies, that is, those that define a purpose without, however, foreseeing the instrumental powers that allow its execution. We also identified a tendency for these competences are established by decree, not by law, which tends to undermine the autonomy of councils.
Dickins, Alistair. "Krasnoiarsk, 1917 : the making of Soviet power in central Siberia." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2015. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/krasnoiarsk-1917-the-making-of-soviet-power-in-central-siberia(13dedc21-482d-4330-adf3-d9243ec5e512).html.
Full textQuintiliano, Leonardo David. "Autonomia federativa: delimitação no direito constitucional brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-26082013-162030/.
Full textFederalism has had, in the modern experience, different frames and meanings, according to the ideology embedded into it and the historical necessity that explains and implies it. Although it is not possible to advocate a pure or authentic model for federalism, there is an essential feature, whose absence would deny its own reason for being: the coexistence, under the same sovereign power, of two or more political societies with statehood. Statehood is constituted by a political power capable to create a particular legal order. In so-called unitary states, such political power is the sovereignty. In federal states, the sovereignty of nation-state coexists with the political power of federated states - the federative autonomy. Like sovereignty, federative autonomy is a constitutional-political power. However, in contrast to the former, federative autonomy is also constituted political power (competence), limited by the sovereign power. The federative autonomy also implies the competence to establish political and governmental powers. These limits are set by the sovereign power in the Constitution of the federal state, which defines the degree of federative autonomy. Such power has oscillated along the Brazilian republican constitutions. All of them revealed considerable disparity between the formal federative autonomy (which the legal text provides) and the real federative autonomy (which is practiced), which was caused, mainly, by the antagonism between political and economic interests. Such interests ultimately determine political and governmental decentralization. This dissertation advocates the conceptualization and delimitation of formal federative autonomy in the Brazilian Constitutional Law set forth by the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil.
SANDRI, ANDREA. "Genesi e sovranità. Le dottrine dello Stato federale nell'epoca bismarckiana." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/99.
Full textIt is examinated the possibility of constructing the figure of the Federal state beginning from the theories with which the most important German political theorists and constitutionalists explained the genesis of the Reich. The fundamental genetic structures serve to estimate the sense of the modifications of the concept of Sovereignty within the federal state and relation between Sovereignty and competencial supremacy.
Pascal, Jean-Pierre. "Etude de circuits d'aide à la commutation de thyristors GTO montés en série pour des applications à la traction ferroviaire." Paris 6, 1986. http://www.theses.fr/1986PA066273.
Full textAssalin, Bruno Bueno. "Uma teoria positivista da Constituição: uma investigação acerca do papel dos Poderes Constituídos na fundamentação da autoridade da Constituição." Master's thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/97535.
Full textO presente trabalho tem como objetivo central a construção de uma proposta jurídico-teorética, erigida sob as matrizes e lentes do positivismo jurídico raziano e sistematizada e operacionalizada sob o modelo constitucional de estrutura de Jack Balkin, que objetivamente aponte quais seriam as propriedades essenciais e necessárias, presentes em qualquer sociedade política, daquilo que se conhece por constituição, bem como as condições, também essenciais e necessárias, para que esta se mantenha efetiva e vigente em qualquer lugar e contexto em que verifique-se e manifeste-se. Para tanto, parte-se parte-se de uma reconstrução do conceito de constituição inaugurado pelas Revoluções Americana e Francesa, consubstanciado como uma escolha deliberada e coletiva entre indivíduos livres e iguais; contrapondo-o, seguidamente, aos fenómenos das constituições históricas, da imposição constitucional e das constituições autoritárias. Propõe-se, então, na linha metodologia do nexo conceito-natureza elaborada por Joseph Raz, e na esteira da obra de Rogério Ehrhardt Soares, uma definição da natureza das constituições, contraposta ao que seriam os seus multifacetados conceitos, como ordenações fundamentais que, sincronicamente, individualizam as suas respetivas comunidades, indicam e organizam a titularidade e a forma de exercício dos seus atinentes poderes políticos, e exteriorizam as estruturas e sentidos inerentes aos seus respetivos corpos político-sociais. Passa-se a uma exposição dos possíveis fundamentos da sua autoridade normativa, notadamente através de uma análise crítica, levada a cabo sob as lentes da fábula retroativa denunciada por Derrida e dos círculos viciosos apontados por Hannah Arendt, da legitimidade do poder constituinte, tal como proposta por Emmanuel Sieyès, Carl Schmitt e Hans Kelsen, finalizando-se com uma problematização das teses do Iluminismo Escocês e da proposta de Arendt como caminhos alternativos para uma fundamentação da legitimidade do constituinte e da constituição. Estrutura-se então, através das plataformas positivistas de Joseph Raz, uma proposta jurídico-teorética em que é a autoridade do poder constituinte o pressuposto inaugural da autoridade e legitimidade da constituição; sustentando-se, entretanto, prospetivamente a sua autoridade no seu papel de estabilização e objetivação normativa, na qualidade de ordenação fundamental comunitária, do indeterminado, incomensurável e fluido universo da moralidade social e política em que reclama autoridade, ainda que contraposta a uma inexorável necessidade de renovação das razões justificadoras da autoridade da constituição, dualidade metodológico-problematicatimente superada através do modelo constitucional de estrutura proposto por Jack Balkin, em que os poderes constituídos, materializados nas instituições aplicadoras e/ou criadoras de normas inseridas no próprio arcabouço constitucional, haverão de ser os responsáveis pela imprescindível e contínua renovação das razões justificadoras da manutenção do reconhecimento da autoridade da constituição perante moralidades sociais e políticas inevitavelmente mutáveis. Ao cabo, chega-se a uma definição da natureza das constituições como sistemas normativos parcialmente autónomos e institucionalizados, constituídos por normas constitucionais entrelaçadas e dotadas de validade conjunta, cujo sentido e racionalidade globais se sustentam no seu papel de ordenação fundamental que individualiza a sua respetiva comunidade, indica e organiza a titularidade e a forma de exercício dos seus atinentes poderes políticos, e exterioriza as estruturas e sentidos inerentes ao seu respetivo corpo político-social; cujo conteúdo normativo é essencialmente oriundo e dependente, na esteira da conceção de autoridade a serviço e da tese da preempção propostas por Joseph Raz, do gradual desenvolvimento histórico-cultural, balizador da realidade intersubjetiva e, consequentemente, da moralidade social e política, das comunidades em que se inserem.
The present work has as its main objective the construction of a legal-theoretical proposal, erected under the lenses of the razian positivism and systematized and operationalized under Jack Balkin's framework model of constitutions, which objectively points out what would be the essential and necessary properties, present in any political society, of what is known as constitution, as well as the conditions, also essential and necessary, so that it remains effective and in force in any place and context that it is to be found. To do so, it starts with a reconstruction of the concept of constitutions, inaugurated by the American and French Revolutions, as a deliberate and collective choice between free and equal individuals; countering it to the phenomena of historical constitutions, constitutional imposition and authoritarian constitutions. Along with the methodology of the concept-nature nexus elaborated by Joseph Raz, and in line with the work of Rogério Ehrhardt Soares, it is then proposed a definition of the nature of constitutions, as opposed to what would be their multifaceted concepts, as fundamental ordinances that, synchronously, individualize their respective communities, indicate and organize the ownership and form of exercise of their respective political powers, and externalize the structures and values inherent to their respective political and social bodies. This work then try to put in question, through a critical analysis carried out under the lens of the fabulous retroactivity denounced by Derrida and the vicious circles pointed out by Hannah Arendt, the legitimacy of the constituent power in the form that it was proposed by Emmanuel Sieyès, Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen, and to face the theses of the Scottish Enlightenment and of Arendt's proposal as alternative paths for a foundation of legitimacy of the constituent power and of the constitution. It is then proposed, through the positivist platforms of Joseph Raz, a legal-theoretical structure in which the inaugural authority of the constitution derives directly from the authority of the constituent power; but is this same constitutional authority (self)sustained prospectively in its role as fundamental community ordinance that normatively stabilizes the indeterminate, incommensurable and fluid universe of social and political morality in which it claims authority, nonetheless the indispensable need to renew the reasons justifying the same authority of the constitution, duality that is methodologically-problematically overcame through the framework model of constitutions proposed by Jack Balkin, in which the constituted powers, as norm-applying/norm-creating institutions inserted in the constitutional normative framework, are to be responsible for the essential and continuous renewal of the reasons justifying the recognition of the authority of the constitution in the face of inevitably changeable social and political moralities. In the end, we arrive at a definition of the nature of constitutions as partially autonomous and institutionalized normative systems, constituted by interlocked constitutional norms endowed with joint validity, whose global rationality is based on its role of fundamental ordinance that, synchronously, individualize their respective communities, indicate and organize the ownership and form of exercise of their respective political powers, and externalize the structures and values inherent to their respective political and social bodies; whose normative content is essentially derived and dependent, following the service conception of authority and the preemption thesis proposed by Joseph Raz, on the gradual historical-cultural development, which marks the intersubjective reality and, consequently, the social and political morality, of the communities in which the constitutions are inserted.
Roux, Stéphane. "Le concept de "convention nationale" sous la Révolution. Contribution à l'étude de la représentation constiuante." Thesis, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020076.
Full textIn a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege
Chen, Meng-Kan, and 陳孟甘. "Constituents of Coal-Fired Power Plant Flue Gas Characteristic." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93095442900315862311.
Full text崑山科技大學
環境工程研究所
101
Taiwan has more than 60% areas dependent on the coal-fired power generation, will produce air pollutants of combustion process and cause the destruction of the environment and the ecosystem, constitutes a serious threat to human health and animal and plant. Through the analysis of exhaust gas composition, to understand the characteristic of the emitted pollutants and their precursor substances, advanced air pollution prevention and control for the coal-fired power generation in the future. Coal main components for carbon, hydrogen, oxygen few of nitrogen, sulfur and other element, sulfur is coal most main impurities one of, usually to sulphides of forms appeared coal of combustion generated material in this research for domestic a coal-fired power plant of smoke road wall crystals, stack flue and smoke flow gas for sampling analysis; crystal detection results found main anionic ingredients for F-, and Cl- and the SO42-; cationic part is to NH4+ and Na+. Testing basic Physical chemistry stack flue exhaust composition differences, dry exhaust average exhaust flow, flow rate, temperature, oxygen, water, carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide and other projects, in different units moving emissions stable. Exhaust emissions of NH3 in the composition and H2SO4 to pipe gas main ingredient, and crystallization of particulate anion and caution SO42-, NH4+ primary characteristic ingredients of consistent results.
Allard-Tremblay, Yann. "Principe de légitimité et violence démocratique." Thèse, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/7533.
Full textPearson, Laura J. "Effect of cocoa powder and its constituents on behavior of Listeria monocytogenes." 1989. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/20082790.html.
Full textYoshioka, Takayuki. "Representational roles of nonprofit organizations in policy advocacy." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3898.
Full textThis research explores what roles nonprofits play in political representation by applying the concept of the representational role to nonprofits. The representational role consists of representational focus and style. Representational focus shows those whom nonprofits aim to serve: members, constituents, or the general public. Representational style denotes the ways nonprofits advocate for their focal groups: the delegation, trusteeship, and educational styles. The survey and regression analysis results demonstrate that nonprofits serving their members are most likely to convey their members’ voices directly to policy makers: the delegation style. In contrast, nonprofits advocating for their constituents are likely to pursue what they independently identify as the interests of their constituents: the trusteeship style. Finally, nonprofits speaking for the general public are most likely to work toward educating the general public: the educational style. These results suggest that nonprofits play different roles in political representation, depending on the types of their focal groups.