Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Constituent assemblies'
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Anucha, Dominic Uka. "The impact of constituent assemblies (1978- 1995) on nigerian constitutions and political evolution." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 2010. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/218.
Full textHerrera, Juan C. "Las cláusulas durmientes de integración latinoamericana: origen, función y alternativas para despertarlas." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/665486.
Full textIs economic, political, and social integration a legal objective in Latin America? Is integration one of the central promises of contemporary constitutional law in that region? The quick answer is yes. To demonstrate the reason for and purpose of integration, this dissertation offers a set of taxonomies of thirty-six constitutions of the Americas and the Caribbean for the object of illustrating and analyzing those norms that contemplate the creation of a supranational space. With a special focus on the South American experience, this work aims at contextualizing and reconstructing the historical origins of these norms, their technical function, and their status as aspirational provisions. In recent decades, Latin America has made progress in the construction of a common supranational space. It has done so precisely by ‘awakening’ the dormant clauses concerning democracy and fundamental rights. The key contribution of this research consists of pointing out the possibility of awakening and implementing these clauses for attaining "deeper" regional integration. To this effect, it understands economic, political, and social integration as a cohesive element of a commune and transformative law in the region and proposes to interpret the dormant clauses through a pro integratione criterion as well as to take inspiration from and adapt some mechanisms of the integration experiences in Europe, Africa and Asia.
As cláusulas adormecidas da integração latino-americana: Origem, função e alternativas para despertá-lasA integração econômica, política e social é um mandamento jurídico na América Latina? Esta integração é uma das promessas centrais do direito constitucional contemporâneo na região? A resposta rápida é sim. Para demonstrar por que e para que fins, nesta monografia foram criadas e analisadas as taxonomias que explicam cada uma das normas relevantes para consolidar um espaço supranacional a partir das disposições existentes em 36 constituições das Américas e do Caribe. Com especial ênfase no caso e na experiência sul-americana, são contextualizados e reconstruídos a origem histórica dessas normas, sua função técnica e seu status como disposições operacionais.Nas últimas décadas, a América Latina avançou na construção de um espaço supranacional comum, justamente porque despertou outras cláusulas adormecidas, as democráticas e relativas aos direitos fundamentais. A contribuição nuclear desta pesquisa consiste em apontar a possibilidade de despertar e efetivar as cláusulas de integração regional "profunda", ou seja, a integração econômica, política e social como elemento coeso de um direito commune e transformador para a região. Como alternativas para despertá-las, propõe-se que estas sejam interpretadas através de um critério pro integratione, assim como a adaptação de alguns mecanismos das experiências integrativas da Europa, África e Ásia.
Medeiros, Danilo Buscatto. "Organizando maiorias, agregando preferências: a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-10052013-125220/.
Full textAccording to the new institutionalist literature, the rules regulating a decision making process play great influence on its final result. Thisassumption applies to the 1987-1988 National Constituent Assembly (NCA). Otherwise, a group of legislators dissatisfied with the works course would not have risen with a proposal to reform the Internal Rules after two years of Assembly. The main goal of this work is tocomprehend the importance of the institutional structure for the political contests and the final result of the NCA. Thus, I aim to answer the following question: what are the effects of the rules regulating the convocation of the NCA, as well as the rules regulating its works which have changed during theprocess on the final results? The constitution-making design approved at the beginning (a congressional one instead of an exclusive one) and the organization form of the works (decentralized in thematic commissions) were largely contested because of the consequences political actors were anticipating and looking forward to, since they are always aware of the rule´s impact. The question is whether or not they anticipated it correctly, and for such it is possible to watch how they have behaved. Attempting to deepen the debate about strategic interaction on the constitutional process, the roll calls will be analyzed in order to understand how collective actors organize their preferences, building majorities in radicalized political contests.
Lisowski, Telma Rocha. "O poder constituinte entre continuidade e ruptura: limites, tradição e transformação." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-13022014-112657/.
Full textThe foundation or refoundation of a political community doesnt signify an absolute beginning or transformation, for there is some load of continuity in every change, even when it is considered to be revolutionary. From that hypothesis, this work will analyze the concept of originary constituent power, by trying to show some oversights and insufficiencies of its classical theory. The major problem to be mentioned is that the theory of the constituent power, when understood as a theory of rupture, can lead to confusion between power and authority and between power and law, which favors a radical formulation of democracy. As an alternative, another point of view from the constituent power will be introduced, one that doesnt put it as an absolute creator of the juridical and political order, but as a creature of a pre-existent order, bringing therefore limits to its proceeding. On the one hand, these limits come from the assumption that we are dealing with the constituent power of popular titularity, which means that the making of the constitution itself will have to obey some democratic principles; on the other hand, there is a series of limits that derive from the institutions developed in a determined time and place, as from the organizational level and previous conceptions from the people that want to build a body politics. The ideas exposed in the firsts chapters will be exemplified through the study of a case, that of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987/1988. At this point, the work will analyze some elements that demonstrate the great level of institutional continuity between the new and the old constitutional orders, with special attention to the maintenance of the federal form of state and the presidential system. On the other side, it will be studied which elements define de rupture between the two orders, discussing the essential alteration of the political regime. In the end, we expect to present an alternative notion of the originary constituent power in comparison with that of derived constituent power, avoiding its characterization as an unlimited and unconditional body, as the classical theory intends.
Filho, José Filomeno de Moraes. "Congresso Constituinte, constituição dirigente e estado de bem-estar." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2133/tde-06052010-165428/.
Full textThis thesis has as its objective an analysis of the decision on the \"economic constitution\", within the ambit of the directive constitution and the establishment of the Social and Democratic State of Law in Brazil, through the constituent process carried out during the years of 1987 and 1988. In view of the fact that legal and constitutional Brazilian literature does not give the necessary attention to the problem nor the linkage between constituent State, Constitution and Politics and in view of the \"economic constitution\" laid out in the constitutional text of 1988, this paper articulates the themes of constituent power, economic directive constitution and the reconstruction of the State, using the tools of constitutional theory, theory of the state and constitutional history. So, it has been assessed that the manifestation of the constituent power comes as privileged locus for the observation of the correlation between State, Constitution and Politics, demonstrated by observing its manifestations in Brazil, at different times, particularly in 1987/1988. In fact, in the wake of the call established by the 26th Constitutional Amendment, from November 27th 1985, Brazil experienced one of its most important moments of political awakening of organized civil society, which had been pushing for political change, from the mid-70s and into the 80s, that led to the fall of the military regime, the building of representative institutions and the founding of multiparty system and a new constitution. Thus, if the rhythmical pace of change and the negotiations between the players that struggled for political opening and the leaders of the political and bureaucratic-authoritarian regime suggested the existence of a special type of transition, called \"transition through the transaction\", and despite the limitations of the call for the Constituent Congress, the final product of the effort was closer to the constitutional democratic and progressive aspirations. It appears that in the past two decades, despite the changes that have occurred in capitalism, with the abandonment of Keynes regulatory standard, the expansion of markets, the relativization of the state, in other words, the neoliberal threat, the leading character of the Brazilian Constitution, however, remains intact. It can be concluded that after twenty years of the enactment of the Federal Constitution, conformation of a normative \"economic order, based on the enhancement of human labor and free enterprise\", in order to \"ensure a dignified livelihood for all, according to the dictates of social justice\" (Federal Constitution, art. 170, caput), it represents a great leap in national constitutionalism and challenges a joint realization of political democracy, social welfare and economic development.
Martins, Rodrigo. "O processo decisório na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-88: a escolha do sistema de governo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11042014-101746/.
Full textEven after 25 years, the Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1987-88, as of late, was the object of relatively few important academic studies in the eld of Political Science. Although some studies demonstrate the importance and centrality of the debate between presidentialism and parliamentarism in the Assembly, none of them has studied the topic in depth, showing how was the decision making process around the issue , which groups advocated certain positions, which were their interests, which proposed were made and the reason why one of them was victorious at the end. This work\'s goal is the study of the decision-making process of the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988, with respect to the choice of the government system, the central issue of the institutional debate at the time. The intention is to analyze which lines of force emerged in this regard along the constituent process, and what means were envisioned to make them eective. For this, it is necessary to identify and analyze the relevant actors, the nature of their political preferences, how the interaction between actors took place and the developed and implemented options in the midst of a deliberative process of a special kind, one that often marks the constituent assemblies.
Lira, Erygeanny Machado de. "A celebração da unidade: um estudo sobre as concepções de soberania na Assembleia Constituinte de 1823." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-25052015-161617/.
Full textThis study presents an analysis of the political formulations introduced by the Diário da Assembleia Geral Constituinte e Legislativa do Império (Journal of the Constituent and Legislative General Assembly of the Empire). We are particularly concerned with the different conceptions of sovereignty advanced in the text, which is investigated within the context of the time period of its production. In the midst of the turbulent transition from colonial absolutism to constitutionalism in the independent kingdom, the constituents of 1823 were conversant with the ideas that animated the French Revolution and the Independence of the North American Colonies. As a result, several questions emerged during the constituent process who should be the holder of sovereignty; how should sovereignty be represented; and how to limit the exercise of sovereignty , leaving their mark on the foundations of the new political order in Brazil. We thus examine the debates that brought to light the thematic and the issues surrounding the concept of sovereignty during the first Brazilian Constituent Assembly.
Santos, Ana Cléa Souza dos. "Meio ambiente e democracia: uma análise da questão ambiental na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2016. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/3623.
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Este trabalho aborda o processo histórico de construção das normas constitucionais sobre o meio ambiente na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988. O objetivo é compreender as condições que levaram a questão ambiental ao debate constituinte, bem como analisar o processo decisório que definiu o conteúdo do texto final aprovado, que dedicou um capítulo exclusivamente ao meio ambiente, pela primeira vez na história do país. O objeto de pesquisa tem como principal recorte temporal os anos de 1987 e 1988, período de realização da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, cujos documentos compõem o conjunto das fontes primárias do estudo. Entretanto, para melhor compreensão do tema foram abordadas outras temporalidades, abarcando a trajetória da questão ambiental e suas implicações na sociedade contemporânea, na formatação de suas instituições, no pensamento e dinâmica sociais. Além disso, foram enfocados o contexto sociopolítico da Constituinte, as etapas decisórias fundamentais, as regras de negociação, os atores e suas estratégias, conflitos, articulações e coalizões em defesa das diferentes perspectivas sobre a questão ambiental, a fim de identificar as condições gerais e específicas que influenciaram na elaboração do capítulo sobre o meio ambiente. O referencial teórico adotado para o tratamento do objeto de pesquisa incluiu as contribuições da abordagem neo-institucionalista no que diz respeito à literatura sobre os processos de construção das constituições e os comportamentos dos atores em processos decisórios.
This paper addresses the historical process of building the constitutional rules on the environment in the National Constituent Assembly 1987-1988. The goal is to understand the conditions that led to the environmental issue to the constitutional debate and analyze the decision-making process that defined the content of the final text adopted, which devoted a chapter exclusively to the environment, for the first time in history. The research object has the main time frame the years 1987 and 1988, timing of the National Constituent Assembly, whose historical documents make up the whole of the primary sources of the study. However, for better understanding of the issue were addressed other temporalities, covering the history of the environmental issue and its implications in contemporary society in shaping its institutions, in thought and social dynamics. In addition, they focused on the sociopolitical context of the Constituent Assembly, the fundamental decision-making steps, trading rules, the actors and their strategies, conflicts, joints and coalitions in support of different perspectives on environmental issues in order to identify the general conditions and specific influencing the development of the chapter on the environment. The theoretical framework adopted for the treatment of the object of research included the contributions of the neo-institutionalist approach regarding the literature on the constitutional construction processes and the behavior of the actors in decision-making processes.
Iamamoto, Sue Angelica Serra. "O nacionalismo boliviano em tempos de plurinacionalidade: revoltas antineoliberais e constituinte (2000-2009)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-19012012-115401/.
Full textThis dissertation aims to analyze nationalism in Bolivian contemporary political life, in particular within the popular historic bloc (as conceptualized by Gramsci) that emerges from 2000 and, with the election of Evo Morales in 2005, begins to occupy the key positions of the state. Its time frame covers the so-called anti-neoliberal \"wars\" (Water War in 2000, the Gas War in 2003 etc.) and the constitutional process, which runs from the Constituent Assembly (2006-2007) until the approval of new constitution in a national referendum (2009). The new constitution inaugurates a \"plurinational state\", reflecting a historical demand for the recognition of cultural and institutional diversity of the country. From authors who conceive nationalism as an expression of a particular political conflict (Tom Nairn, Ernest Gellner) or as an expression of popular historical experiences (Anthony D. Smith), it was possible to understand nationalism broadly. Thus, it was possible to establish relationships between nationalism and indigenism, analyzing the latter with some categories originally designed to examine the former. On the other hand, to understand the formation of collective national identities, it was necessary to resort to the idea of \"social temporalities\" that intersect in state crisis or revolutionary situations, avoiding ethnic categorization. From the empirical perspective, we analyzed documents on the \"View of the Country\" made by the 16 political groups which participated in the Constituent Assembly. The analysis has led us to three main remarks. First, there is a tension inside this historical block which may lead to its fragmentation: the tension between the demand for greater statality and the demand for greater autonomy of the popular sectors. Second, it is possible to consider valid certain nationalism in Bolivia, even in times of plurinationality; but this nationalism must be understood as an expression of a synthesis of diversity, not as a monoculturality, that emerges from shared political experiences. Third, the discussed theories of nationalism are challenged with the Bolivian indigenism, which brings us an example of \"looking back\" in which the irrational element is not in the appeal to the past, but in the present.
Balieiro, Almir. "As forças policiais e a ordem em terras mato-grossenses (1945-1947)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-28052014-121608/.
Full textDuring the National Constituent Assembly formed on 1946 large portion of the speeches conducted in plenary defended the employment of excessive and abusive force into policing practices. Subject of the constituent debates, this has configured a logic followed up by government party parliamentarians ( PSD ) and opposition ones (highlight given to PCB party), in which those claimed that employment of arbitrary and abusive policing practices was justified by the need of preserving order, while these professed this as policing practices against workers struggling for better living conditions. Objectives established from this portrait aimed at investigating policing practices in Mato Grosso, highlighting the period from 1945 to 1947 - the end of the Estado Novo, Constituent National Assembly summons and the promulgation of Brazilian and Mato Grosso State Constitutions, and at obtaining contributions of the constituent related to order and security issues. To fulfil this thesis the Internal Bulletin of the Police Forces in Mato Grosso - 1945 to 1947 - and the annals of the National Constituent Assembly of 1946, two important and unprecedented sources, were intensely interviewed. As the result it was clear that policing practices that took place in Mato Grosso in the middle of the twentieth century were focused on performing roads and bridges construction and maintenance services in the capital and within the Mato Grosso State. Regarding the contributions of the constituents, these were conservative when facing intense debates and discussions on order and security issues during the National Constituent Assembly of 1946. However, for the first time in Brazilian constitution history the 1946 Charter enshrined the role of the state police forces - the Military Police. Finally, one last consideration on the thesis addressed the usage of the terms order and security in legal texts during the republican period, concerning the resulting lack of their precise definition, a fact that remained unchanged in the Magna Carta of 1988.
Araujo, Gabriel Frias. "Da revolução à constituição: legalidade, legitimidade e os dilemas da constituinte na formação do Estado Moderno Brasileiro em Vargas (1930-1934)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/152515.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
O presente trabalho tem por objetivo resgatar as discussões e debates em torno da Constituição de 1934, desde a Revolução de 1930, que marca a chegada de Getulio Vargas ao poder até à convocação da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1933. Partindo da análise da Revolução de 1930 e seus desdobramentos, busca-se compreender os desafios e etapas rumo à constitucionalização a partir da tensão entre legitimidade e legalidade e do resgate dessas categorias. Pretende-se, dessa forma, revelar e compreender o processo de legalização e montagem da ordem varguista, bem como as dificuldades enfrentadas na transição para um Estado Moderno e para nosso primeiro experimento democrático. Momento de crescente tensão, diversas polêmicas surgiram em torno da Assembleia Constituinte, envolvendo sua legitimidade, soberania e mesmo críticas à limitação do poder constituinte de 1933. Pretende-se, dessa forma, trabalhar alguns temas centrais que atravessam a questão do poder constituinte com vistas ao problema da legalidade e da legitimidade, bem como acompanhar a trajetória legal até a Constituição, analisando documentos, decretos, e debates parlamentares, chegando-se então a um panorama da situação pós-revolução e pré-constituinte do Governo Provisório, marcada por controvérsias e impasses, a qual confrontaremos com a visão de dois diferentes autores da época, Carl Schmitt e Hans Kelsen, que participa diretamente da questão por meio de um parecer encomendado pela comunidade jurídica brasileira. Recuperando esses dois importantes autores, buscaremos compreender suas diferentes perspectivas e soluções para o dilema da Constituinte de 1933, que culmina em uma mais significativas e importantes Constituições de nossa história recente, marco dos direitos sociais e da cidadania. Trata-se de um importante momento de nossa história política e constitucional, cujos desdobramentos iluminam nossas contradições e nos ajudam a entender as limitações de nosso estado de direito e de nossa democracia até os dias atuais.
The present work aims to rescue the discussions and debates around the 1934 Constitution, since the 1930 Revolution, which marks the arrival of Getulio Vargas to power, until the convocation of the National Constituent Assembly of 1933. Starting from the analysis of the Revolution of 1930 and its impacts, the research seeks to understand the challenges and stages towards the constitutionalization on the perspective of the tension between legitimacy and legality and the discussions of these categories. In this way, we intend to reveal and understand the process of legalization and construction of the Vargas regime, as well as the difficulties faced in the transition to a Modern State and our first democratic experiment. At a time of growing tension, several controversies arose around the Constituent Assembly, involving its legitimacy, sovereignty and even criticism to the limitation of the constituent power of 1933. The intention is to work with some central issues related to the question of the constituent power with regard to the problem of legality and legitimacy, following the legal trajectory up to the Constitution, analyzing documents, decrees, and parliamentary debates, in order to get picture of the post-revolution and pre-constitutional situation of the Provisional Government, marked by controversies and impasses, which we will confront with the vision of two different authors of the time, Carl Schmitt and Hans Kelsen, who participates directly in the controversy through an opinion commissioned by the Brazilian legal community. Recovering these two important authors, we will try to understand their different perspectives and solutions to the dilemma of the Constituent Assembly of 1933, that culminates in one of the most significant Constitutions of our recent history, a framework of social rights and citizenship. This is an important moment in our political and constitutional history, whose developments illuminate our contradictions and help us understand the limitations of our state of law and our democracy until the present times.
CAPES: 1687617
Pankey, William J. "The nature of existential doubt among Assemblies of God constituents." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1994. http://www.tren.com.
Full textBastide, David. "La Nation : d'après les débats des Assemblées révolutionnaires, 1789-21 janvier 1793." Toulouse 1, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997TOU10052.
Full textThe men of 1789 made a sovereign of nation, but didn’t invent it: they inherited and transformed an idea of nation. Only Sieyes theorized it before the Revolution. The idea comes from many essays on patriotism, from Rousseau's "general will", and from his considerations about Poland. Between philosophy an power politics, the idea of nation as a full source of public legitimacy had to be built against monarchy: from the "nation-mania" of the 1750 s grows a theory of power, state and civilization, to overthrow a multisecular institution. Sieyes's definition triumphs when the states general become national assembly: the representatives invoke nation as a sovereign, but try to keep the king as well. As Louis XVI, however, still implods his monarchical principles, the conflict comes : the king is accused of putting his Pape in foreign aid, and preferring refractary priests to patriots. After the wol of august 10th, 1792, the king must disappear, in the name of the nation. Revolutionary nation in official discourse is an absolute: trough its representatives, the nation is a sovereign, and an absolute one. From 1789, the king and all dissenters are obliged, by law, to choose between nation an nothingness
Le, Pillouer Arnaud. "Les pouvoirs non constituants des assemblées constituantes : essai sur le pouvoir instituant." Paris 10, 2003. https://buadistant.univ-angers.fr/login?url=https://bibliotheque.lefebvre-dalloz.fr/secure/isbn/9782247099085.
Full textRoux, Stéphane. "Le concept de "convention nationale" sous la Révolution. Contribution à l'étude de la représentation constituante." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020076.
Full textIn a constitutional system founded on the sovereignty of the nation, constituent power is an ambivalent phenomenon, difficult to analyse in juridical terms. By definition resistant to mandatory regulation, the supreme power in the state must necessarily take a form which enables it to express a normative will. The actors of the French Revolution push the confines of the law, taking advantage of the resources of political philosophy and history to establish a constitution, fundamental principle of the juridical system they seek to institute. They create tools to achieve their ends: the concept of “national convention” being one, taking inspiration from the success of American achievements. Rather than an institutionnal transposition, the French revolutionaries proceed with an adaptation. By becoming “extraordinary”, the constituent representation which they conceptualize losses its revolutionary character to become fully juridical. It offers an alternative to the insurrection. By coming into existence invested with the capacity to exercise sovereignty, this power is released from all legal constraints other than those arising as a result of its organization. The process, however, is two-sided, and internally produced constraints weigh on its members, exacerbating tensions thar tear a collective body endowed with the broadest powers. The bloody excesses that strike the National Convention are not inevitable. They arise from political exploitation of flaws inherent to the organization of a sovereign representation whose members must not have any privilege
Le, Pillouer Arnaud. "Les pouvoirs non-constituants des assemblées constituantes : essai sur le pouvoir instituant /." Paris : Dalloz, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39953336r.
Full textSeino, Eduardo Lopes. "Projetos de cidadania diferenciada: negros e indígenas na ANC de 1987-88." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11042016-132338/.
Full textThis work analyzes blacks and indians differentiated citizenship projects in the National Constituent Assembly context of 1987-88, considering that both groups cause tension in the theme of equality and difference in the political and theoretical debate of citizenship. Therefore, we carry out a historical review of these groups political mobilization until the moment of the Constituent Assembly and, into de NCA of 1987-88, with its journals of meeting, we gave voice to both groups leaders. From this, we understand the levels that compose differentiated citizenship projects and we demonstrate the difficulties imposed to theoretical anticipation of justice regarding differentiated citizenship.
Martins, Eduardo [UNESP]. "A Assembléia Constituinte de 1823 e sua posição em relação à construção da cidadania no Brasil." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103173.
Full textCoordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
Este trabalho analisou os discursos dos deputados da Assembléia Geral e Constituintes de 1823 atentando para o sentido de nação que estes mesmos deputados buscavam dar para o país recém-independente de Portugal, bem como analisou ainda a produção de discursos acerca da cidadania para o país, procurando saber quem os deputados queriam que fossem os cidadãos brasileiros, levando-se em conta a enorme heterogeneidade de povos e culturas que viviam no Brasil. A preocupação com o estudo da cidadania conduziu este estudo a também problematizar a data oficial da Independência, o 7 de setembro, como um signo construído pelo poder executivo em detrimento à data preterida pelo poder legislativo: o dia 12 de Outubro, denotando desta forma a derrota do poder legislativo e por conseguinte o sufocamento de um tipo de democracia. Utilizamos como fonte documental para esta tese os Anais da Assembléia Geral e Constituinte do Brasil. Do ponto de vista metodológico este trabalho procurou demonstrar como as práticas discursivas podem historicamente engendrar domínios de saber e de poder, transformando-se em práticas efetivas e configurando-se em domínios ou fatos para a história.
This work approached the deputies' of the Assembly General and Constituent of 1823 speeches looking at the nation sense that these same deputies looked for to give to the recently-independent country of Portugal, as well as it still analyzed the production of speeches concerning the citizenship to the country, trying to know who the deputies wanted that he was the Brazilian citizens, being taken into account the enormous heterogeneity of people and cultures that lived in Brazil. The concern with the study of the citizenship also drove this study the to problematize the official date of the Independence, the September 7, as a sign built by the executive power in detriment to the date ignored by the power legislative October 12. Denoting this way the defeat of the legislative power and consequently the asphyxiation of a democracy type. We used as documental source for this theory the Annals of the General and Constituent Assembly of Brazil. Of the methodological point of view this work tried to demonstrate as the discursive practices historically they can engender domains of knowing and of being able to, becoming effective practices and being configured in domains or facts for the history.
Esteves, Ricardo Lopes. "A constitucionalização da questão nuclear no Brasil." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2018. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/9050.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
Faced with the civil and military ambivalence of nuclear energy, its use by various international actors has become synonymous not only with development tools, but also with mistrust and global danger. In this context, Brazil had appeared to be a threat to international security, for not signing the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968, and for having a nuclear program that sought to achieve full control of its fuel cycle since 1953. This work aims to understand how the nuclear issue became a matter included in the 1988 Constitution, taking into account the different actors involved in this process, their performance and the interests that guided the acceptance or non-acceptance of the Brazilian nuclear program . The debate about the use of this technology reaches nuances that go beyond simple ideological and party questions, crossing a pretended "national interest", placed in a spectrum that can be understood from the Brazilian demand for technological capacity restricted to a club of powers until the possibility of imposing itself as a military agent with greater military power. Being placed as a sine qua non condition for the chance of Brazil to project itself as an influential country in the international system, the decision-making process regarding the acceptance of this type of energy in the 1988 Constitution runs through a complex international context. Thus, it is intended to contribute with the studies about the Brazilian nuclear program in the context of redemocratization. The work is based on the analysis of primary sources and the rich literature on the Brazilian nuclear program, on legislative behavior and non-proliferation of nuclear weapons. As a conclusion, the thesis hypothesizes that the nuclear imaginary was an element belonging to the State project that was proposed in the 1987/1988 Constituent, considering Brazil as a nation that should be independent and technologically advanced compared to other countries.
Diante da ambivalência civil e militar da energia nuclear, sua utilização por diversos atores internacionais tornou-se sinônimo não somente de instrumento de desenvolvimento, mas também de desconfiança e perigo global. Nesse contexto, o Brasil afigurou-se como uma ameaça para a segurança internacional, por não assinar o Tratado de Não-Proliferação de Armas Nucleares em 1968, e por ter um programa nuclear que ambicionava alcançar o pleno controle de seu ciclo de combustível, já desde 1953. Este trabalho objetiva compreender como a questão nuclear se tornou um tema incluído na Constituição de 1988, levando em consideração os diversos atores participantes desse processo, seu desempenho e os interesses que nortearam a aceitação ou não do programa nuclear brasileiro. O debate sobre a utilização dessa tecnologia atinge nuances que vão além de simples questões ideológicas e partidárias, perpassando um pretenso “interesse nacional”, colocado em um espectro que pode ser entendido desde a demanda brasileira por capacidade tecnológica restrita a um clube de potências até a possibilidade de se impor como agente militar com maior poder bélico. Sendo colocado como condição sine qua non para a possibilidade de projeção do Brasil enquanto país influente no sistema internacional, o processo decisório sobre aceitação desse tipo de energia na Constituição de 1988 resvala um contexto internacional complexo. Dessa forma, pretende-se contribuir com os estudos sobre o programa nuclear brasileiro no contexto da redemocratização. O trabalho baseia-se na análise de fontes primárias e da rica literatura sobre o programa nuclear brasileiro, sobre o comportamento legislativo e sobre a não- proliferação de armas nucleares. Como conclusão, a dissertação lança a hipótese de que o imaginário nuclear foi elemento pertencente ao projeto de país que se propunha na Constituinte de 1987/1988, ao pensar o Brasil como nação que deveria ser independente e avançada tecnologicamente frente aos demais países.
Barbosa, Ana Carolina Couto Pereira Pinto. "Terrorismo e tortura na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-88) : do direito da segurança nacional à democracia." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/23457.
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O trabalho aborda as disputas em torno de terrorismo na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988, utilizando como referencial teórico-histórico a abordagem legal de terrorismo no arcabouço jurídico brasileiro durante a instauração do direito da segurança nacional após 1964. Até 1985, o Brasil adotava a perspectiva autoritária da Doutrina de Segurança Nacional formulada pela Escola Superior de Guerra, que aprofundava uma tendência anterior de ampliar o tratamento do crime político para além da abordagem do código penal, formando um sistema complexo, com tipo penal aberto e supressão e mitigação de garantias processuais. Com a instauração da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte, esse discurso autoritário é canalizado para as disputas que envolvem a elaboração da constituição a delinear o Estado Democrático de Direito. Neste sentido, o presente trabalho investiga, por meio da análise da teoria e da legislação acerca do crime de terrorismo no regime civil-militar, bem como da doutrina acerca das noções de poder constituinte na história brasileira contemporânea, se a tentativa de acrescentar terrorismo na Constituição Federal de 1988 é um rescaldo da forma de se tratar o dissenso político no ordenamento jurídico anterior, ou seja, se os parlamentares que defendiam a criminalização dessa conduta lado a lado da tortura estariam tentando reproduzir o pensamento autoritário, ao justificar que a prática da tortura era necessária para conter atos de terrorismo, que ameaçavam a ordem social e a existência do Estado, e se este argumento venceu uma disputa pela criminalização de terrorismo no texto constituinte.
This research approaches the disputes about terrorism in the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988, having as a theoreticalhistorical reference the approach on terrorism in the Brazilian legal framework during the establishment of the national security law after 1964. Until 1985, Brazil adopted the authoritarian perspective of the National Security Doctrine designed by the Superior School of War, which deepened a previous trend to extend the way to encompass political crimes beyond what was found in the criminal code, thus formulating a complex system with an open penal type as regards terrorism and the suppression and mitigation of procedural guarantees. With the establishment of the National Constituent Assembly, this authoritarian discourse was bequeathed to the disputes within the constitution drafting, which was expected to design a democratic regime. In this regard, the present work investigates through theoretical and legislative analyses of terrorism in the military dictatorship as well as through the doctrine about the notions of constituent power in Brazilian contemporary history, whether the attempt to place terrorism in the Constitution of 1988 was a continuity of the way the former legal framework approached political dissent, that is to say, whether the congresspeople who advocated for criminalizing terrorism alongside torture had been trying to reproduce the authoritarian thinking, as they justified that the resort to torture was necessary to contain terrorist actions, which threatened social order and the existence of the state, and whether this argument won a dispute for the criminalization of terrorism in the Constitution.
Lemos, Antonio Cleber da Conceição. "Da "causa constitucional" à "causa da independência" : os discursos e debates parlamentares da representação da Bahia nas Cortes Gerais de Lisboa e na Assembleia Geral Constituinte do Rio de janeiro (1821-1823)." Pós-Graduação em História, 2018. http://ri.ufs.br/jspui/handle/riufs/8525.
Full textEsta dissertação tem como objetivo geral analisar os discursos e debates dos deputados baianos nas Cortes Gerais de Lisboa (1821-1822) e na Assembleia Geral Constituinte do Rio de Janeiro (1823), com vistas a entender o processo de participação política das lideranças políticas da província nessas experiências constitucionais. Tendo como objetivos específicos: analisar os debates da deputação baiana; discutir a construção dos discursos dos deputados baianos em torno da relevância da província para a construção do Estado; entender as propostas de formação do pacto político por parte dos deputados baianos. A justificativa para o presente estudo se encontra na relevância que a situação de conflito armado na Bahia teve para os acontecimentos que desenrolaram no processo de Independência do Brasil, sendo que a formação da constituição era condição fundamental para a fundação do Estado, onde a guerra na Bahia também era fato relevante para o mesmo processo. Dentre as fontes analisadas, encontram-se os diários das Cortes e da Assembleia, periódicos, correspondências, atas e relatórios. A metodologia empregada foi inspirada na História Política Renovada e na História Social dos Conceitos, que buscam discutir os processos políticos a partir dos conceitos, discursos, redefinições institucionais e projetos colocados em disputa pelos sujeitos que atuam nas esferas públicas de poder, constituindo culturas políticas. Entretanto, o trabalho não perde de vista a análise sobre acontecimentos, instituições e trajetórias de sujeitos políticos, para que assim, seja possível que os discursos investigados sejam compreendidos.
São Cristóvão, SE
Schwaitzer, Lenora de Beaurepaire da Silva. "A Justiça Federal na Era Vargas." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/10265.
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This study is a retrospective analysis of the main discussions during the early years of the Vargas Era on the Judiciary organization in the quest to find the motivations that have caused the extinction of the First Instance Federal Courts through the Constitution granted on November 10th, 1937. From the 1930 Revolution there will be presented the main trends of the Justice System discussed during the Itamaraty (Ministry of Foreign Relations) subcommittee sessions created to elaborate a Constitution draft at the request of the leader of the Provisional Government and also at the 1934 National Constituent Assembly sessions. Starting from primary sources such as laws, meeting minutes, letters and articles published in journals of the time, the research will point out the importance of discussions on the Judiciary occurred at the time to the conception of the National State which was in full development. In order to understand the context in which the above-mentioned primary sources are located, the focus was on analyzing the academic papers developed in the 1980’s, mainly by the Center for Research and Documentation on the Contemporary History of Brazil (CPDOC) which help the understanding of a troubled period of the recent national past. The work supports that, rather than administrative or legal doctrinal issues, it was the body of ideas that involved the conception of the so-called New State that created the endorsing ideological and political conditions, not consolidated at the previous period of time, and that resulted in the non-inclusion of the First Instance Federal Court among the Judiciary organs in the 1937 Constitution.
O trabalho faz um retrospecto das principais discussões durante os primeiros anos da Era Vargas sobre a forma de organização do Poder Judiciário na busca de encontrar as motivações que ensejaram a extinção da Justiça Federal de 1a Instância através da Constituição outorgada em 10 de novembro de 1937. A partir da Revolução de 1930, serão apresentadas as principais correntes acerca do sistema de justiça debatidas durante as sessões da subcomissão do Itamarati, criada para elaboração de anteprojeto constitucional a pedido de Getúlio Vargas, então chefe do Governo Provisório, e também nas sessões da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1934. Valendo-se de fontes primárias como normas legais, atas de sessões, cartas e matérias publicadas em jornal da época, a pesquisa destacará a importância dos debates sobre o Poder Judiciário ocorridos na época para a concepção do Estado Nacional que se encontrava em fase de plena construção. Para compreensão do contexto em que as aludidas fontes primárias estão inseridas, privilegiou-se o uso de trabalhos acadêmicos desenvolvidos na década de 1980, principalmente pelo Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil (CPDOC), que auxiliam a compreensão de uma fase conturbada do passado recente nacional. O trabalho defende a ideia de que, mais do que questões de cunho administrativo ou doutrinário jurídico, foi o ideário que envolveu a concepção do denominado Estado Novo que criou condições ideológicas e políticas autorizadoras, não consolidadas em momento anterior, e que resultou a não inclusão da Justiça Federal de Primeira Instância entre os órgãos do Poder Judiciário na Constituição de 1937.
Santos, Natália Neris da Silva. "A voz e a palavra do movimento negro na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987/1988): um estudo das demandas por direitos." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/13699.
Full textRejected by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Natália, Por favor, tirar o acento da palavra GETULIO, tirar o nome do curso da capa(abaixo da escola), tirar o número de página das primeiras folhas. São contabilizadas no total de páginas do trabalho, porém não aparecem. A numeração deve aparecer a partir dos elementos “textuais”, ou seja, da introdução até o final do trabalho. Att. Suzi 3799-7876 on 2015-05-08T18:18:54Z (GMT)
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The objective of this study was to understand how the thematization of racism and racial issues were represented at the time the possibilities for dialogue between civil society and formal institutions of the Brazilian State are open: the National Constituent Assembly (NCA) 1987-1988. Through the study of documents that record the Black Movement’s participation along with the Constituent process, we sought to answer the following questions: 1. What were the demands claimed by the Black Movement organizations in the National Constituent Assembly? 2- What sort of arguments are mobilized by such actors / actresses to support the necessity and feasibility of the pleas insertion into the Constitution text? 3- These demands were included in the Constitution? In what way? In addition to the documentary research, there was literature on the sociopolitical context in question and on the anti-racist mobilization between the 1970s and 1980s. Through the study of social movement performance in the NCA and the balance of inclusions and exclusions of provisions in the Constitution, we pointed out the challenges faced by the Brazilian State in approaching this theme, the progresses and the persistence of certain past issues after almost three decades of the historical event studied herein.
O objetivo do presente trabalho fora compreender de que modo se deu a tematização do racismo e das questões raciais no momento que inaugura as possibilidades de interlocução entre sociedade civil e instituições formais do Estado Brasileiro: a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987-1988. Por meio do estudo dos documentos que registram a participação do Movimento Negro ao longo do processo Constituinte buscou-se responder as seguintes questões: 1- Quais foram as demandas pleiteadas por organizações do Movimento Negro no contexto da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte? 2- Que tipos de argumentos são mobilizados por tais atores/atrizes para sustentar a necessidade e viabilidade da inserção dos pleitos no texto constitucional? 3- Essas demandas foram incluídas na Constituição Federal? De que maneira? Para além da pesquisa documental, realizou-se pesquisa bibliográfica sobre o contexto sociopolítico em questão bem como fez-se considerações sobre a mobilização antirracista entre as décadas de 1970 e 1980. Através do estudo da atuação do movimento social na ANC e do balanço das inclusões e exclusões de dispositivos na Carta Constitucional apontamos os desafios do tratamento da temática pelo Estado brasileiro, os avanços e a persistência de determinadas questões passadas quase três décadas do evento histórico estudado.
Branco, Luis Fernando Migliari. "Industriais brasileiros entre o autoritarismo e a democracia: a transição para a Nova República (1974-1988)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-19122016-113522/.
Full textThis dissertation proposal is to analyze the participation of the national industrial business in the political transition process of civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) to the New Republic (1985-present). More precisely, the research seeks to develop a critical thinking about the articulation capacity of this fraction of the bourgeois class in its relations with the State to guarantee their political and economic interests. In this respect, the dissertation establishes how these relations have developed from a historical perspective - during the country\'s industrialization process - to then analyze its reorganization in the political transition period, from 1974, with the beginning of the \"Opening policy \", and 1988, when the constitution of the Sixth Republic was enacted. Elaborate analysis rely on a literature reading that discusses the formation of the industrial sector from the specifics of economic development from Brazil, considering its peripheral condition in capitalism; and bibliographical sources survey and documents produced by the industry and journals that provide a more detailed assessment of the role played by industry during the period of political transition. Thus, the thesis aims to characterize the interests and positions taken by the national industrial business during this process in order to measure their influence to the end of the dictatorship and the conformation of the New Republic. As a case study, the thesis objective is to deepen the debate on the role of industry in the National Constituent Assembly (1987-1988), with the intention of highlight the historical importance of this moment for their power statement in the economic and political direction of the country.
Brandão, Lucas Coelho. "Os movimentos sociais e a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987-1988: entre a política institucional e a participação popular." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8132/tde-16082012-125217/.
Full textThe dissertation analyzes the interaction between the popular participation dynamics and the political-legislative dynamics by investigating the social mobilization that occurred during the preparation of the 1988s Constitution. I support the hypothesis that, during the National Constitutional Assembly (NCA), this interaction was increased and requalified according to: first, the context of the of the developmental state crisis and the political-institutional crisis, which allowed the process of democratic transition and favored social mobilization; and second, the use of direct democracy instruments (like the popular amendments) already in the process of drafting the new Constitution, which created new opportunities for social mobilization in the ANC. Using a conceptual and analytical framework of the theories of social movements (especially the Political Process Theory), I construct and analyze a database of collective actions carried out during the Constituent Assembly. This analysis shows that these popular instruments created an institutionalization of the interaction between the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary actors. And that this produced significant impacts both on political-legislative dynamics and on the dynamics of popular participation, influencing social mobilization, the political game and the results of the National Constituent Assembly.
Medeiros, Juliano. "Por dentro da ordem : os comunistas na Assembleia Constituinte de 1946." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/21080.
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A presente dissertação analisa a trajetória do Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) durante os trabalhos da Assembleia Constituinte de 1946. Para tanto, são abordados os antecedentes que permitiram a reorganização e legalização do partido, as eleições de 1945 e o perfil da bancada eleita naquele ano. Utilizando os registros disponíveis nos arquivos da Câmara dos Deputados acerca dos trabalhos da Constituinte, além de documentos oficiais do PCB, buscamos reconstituir a dinâmica no interior da bancada comunista, sua relação com as instâncias do partido, com as demais agremiações partidárias e com o governo do General Eurico Gaspar Dutra. Destacamos, ainda, as posições políticas do PCB no contexto da democratização dos anos 1940 e a política de “união nacional” desenvolvida pelo partido, a partir de sua II Conferência Nacional (1943), além das transformações vividas pelo partido durante sua adaptação à dinâmica partidária legal. Por fim, dedicamos parte deste trabalho a desenvolver algumas hipóteses sobre a relação entre as dimensões político-organizativas e seu impacto sobre o funcionamento da bancada comunista, bem como sobre a orientação política geral do PCB, explorando as formas de interação do partido com a democracia representativa de 1946.
This dissertation analyzes the history of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) during the proceedings of the Constituent Assembly of 1946. It thus explores the background that led to the reorganization and registration of the party, the 1945 elections, and the profile of the chosen countertop that year. Using the records available in the Chamber of Deputys about the work of the Constituent and official documents of the PCB, we seek to reconstruct the dynamics inside the communist group, his relationship with instances of the party, the other party associations and the government of General Eurico Gaspar Dutra. We also highlight the PCB political positions in the context of democratization of the 1940s and the policy of "national unity" developed by the party from the Second National Conference (1943) and the transformations experienced by the party during its adaptation to the legal party dynamics. Finally, we dedicate part of this work to develop some hypotheses about the relationship between the political and organizational dimensions and its impact on the functioning of communist group as well as on the overall policy direction of the PCB, exploiting the party interaction forms with the representative democracy of 1946.
Cordeiro, Cecília Siqueira. "Liberdade religiosa na Constituinte de 1823 : atores e debates." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2016. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/21014.
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O presente estudo propõe-se a analisar os debates acerca da liberdade religiosa na Assembleia Geral, Legislativa e Constituinte do Império do Brasil de 1823, bem como identificar os seus principais atores políticos. Tais debates serão historicizados considerando-se o tempo histórico que os presidem, ou seja, admitindo-os dentro de uma cultura política comum partilhada por seus atores. Essa cultura política, por sua vez, insere-se nas “mitigadas Luzes portuguesas” e no campo político do liberalismo luso-brasileiro, considerado, à primeira vista, ambíguo. Nesse sentido, os deputados da primeira experiência parlamentar brasileira admitiam e conciliavam, de forma mais ou menos tensionada, elementos modernos – como a noção de representação nacional – com vestígios, práticas e liturgias do Antigo Regime – como a manutenção do catolicismo como religião oficial por excelência, única mantida pelo Estado. Assim, admitia-se uma razoável liberdade religiosa, estendida apenas às comunhões cristãs, fruto de uma lógica pragmática e utilitarista que prezava pela migração de “estrangeiros úteis” ao país. _______________________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
The present study proposes to analyze the debates surrounding religious freedom in the General, Legislative and Constituent Assembly of the Brazilian Empire, in 1823, and to identify its main political actors. These debates will be historicized, considering the historical time that presides, that is, admitting them whitin a common political culture shared by its actors. This political culture, on the other hand, is inserted in the “mitigated portuguese Lights” and the luso-brazilian political liberalism field, considered, at first sight, ambiguous. In this sense, the members of the first brazilian parliamentary experience admitted and conciliated, in a more or less tensioned way, modern elements – such as the notion of national representation – with traces, practices and liturgies of the Old Regime – such as maintaining catholicism as the official religion by excellence, the only maintained by the state. Thus, it was admitted a reasonable religious freedom, extended only to christian communions, the result of a pragmatic and utilitarian logic that valued the migration of “useful foreigners” to the country.
Modelli, Fernando. "O conceito de povo no Brasil : populus e plebs na Constituinte de 1823." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2018. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/32243.
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O marco teórico da tese é a arqueologia, explicado a partir da obra de Michel Foucault, em contraste com a obra, pós-estruturalista, de Jacques Rancière e Ernesto Laclau. A contribuição dessa corrente teórica é localizada nos principais debates do liberalismo no século XIX e seus dilemas para o conceito do povo no Brasil imperial. A tensão explorada neste trabalho, a partir do debate teórico e análise da constituinte de 1823, é a predominância, no discurso político brasileiro do início do século XIX, de um conceito idealizado de povo (usado no sentido de populus, categoria que remetia aos homens educados e detentores de propriedades) do qual era preciso excluir cuidadosamente a plebe, por esta ser imprópria para a cidadania. Argumenta-se sobre as diferentes maneiras como plebe e populus são separadas na Constituinte de 1823 e destacam-se as questões da república e da escravidão. O conceito de república é utilizado de forma a evitar qualquer ligação com o exercício direto da maioria, considerando que seu sentido se limita ao poder regional. A escravidão é pesquisada no seu uso mais comum, referente à opressão da metrópole. A escravidão, no seu significado de cativeiro negro, é investigada no debate sobre quem seria cidadão, grande nervo exposto de uma sociedade desigual nos trópicos.
The theoretical framework of the thesis is archeology, explained from the work of Michel Foucault, in contrast to the poststructuralist work of Jacques Rancière and Ernesto Laclau. The contribution of this theoretical current is located in the main debates of liberalism in the nineteenth century and its dilemmas for the concept of the people in imperial Brazil. The tension explored in this work, based on the theoretical debate and analysis of the constituent of 1823, is the predominance, in the Brazilian political discourse of the early nineteenth century, of an idealized concept of people (used in the sense of populus, a category that referred to educated men and possessors of propriety) from which the plebs had to be carefully excluded because it was inapt for citizenship. It is argued on the different ways in which plebs and populus are separated in Constituent of 1823 and its relation to the questions of the concepts republic and the slavery. The concept of republic is used in such a way as to avoid any connection with the direct exercise of the majority, considering that its meaning limited to regional power. Slavery is researched in its most common usage, referring to the oppression of the metropolis. Slavery, in its meaning of black captivity, is investigated in the debate over who would be a citizen, a great exposed nerve of an unequal society in the tropics.
Bergounioux, Paul. "La société Militaire : champ nobiliaire, crises et institutions (1750-1791)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010709.
Full textThis history thesis is based on a genetic materialism that considers institutional fact as a reflect of a social structure historically determined by competitive struggles between elites for monopoly on power, a structure being structured which has always been and remains embedded in bodies and mind in the form of habitus and ethos. In this way, explaining the military institution's functioning requires staying focused onto one single category of social agents, the Nobility of the Sword that its story, its own position within absolutist functional cycle and self-interest lead to redefine the military institutional frameworks between 1789 and 1790. Grasping the objective and historical background that now structures such an institution and thereby, the social order born of revolutionary society, implies to accord special importance in the historical configuration revealed by identity crisis experienced by the Nobility of the Sword from 1750 to 1789. As an outer expression of the absolutist cycle’s end, French revolution result in a fairly sudden change in legal structures, related to the introduction among the active elements of society, of social agents sharing a system of heterodox beliefs heightened by the revolutionary process and invested in the recast of monarchical institutions under the Constituent
Martins, Eduardo. "A Assembléia Constituinte de 1823 e sua posição em relação à construção da cidadania no Brasil /." Assis : [s.n.], 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/103173.
Full textBanca: Edneia Regina Rossi
Banca: Olga Brites
Banca: Zelia Lopes da Silva
Banca: Célia Reis Carmargo
Resumo: Este trabalho analisou os discursos dos deputados da Assembléia Geral e Constituintes de 1823 atentando para o sentido de nação que estes mesmos deputados buscavam dar para o país recém-independente de Portugal, bem como analisou ainda a produção de discursos acerca da cidadania para o país, procurando saber quem os deputados queriam que fossem os cidadãos brasileiros, levando-se em conta a enorme heterogeneidade de povos e culturas que viviam no Brasil. A preocupação com o estudo da cidadania conduziu este estudo a também problematizar a data oficial da Independência, o 7 de setembro, como um signo construído pelo poder executivo em detrimento à data preterida pelo poder legislativo: o dia 12 de Outubro, denotando desta forma a derrota do poder legislativo e por conseguinte o sufocamento de um tipo de democracia. Utilizamos como fonte documental para esta tese os Anais da Assembléia Geral e Constituinte do Brasil. Do ponto de vista metodológico este trabalho procurou demonstrar como as práticas discursivas podem historicamente engendrar domínios de saber e de poder, transformando-se em práticas efetivas e configurando-se em domínios ou fatos para a história.
Abstract: This work approached the deputies' of the Assembly General and Constituent of 1823 speeches looking at the nation sense that these same deputies looked for to give to the recently-independent country of Portugal, as well as it still analyzed the production of speeches concerning the citizenship to the country, trying to know who the deputies wanted that he was the Brazilian citizens, being taken into account the enormous heterogeneity of people and cultures that lived in Brazil. The concern with the study of the citizenship also drove this study the to problematize the official date of the Independence, the September 7, as a sign built by the executive power in detriment to the date ignored by the power legislative October 12. Denoting this way the defeat of the legislative power and consequently the asphyxiation of a democracy type. We used as documental source for this theory the Annals of the General and Constituent Assembly of Brazil. Of the methodological point of view this work tried to demonstrate as the discursive practices historically they can engender domains of knowing and of being able to, becoming effective practices and being configured in domains or facts for the history.
Doutor
Okumura, Julio Hideyshi. "Florestan Fernandes na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (1987-88) : debates, propostas e pensamento educacional /." Marília, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/180988.
Full textBanca: Fabiana de Cássia Rodrigues
Banca: Júlio César Torres
Resumo: A presente pesquisa é dedicada a compreender as propostas, os debates e o pensamento educacional de Florestan Fernandes na sua atuação como deputado federal na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC), em 1987-88. Florestan Fernandes militou pela educação pública nos anos de 1960, na campanha "Em Defesa da Escola Pública" e, na década de 1980, como deputado federal constituinte (1987-88), pelas demandas históricas trazidas dos embates políticos travados na década de 1960. Para realizar a pesquisa, as categorias de análise que utilizamos para nos nortear foram: a) a superação dos resquícios dos traços coloniais vindos do antigo regime servil e a conquista da democracia; b) a luta dos trabalhadores da educação e a formação da autoconsciência dos "de baixo"; e c) verba púbica somente para a escola pública. Florestan Fernandes, devido as suas experiências vivenciadas pelo golpe empresarial-militar de abril de 1964, e pelo aprofundamento de suas pesquisas sobre as especificidades da formação do capitalismo no Brasil, incluiu, em suas considerações sobre os dilemas educacionais brasileiros, elementos socialistas. Recortamos o último período para análise, principalmente, porque descobrimos que não há trabalhos que focalizem esse período de sua atuação como pensador e militante da educação brasileira e por considerarmos que suas proposições, debates e pensamento sobre o tema nos ofereceriam grandes contribuições para pensarmos os dilemas educacionais que ainda permeiam a nossa realidad... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)
Abstract: The present research is dedicated to understanding the proposals, thinking and debates about education of Florestan Fernandes in his role as federal deputy in the National Constituent Assembly (ANC), in 1987-1988. He was one of the most esteemed Brazilian intellectuals of the twentieth century. Florestan Fernandes fought for public education in the 1960s, in the campaign "In Defense of Public School", and in the 1980s, as constituent federal deputy (1987-88), for the historical demands brought by political conflicts of the 1960s. The categories of analysis to carry out this research were: a) the overcoming of remnants of the colonial traits coming from the old servile regime and the conquest of democracy; b) the struggle of education workers and the formation of self-consciousness of lower class people; and c) public funds only for public school. Due to his experiences of the military-business coup of April 1964 and by deepening his research on the specificities of formation of capitalism in Brazil, Florestan Fernandes included socialist elements in his considerations on Brazilian educational dilemmas. We cut the last period for analysis mainly because we found that there are no papers focusing on this period of his work as a thinker and militant of Brazilian education. We also consider that their propositions, debates and thought on the subject would offer us great contributions to think about the educational dilemmas that still permeate our reality. The procedures that we u... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)
Mestre
Marques, Magnus Henry da Silva. "O Poder Constituinte e libertação : uma análise da factibilidade da Assembleia Constituinte temática da reforma política frente à práxis constitucional." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2017. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/24751.
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As manifestações de Junho de 2013 e os meses que as seguiram fez do Brasil um campo de manifestações massivas; aquelas movimentações colocaram como problema uma série de questões estruturais da sociedade brasileira. De todas as possibilidades levantadas para dar vazão às reivindicações das manifestações de Junho, a questão da realização de uma Constituinte temática foi a que mais movimentou cientistas do direito e teóricos para se posicionarem a respeito do tema. O intenso debate teórico acerca do tema e as divergências entre constitucionalistas consagrados trouxeram uma suspeita de que as questões emergentes da discussão acerca da constituinte parcial ainda são postas como problema. Dessa forma, questões aparentemente respondidas pelo constitucionalismo moderno foram repostas como problema no processo histórico deflagrado na América Latina e, em especial para a presente pesquisa, no Brasil. Se apresenta como problema principal de pesquisa para o presente trabalho a possibilidade de realização de uma constituinte temática para a reforma política em face da práxis constitucional. Desse problema principal, em resumo, emerge as seguintes questões convergentes: Quem é o sujeito do poder constituinte? Esse poder encontra limites? É possível uma constituinte temática? O que revelam as repostas teóricas dadas a esse movimento constituinte? Qual a relação entre o poder constituinte, a política e o direito? Para responder a essas questões, a presente dissertação realizará um levantamento bibliográfico acerca do poder constituinte, bem como sobre as formas que ele se manifestou em solo latino-americano, especialmente no Brasil. Com o objetivo de desnudar a natureza do poder constituinte, esse levantamento sobre essa categoria será ainda conjugado com leituras em filosofia política. Este trabalho se divide da seguinte forma: em seu primeiro momento realiza uma análise sucinta sobre as reações teóricas frente ao movimento constituinte que se inaugurou com o plebiscito popular, e, sobretudo, demonstra a forma de ingresso dessa categoria no léxico político, bem como o constitucionalismo moderno a integrou em suas formulações; em seu segundo momento, trata-se de discutir o significado concreto do poder constituinte tentando propor chaves de leituras que permitem compreender o fenômeno em estudo tendo como principal referencial teórico a filosofia política de libertação. Conclui-se que o poder constituinte, categoria limítrofe entre a Política e o Direito, só pode ser compreendido quando analisado através do processo em que ele se manifesta. Destarte, sua legitimidade, seu sujeito, seu projeto, e as demais questões que surgem da sua práxis se afirmam no processo histórico em que ele se realiza. O constitucionalismo moderno, ao cair no fetichismo do constituído, inverte a realidade social e trata de tomar o determinado como determinante. Essa operação se projeta na análise do constitucionalismo moderno sobre o poder constituinte na sua tentativa de enquadrá-lo sempre à ordem estabelecida.
The mobilizations in June 2013 and the months that followed made Brazil a field of mass marches; those movements has posed as a problem several structural questions in Brazilian society. Of all the possibilities raised to the demands of the June mobilizations, the one that moved the most law scientists and theoreticians to position themselves on the subject was the problem of the thematic Constituent. The intense theoretical debate on the subject and the divergences between consecrated constitutionalists have brought a suspicion that the issues emerging from the discussion about the partial constituent are still posed as a problem. In this way, questions seemingly answered by modern constitutionalism were restored as a problem in the historical process initiated in Latin America and, especially for the present research, in Brazil. It presents as main research problem for the present work the possibility of making a thematic constituent for political reform in face of constitutional praxis. From this principal problem, in sum, emerges the following convergent questions: Who is the subject of constituent power? Does this power has limits? Is a thematic constituent possible? What do the theoretical responses to this constituent movement reveal? What is the relation between constituent power, politics and Law? In order to answer these questions, this dissertation will make a bibliographical survey about constituent power, as well as on the forms that it manifested in Latin American especially in Brazil. With the purpose of undressing the nature of the constituent power, this survey on the category will still be coupled with readings in political philosophy. This work is divided as follows: in its first moment, makes a brief analysis on the theoretical reactions to the constituent movement that was inaugurated with the popular plebiscite, and, above all, demonstrates the form of entry of this category in the political lexicon as well as the constitutionalism has integrated it into its formulations; In its second moment, it’s about discussing the concrete meaning of the constituent power trying to propose readings keys that allow understanding the phenomenon under study having as main theoretical reference the political philosophy of liberation. It is concluded that the constituent power, borderline between Politics and Law, can only be understood when analyzed through the process in which it manifests itself. In fact, its legitimacy, its subject, its project, and the other issues that arise from their praxis are affirmed in the historical process in which it takes place. Modern constitutionalism, when falling into the fetish of the constituted, inverts the social reality and tries to take the determined as determinant. This operation is projected in the analysis of the modern constitutionalism on the constituent power in its attempt to always frame it to the established order.
Movilizaciones de junio de 2013 y los meses que las siguieron hecho de Brasil un campo de manifestaciones de masas; eses movimientos pusieron como cuestión una serie de problemas estructurales de la sociedad brasileña. De todas las posibilidades planteadas para resolver las demandas de las manifestaciones de junio, la cuestión de la celebración de una constituyente temática fue la más capaz de movilizar los científicos de lo derecho y sus teóricos para posicionarse sobre el tema. El intenso debate teórico sobre el tema y las diferencias entre constitucionalistas establecidos trajeron una sospecha de que los problemas que surgen de la discusión de la constituyente parcial todavía se ponen como un problema. Por lo tanto, problemas aparentemente resueltos por el constitucionalismo moderno han sido repuestos como cuestiones en el proceso histórico desencadenado en América Latina y, especialmente para esta investigación, en Brasil. Representa el problema de investigación importante para este estudio la posibilidad de llevar a cabo una constituyente temática para la reforma política a la luz de la praxis constitucional. A partir de este importante problema, en resumen, las siguientes preguntas convergentes surgen: ¿Quién es el sujeto del poder constituyente? Ese poder tiene límites? Una constituyente temática es posible? Lo que revelan las respuestas teóricas dadas a este movimiento constituyente? ¿Cuál es la relación entre el poder constituyente, la política y el derecho? Para responder a estas preguntas, esta tesis llevará a cabo una revisión de la literatura sobre el poder constituyente, así como sobre las formas que él apareció en el suelo de la América Latina, especialmente en Brasil. Con el fin de poner al descubierto la naturaleza del poder constituyente, esta encuesta a esta categoría será todavía ser combinada con lecturas en la filosofía política. Este trabajo se divide de la siguiente manera: en la primera parte se realiza una análisis sucinta de la reacción teórica a el movimiento constituyente que se abrió con la consulta popular informal, y, sobre todo, muestra la manera de entrada de esta categoría en el léxico político y como el constitucionalismo moderno hecho su integración en las formulaciones de lo mismo; en su segunda fase, discute el significado concreto del poder constituyente tratando de proponer claves de lecturas que nos permitan comprender el fenómeno en estudio través de teoría de la política de la liberación. Llegamos a la conclusión de que el poder constituyente, categoría en el límite entre la política y el derecho, sólo puede entenderse cuando se analiza través del proceso en que él se manifiesta. Por lo tanto, su legitimidad, su sujeto, su diseño, y otras cuestiones que surgen de la su praxis se afirman en el proceso histórico en el que se lleva a cabo. El constitucionalismo moderno, la caída de fetichismo constituido, invierte la realidad social y viene a tomar determinada como decisiva. Esta operación se proyecta en el análisis del constitucionalismo moderno en el poder constituyente en su intento de enmarcar siempre a la orden establecida.
Lecoq-Pujade, Benjamin. "La naissance de l'autorité de la représentation nationale en droit constitutionnel français (1789-1794)." Thesis, Lyon, 2019. http://scd-rproxy.u-strasbg.fr/login?url=https://www.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr/pvurl.php?r=http%3A%2F%2Fdallozbndpro-pvgpsla.dalloz-bibliotheque.fr%2Ffr%2Fpvpage2.asp%3Fpuc%3D5442%26nu%3D238%26selfsize%3D1.
Full textThe place and the contemporary role of Parliament in French institutions lead to question the nature of the traditionally recognized authority of national representation. The objective of this research is to analyze the revolutionary origins of French constitutional principle which consists in seeing, in the assembly of representatives of the Nation, the heart of a politicial authority whose source is the representative expression of the general will. The French Revolution has long appeared as the matrix moment of modern constitutional law and constitutionalism in France. However, unlike its predecessors in England and North America, it was less intended to limit power than to regenerate both its foundation and exercise. In this respect, it presents itself to constitutional law as a revolution of authority, that is to say as a total upheaval of the foundations of political existence tending to replace the old monarchy, traditional and sacral, with a modern constitutional order based on the equal freedom of citizens and the natural autonomy of national community. The great work of the French revolutionaries was, therefore, to redefine the relation of command to obedience by substituting the transcendent authority of the monarch, by the immanent authority of a Nation, which materializes itself through its representatives. It is in fact through the lens of representation that the Revolution undertook to reconcile authority and freedom. The advent of the national rpresentation, destined for a long time to become the center of gravity of French political life, finds its origin in this desire to refound the obligation of obedience through the conjunction of individual autonomy and collective autonomy. This liberal and emancipatory project, which consists in realizing the nation’s grip on itself through representation, nevertheless suffers from a congenital ambivalence due to the contradictory aspirations of revolutionary constitutionalism. It is divided between the need to justify the subversion of the old order, and the desire to establish for the future a liberal and temperate government, tending to rationalize and depersonalize public authority. The institution of national representation, produced and generated by the Revolution, crystalized this tension. The work of the Constituent Assembly and the National Convention reveals that the revolutionary constituents have constantly oscillated between two conceptions of representation and constitutionalism. One, modern, relies on the otherness of the Nation and its representatives to place the Constitution and the guarantee of rights above the authority of the latter. On the contrary, the older one tends to symbiosis with it by basing the authority of national representation on an existential imperative: to give life to this sovereign nation which can only come to legal existence by the expression of a common will. Revolutionary constitutionalism therefore remains in the middle, stuck between the organicist tradition of the Old Regime, in which it has its roots, and the outline of a modern constitutionalism tending instead to dissociate the state and the society, as well as authority and freedom
Ferreira, José António. "O poder local e regional na Assembleia Constituinte de 1975/76 : as regiões administrativas." Master's thesis, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10216/19439.
Full textFerreira, José António. "O poder local e regional na Assembleia Constituinte de 1975/76 : as regiões administrativas." Dissertação, Porto : [Edição do Autor], 2005. http://aleph.letras.up.pt/F?func=find-b&find_code=SYS&request=000158926.
Full textLe, Digol Christophe. "La nation en assemblée : essai sur les conditions sociales de formation de l'assemblée nationale (1789-1791)." Paris 10, 2003. http://www.theses.fr/2003PA100163.
Full textThis work returns to the first moments of the French Revolution, specifically the creation of the Assemblée Nationale in May 1789. It performs a social analysis of the formation of the political institutions. On the one hand there is a study of the creation and transformation of the Assemblée Nationale. On the other there is an attempt to understand the use of it made by the deputies and their supporters. The goal is to arrive at an understanding of the social conditions of its creation. The principal hypothesis investigates how the social structures which under the Ancien Régime formed so many obstacles to their collective mobilisation can lead to, in 1789, a system of interdependencies. These constrained the elected deputies to co-exist and act together under the influence of social and symbolic practices which all they are subjected to. Looking at the gap between the existing and the desired positions of the members of the Assemblée Nationale, their claims and actions are examined
Leite, Filipe de Faria Dias [UNESP]. "A constituinte de 1933: a participação da Liga Eleitoral Católica na composição da Assembléia Constituinte na região de Ribeirão Preto." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93251.
Full textO ano de 1930 na política nacional foi marcado pela ascensão de Getúlio Vargas ao poder federal, inaugurando um período inconstitucional. Resultado direto das pressões oposicionistas, o presidente convocou eleições para a Assembléia Constituinte em 1933. A Igreja Católica teve participação direta na composição dessa assembleia, com a organização do grupo político conhecido como Liga Eleitoral Católica, subordinado diretamente a Ação Católica. Essa pesquisa busca entender como houve a intersecção dos interesses da Igreja Católica Brasileira com os do Estado Varguista, seja no Brasil ou na região de Ribeirão Preto. A elite política paulista participou da constituinte de 1933 defendendo os interesses de seu grupo Católico, com objetivo de montar a reconstrução da “Ordem Cristã”, que só se faria com sólidos alicerces morais, daí a preocupação da hierarquia Católica com o ensino religioso nas escolas públicas, além da indissolubilidade do casamento e a validação do matrimônio religioso para fins jurídicos. Seria necessária a intervenção do clero para que a nova constituição abandonasse o caráter laico? O caminho teórico encontrado para responder tais questionamentos foi o da autocompreensão da Igreja, pois somente de dentro da instituição seria possível entender sua necessidade de retornar aos meandros políticos do Estado Brasileiro. Todas as colocações apresentadas pelo clero nacional foram atendidas na redação da Constituição de 1934, representada inclusive por seu caráter leigo
The year of 1930 in the national politics was marked by the ascension of Getúlio Vargas to the federal power inaugurating an unconstitutional period. As a result of opposing pressures, the president convoked elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1933. The Catholic Church had direct participation in the composition of this Assembly with the organization of the political group known as Electoral Catholic League subordinated directly to the Catholic Action. This study aims to understand how the intersection between the Brazilian Catholic Church and Vargas‟ Government took place, be it in Brazil or only in the city of Ribeirão Preto. The political elite of the State of São Paulo participated in the Constituent of 1933 defending the interests of its own Catholic group, aiming to restructure the Christian Order, which would only be built on solid moral basis and generated worries with Religious teachings at Schools preached by the Catholic hierarchy, besides the indissolubility of the marriage and the validation of the religious matrimony with juridical endings. Would a Cleric intervention be necessary so that the new Constitution could abandon its laic character? The theoretical path followed to answer such questions was the Church´s self comprehension, for only by being inside the institution it would be possible to understand its necessity to return to the political meanders of the Brazilian State. Every argument presented by the National Clergy was answered in the text of the Constitution of 1934, represented by its lay character
CARVALHO, Soraia de. "Estado e luta de classes na Bolívia: uma análise comparativa entre a assembléia popular de 1971 e a constituinte de 2006-2009." Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2016. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/143.
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Capes
Movimiento Indígena - Campesino Esta tese tem como objeto de estudo duas distintas saídas para crises de hegemonia no processo político boliviano: a Assembleia Popular de 1971 e a Assembleia Constituinte, instalada em 2006, que resultou no novo texto constitucional promulgado em 2009, sob o governo de Evo Morales. A perspectiva metodológica adotada foi a do materialismo histórico e dialético. Analisa, quanto à independência de classe: qual a relação com as classes e frações dominantes e o Estado; como se manifestaram as ilusões democráticas; suas propostas em relação ao funcionamento do sistema judiciário. Identifica em cada experiência a forma como se deu a aliança entre as classes, frações de classe e nacionalidades oprimidas. Debate a abordagem do controle da produção, da questão agrária e das nacionalidades indígenas, assim como a política militar de cada uma delas. A partir destes pontos de análise, identifica que são experiências que adotaram rumos opostos. A primeira impulsionou a luta de classes enquanto a segunda a conteve nos marcos da democracia burguesa. A Assembleia Popular era parte da estratégia revolucionária do proletariado boliviano, que constituiu um organismo embrionário de duplo poder que se manteve independente perante as classes dominante e seu Estado. A vigência do pacto militar-camponês impôs dificuldades em incorporar esta classe à Assembleia. O golpe militar de 21 de agosto de 1971 interrompeu o desenvolvimento desta experiência. A Assembleia Constituinte instaurada em 2006 organizou-se em torno de uma estratégia democratizante, como uma saída burguesa para a crise de legitimidade das instituições estatais, profundamente abaladas pelos efeitos da aplicação das políticas neoliberais que levaram o país a uma situação prérevolucionária, com os levantes batizados como Guerra da Água, em 2000 e Guerra do Gás, em 2003. A negociação com modificação do texto aprovado pelos constituintes expressou que os delegados constituintes não tiveram controle sobre o resultado do processo e os conflitos entre o Governo Morales, as comunidades indígenas e outros segmentos, sob a vigência da nova Carta demonstram os limites da via jurídico-parlamentar para que os explorados conquistem suas reivindicações.
Esta tesis tiene como objeto de estudio dos distintas salidas para crisis de hegemonía en el proceso político boliviano: la Asamblea Popular de 1971 y la Asamblea Constituyente, instalada en 2006, que resultó en el nuevo texto constitucional promulgado en 2009, bajo el gobierno de Evo Morales. La perspectiva metodológica adoptada fue la del materialismo histórico e dialético Analiza, cuanto a la independencia de clase: cual la relación con las clases y fracciones dominantes y el Estado; como las ilusiones democráticas se manifestaron; sus propuestas en relación al funcionamiento del sistema judicial. Identifica en cada experiencia la forma cómo se dio la alianza entre las clases, fracciones de clases y nacionalidades oprimidas. Debate el abordaje de temas como el control de la producción; la cuestión agraria y de las nacionalidades indígenas, así como la política militar de cada una de ellas. A partir de estos puntos de análisis, identifica que son experiencias que adoptaron rumbos opuestos. La primera impulsó la lucha de clases mientras que la segunda la contuvo en el marco de la democracia burguesa. La Asamblea Popular era parte de la estrategia revolucionaria del proletariado boliviano, se constituyó como un órgano embrionario de poder dual que se ha mantenido independiente ante las clases dominantes y su Estado. La vigencia del pacto militar-campesino ha impuesto dificultades en la incorporación de esta clase a la Asamblea. El golpe militar del 21 de agosto de 1971 interrumpió el desarrollo de esta experiencia. La Asamblea Constituyente inaugurada en 2006 se organizó en torno a una estrategia democratizante, como una salida burguesa a la crisis de legitimidad de las instituciones estatales, profundamente abaladas por la aplicación de las políticas neoliberales que llevaran al país a una situación prerevolucionaria, con los levantamientos bautizados como la Guerra del Agua en el año 2000 y la Guerra del Gas en 2003. Las negociaciones que acabaron modificando el texto aprobado por los constituyentes expone que los mencionados delegados no tuvieron control sobre el resultado del proceso político y que los conflictos entre el gobierno Morales, las comunidades indígenas y otros segmentos, bajo la vigencia de la nueva Carta demuestran los límites de los medios legales y parlamentarios para que los explotados conquisten sus reivindicaciones.
Campos, Yussef Daibert Salomão de. "A dimensão política do patrimônio cultural na constituinte de 1987-1988." Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora (UFJF), 2015. https://repositorio.ufjf.br/jspui/handle/ufjf/4360.
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CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
Essa tese trata do patrimônio cultural como matéria a ser inserida no corpo constitucional da Carta de 1988, envolvido na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) brasileira de 1987 e 1988. O objetivo é o de identificar os atores envolvidos, as discussões, diretas e transversais, que se apropriaram do tema durante o processo Constituinte mais recente da história do país. É também o de entender os meandros que levaram à redação final do que hoje conhecemos como artigo 216, o mais importante da Constituição da República no que tange à conceituação do patrimônio e a designação das formas de preservação e proteção. Para isso, foram utilizadas revisões bibliográficas, pesquisa em fontes como atas de audiência e reuniões no período Constituinte, e a consulta a jornais para estruturar a tese ora apresentada. Será visto que alguns conflitos tangenciaram a discussão, mas quando o tema foi diretamente debatido, a tendência foi a de conciliação como resultado das tratativas entre as partes envolvidas. A ANC, como ambiência política, será perscrutada, no que se refere ao patrimônio, para revelar quais mediadores, agentes e reivindicações destacaram-se e como suas ações refletiram num artigo abrangente, com um conceito amplo de patrimônio cultural. A demanda por reconhecimento de culturas, identidades e memórias será considerada, todavia a sua perspectiva econômica acerca da propriedade da terra, por parte de grupos indígenas e de negros, marginalizados nas políticas públicas de até então, foi encarada como assunto de menor relevo pela ANC, em uma nítida contenção de conflitos, por um lado, e atendimento a anseios de forças políticas incisivas, de outro.
This thesis addresses the issue of cultural patrimony during the Brazilian National Constituent Assembly of 1987 and 1988, with regard to its insertion in the body of the text of the 1988 Constitution. The aim is to identify the actors involved and the direct and transversal discussions that focused on this theme during the most recent constitutional process in the history of the country. It also aims to understand the intricacies that have led to the final text of what we know today as article 216, the most important one of the Constitution of the Republic concerning the conceptualization of patrimony and the designation of means for its preservation and protection. Therefore, the present work has been built upon bibliography review, consultation to newspapers and searches through minutes of hearings and meetings held during the constitutional period. It is possible to observe that some conflicts have appeared during the discussions, but once the issue was directly debated, there was a tendency to conciliation, as a result from negotiations among the actors involved. This is a comprehensive article, with a broad concept of cultural patrimony, which investigated the National Constituent Assembly (ANC, for its acronym in Portuguese) as a political ambience, on the issue of patrimony, in order to reveal the most remarkable mediators, actors and requests, as well as the reflections of their actions. The claims for the recognition of cultures, identities and memories have been considered by the Constituent Assembly. Nevertheless, the economic perspective towards land property by groups of indigenous and black people, marginalized by public policies until then, has been treated as a less relevant issue, on one side as a clear avoidance of conflicts, on the other as an answer to incisive political forces.
El, Hani Jamal Eddine. "L'idéee de nation chez les orateurs de la Constituante." Paris 8, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA081598.
Full textKante, Mohamed-L.-Sekou. "Expériences et stratégies des parlementaires d’Afrique occidentale française au sein des différentes assemblées nationale françaises de 1945 à 1958." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 8, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA080152.
Full textVoitechen, Fábio. "O exame pré-nupcial, nas páginas da imprensa jornalística, nas teses médicas e na assembleia constituinte." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 2015. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/160663.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo fazer uma análise da trajetória da campanha pelo exame pré-nupcial no Brasil. Essa campanha contou com vários adeptos, sobretudo médicos e eugenistas que passaram valorizar o exame que se tornou sinônimo de prática eugênica e de profilaxia. Para tal serão analisados alguns veículos de comunicação como jornais e revistas, principalmente o jornal O Globo, que passou a propugnar pelo exame ainda no ano de 1926. Além de utilizar a imprensa como respaldo para a reconstrução do debate que a possibilidade desta prática causou, serão averiguadas algumas teses médicas que também se referiram ao assunto. Por fim o trabalho retomará as discussões ocorridas durante a assembleia constituinte de 1933-34, quando esta julgou o projeto de lei que tentava instituir a obrigatoriedade de apresentação do atestado de sanidade física e mental a todos que desejassem contrair matrimônio.
Abstract : The purpose of this work is to analyze the trajectory of the campaign premarital examination in Brazil. Many doctors and eugenicists supported the campaign; they began to value the examinations which became synonymous of a practice eugenic and prophylaxis. In order to achieve this will be considered the printed media such as magazines and newspapers, mainly O Globo which started advocating by the exams since 1926. In addition to the use of the press as a support to the reconstruction of this discussion which the possibility that practice caused, will be explores some medical theses that referred to the subject. Finally the work will recover the whole discussion occurred during the constituent assembly on 1933-34, when this adjudicated the law project which tried to institute a compulsory presentation of physical and mental certificate, for all who wish get married.
Couffin, Marcel. "L'image de l'angleterre au cours des debats parlementaires de l'assemblee constituante : 1789-1791." Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997EHES0094.
Full textAntonietto, André Luís Gomes. "Contornos político-jurídicos do poder decisório dos conselhos populares: análise após 30 anos da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte." Universidade de São Paulo, 2017. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/107/107131/tde-04022019-093606/.
Full textIn this dissertation, we proposed an investigation of the political and juridical contours of the decision power of the popular councils, through issues identified by means of the activity of popular legal advice at the university to groups and popular movements that participate these councils. The first question that we analyzed concerns the guarantees that the Federal Constitution of 1988 provides for the existence and participation of society in the management of public policies through popular councils. We identified that the popular councils were based on innumerable proposals that were processed in the Constituent National Assembly and that all of them were rejected or had their content heavily altered in the sense of making them more abstract. Despite the non-approval of the proposals, the context of popular mobilization of the Constituent Assembly contributed to the construction of a participatory ideology that would influence the process of creating the popular councils, through the regulation of social rights provided in the Constitution. This process was marked by the demand for councils with decision- making power, which was expressed through the requirement that these have a deliberative character. However, after three decades of the Constituent Assembly, the deliberative councils don\'t seem to respond to the wishes for popular participation in state decisions. From this point of view, we propose an analytical model that considers the nuances of the decision-making power attributed to the councils to classify their attributions, based on some concepts of Administrative Law. Through the analysis, we demonstrate that the prediction of deliberative feature isn\'t enough by itself to guarantee decision-making power to the councils, what should be expressed through the forecast of competencies that specify the scope of this power. We identified that there is a big variety of types of decisions that can be taken by councils and that the laws and norms that regulate these bodies establish many imperfect competencies, that is, those that define a purpose without, however, foreseeing the instrumental powers that allow its execution. We also identified a tendency for these competences are established by decree, not by law, which tends to undermine the autonomy of councils.
Silva, Clovis Nelson Pires da. "Transição constitucional e participação politica : as emendas populares na Assembleia Estadual constituinte de 1989 em Santa Catarina." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UFSC, 1995. https://repositorio.ufsc.br/handle/123456789/111937.
Full textHonorato, Fernando Henrique Lopes. "Constitucionalismo em formação no Brasil : uma análise dos discursos parlamentares na Assembleia Geral Constituinte e Legislativa de 1823." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UnB, 2014. http://repositorio.unb.br/handle/10482/17664.
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O presente estudo é fruto de parte das pesquisas realizadas sobre a história dos conceitos de constituição e constitucionalismo no Brasil no contexto do processo de independência político-jurídica em relação a Portugal, precisamente com a experiência de uma Assembleia Geral Constituinte e Legislativa em 1823. A partir da análise dos discursos dos parlamentares fundadores, propõe uma investigação histórica sobre a (in)definição da forma constitucional e sua estabilização, bem como sobre a seleção dos conteúdos que deveriam integrar a constituição, inundados pelos campos de experiência dos congressistas constituintes e pelos horizontes de expectativas em relação ao Estado-Nação em gestação. Para tanto, as principais fontes primárias utilizadas na pesquisa foram os Diários da Assembleia Constituinte brasileira de 1823 e das Cortes de Lisboa de 1821/1822, os instrumentos legais editados no Brasil e em Portugal no período estudado, bem como alguns periódicos da época, como o Correio Braziliense, o Diário Constitucional, o Revérbero Constitucional Fluminense e outros. Além disso, as fontes secundárias iluminaram a história dos conceitos utilizados, como a própria noção de constituição e constitucionalismo, cujo uso indiscriminado conduzia a uma disputa de sentidos como verdadeiros artefatos para a conquista de posições ideológicas muito bem definidas. Neste ambiente permeado de incertezas e interesses antagônicos, a auto-atribuição de poderes legislativos pelos constituintes da Assembléia brasileira de 1823, bem como a inclusão no projeto de constituição, de forma inédita na recente história do constitucionalismo moderno, de um artigo que “flexibilizava” a reforma de algumas normas constantes no texto constitucional, mantido posteriormente na Carta Constitucional outorgada por D. Pedro I em 1824, sob a forma do artigo 178, surgiam como mais uma possibilidade de compreensão de sentido da constituição. ________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT
This study is the result of some of the research on the history of the concepts of constitution and constitutionalism in Brazil in the context of political and legal independence from Portugal, precisely with the experience of a Constituent and Legislative General Assembly in 1823. From the analysis of parliamentary speeches of Brazilian founding fathers, offers a historical survey of the (in)definition of the constitutional order and its stabilization as well as on the selection of content that should be part of the constitution , inundated the fields of expertise of the participants and constituents horizons of expectations of the nation-state in pregnancy. The main primary sources used in the research were the Daily Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1823 and the Cortes of Lisbon of 1821/1822, legal instruments in Brazil and Portugal edited in the period studied, and some periodicals of the time, as the Correio Braziliense, the Diário Constitucional, the Revérbero Constitucional Fluminense and others. In addition , secondary sources illuminated the history of concepts used, as the notion of constitution and constitutionalism, which led to indiscriminate use genuine dispute senses as true artifacts for achieving well-defined ideological positions. In this environment permeated with uncertainty and antagonistic interests , the self-attribution of legislative powers by the Brazilian Constituent Assembly of 1823, as well as the inclusion in the project of constitution, as never before in the recent history of modern constitutionalism, an article that limb the reform of certain rules contained in the Constitution, held later in the Constitutional Charter granted by D. Pedro I in 1824, in the form of Article 178, emerged as another possibility of understanding towards the constitution.
Versiani, Maria Helena. "Linguagens da cidadania: os brasileiros escrevem para a Constituinte de 1987/1988." reponame:Repositório Institucional do FGV, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10438/10842.
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This thesis examines a set of personal letters that comprise the documental found Collection Memory of Constituent, deposited in the Historical Archives of the Republic Museum and gathering documents produced in the course of a political process that resulted in the promulgation of the current Brazilian Constitution. Brazil was experiencing a moment of democratic transition, which aimed to put an end to the auth oritarian regime installed in the country from the civil - military coup of 1964. The settlement of a new Constitution was put up as a democratic path of struggle against authoritarianism, getting stronger and increasing social support, and even becoming a k ey point in the articulation of the indirect election of Tancredo Neves and José Sarney to the Presidency and Vice - Presidency of the Republic, in 1985. With the election and following death of Tancredo, Sarney took over the Presidency and officially propos ed the setting up of a National Constituent Assembly in the country . Then, an intense debate and negotiations surrounding the type of constituent which must be established had begun in society, with especial emphasis in the organization of an extensive and well structured social movement in favor of popular participation in the Constituent Assembly, which was acclaimed as a condition for building a truly democratic Brazil. The letters analyzed in this thesis were inserted into the context of initiatives to participate in the Constituent Assembly that took place in Brazil. They were written by ordinary people because of that constituent moment, and they were sent to political authorities. These letters register claims, requests, comments, criticisms, complain ts and suggestions for the future Constitution. The aim of this thesis is, first, to demonstrate that these letters are forms of po litic participation, unique and special, that value the democratic dimension of politics. Second, to identify the meanings gi ven by these letters to the notions of 'citizen rights' and 'duties of political representatives' at that time the country was assigned the task of elaborating a new Constitution – the 'Citizen Constitution'.
Esta tese analisa uma amostra de cartas pessoais que integram o fundo documental Coleção Memória da Constituinte, depositado no Arquivo Histórico do Museu da República. Esse fundo reúne documentos produzidos no curso do processo político que resultou na promulgação da atual Constituição Federal brasileira. O Brasil vivenciava um momento de transição democrática, que tinha por objetivo pôr fim ao regime autoritário instalado no país a partir do golpe civil-militar de 1964. A reconstitucionalização colocava-se como a via democrática de luta contra o autoritarismo, recebendo forte e crescente apoio social e tornando-se inclusive um ponto-chave na articulação da eleição indireta de Tancredo Neves e José Sarney à Presidência e Vice-Presidência da República em 1985. Com a eleição e morte de Tancredo, Sarney assume a Presidência e propõe oficialmente a convocação de uma Assembleia Nacional Constituinte no país. Tem início um intenso debate na sociedade e negociações em torno do tipo de Constituinte que se desejava estabelecer, com destaque para a organização de um amplo e bem estruturado movimento social em prol da participação popular na Constituinte, então aclamada como uma condição para a construção de um Brasil verdadeiramente democrático. As cartas analisadas nesta tese inserem-se no quadro das iniciativas de participação na Constituinte empreendidas no país. Elas foram escritas por populares, em razão daquele momento de reconstitucionalização, e enviadas a autoridades do mundo da política. Registram reivindicações, pedidos, comentários, críticas, denúncias e sugestões da população para a futura Constituição. O objetivo da tese é, por um lado, mostrar que essas cartas são formas de participação política, singulares e especiais, que valorizam a dimensão democrática da política. Por outro, identificar os sentidos atribuídos nas cartas às noções de 'direitos do cidadão' e 'deveres dos representantes políticos', naquele momento em que o país se colocava a tarefa de elaborar uma nova Constituição – a 'Constituição Cidadã'.
Cabral, Rafael Lamera. "Constituição e sociedade: uma análise sobre a (re)formulação da arquitetura do Estado-Nação na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1933." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2010. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/982.
Full textThe objective of this research was to examine, within the platform for social change that is promoted by the Revolution of 1930 until reconstitucionalização the country with the National Constituent Assembly - NCA in 1933, the themes (i) federalism, (ii) regulation work and (iii) class representation were incorporated, through the political disputes, when it was projected to be (re) formulation in the architecture of the Brazilian Nation-State. The constitutional process performed showed the presence of the state politics (through the issues and social work) and Law (in its formatting in the legal framework Law of State) would be critical to the passage of modernity in Brazil. This constitution would be the first of the historic constitutional political and legal thinking about the modern Brazilian and both had important characteristics, because it gave voice to political and social actors in the ANC (the recruitment election result was a generalization multiplied in their representations to the model classical liberal model and the class/organic, with the participation of women, capital and labor). More than institutional innovations in engineering these changes expressed the structural transformation of Brazilian society in the period. If the new actors and interests could not be concerted in the frame of the old Constitution, it became necessary to further the political agenda and a new form of negotiation. Analyses were performed by mapping three phases of political disputes culminating in the final text of the Constitution: it was to a) draft constitution sponsored by the subcommittee of the Foreign Office (official proposal of the Provisional Government), b) discussions constituents (represented by opinion of the 26) and c) the final text of the Constitution. Across these three crops appear in the disputes highlighted the themes of federalism, the regulation of labor rights and class representation, expressions of changes in the modernization process underway in the country as resources and strategies with regard to constitutional procedure.
O objetivo desta pesquisa era analisar, dentro da plataforma de mudança social que se promovia com a Revolução de 1930 até a reconstitucionalização do país com a Assembleia Nacional Constituinte ANC de 1933, como os temas (i) federalismo, (ii) regulamentação do trabalho e (iii) representação classista foram incorporados no momento em que se projetava a (re)formulação na arquitetura do Estado-Nação brasileiro. O processo constituinte realizado demonstrou como a política de Estado (através das questões sociais e trabalho) e o Direito (em sua formatação na estrutura legal Estado de Direito) foram fundamentais na passagem para a modernidade no Brasil. A Constituição de 1934 seria a primeira da história política constitucional e jurídica brasileira que se ajustava às novas exigências sociais do Moderno, dando voz e voto a atores políticos e sociais inéditos. Esta mudança iniciou-se já no recrutamento eleitoral ao somar à anterior experiência de representação liberal clássica (e desde o Código Eleitoral de 1932 expandindo o colégio eleitoral, inclusive na mudança substantiva do direito de voto e eleição das mulheres) com a introdução do modelo classista/orgânico que permitiu a representação direta de setores ligados ao capital e ao trabalho. Mais que inovações na engenharia institucional estas alterações expressaram a transformação estrutural da sociedade brasileira no período. Se os novos atores e interesses não conseguiam ser concertados na moldura da velha Constituição (1891), tornava-se necessário uma nova agenda política e uma nova forma de pactuação. As análises desenvolvidas nesta dissertação partem do mapeamento de três fases de disputas políticas que culminaram no texto final da Constituição: a) anteprojeto constitucional promovido pela subcomissão do Itamarati (proposta oficial do Governo provisório); b) os debates constituintes (representados pelo parecer da Comissão dos 26); e c) do texto final da Constituição. Atravessando estas três searas das disputas aparecem em destaque os temas do federalismo, da regulamentação dos direitos do trabalho e da representação classista, expressões das modificações do processo de modernização em curso no país quanto dos recursos e estratégias ao procedimento constitucional.
Leite-Mor, Ana Cláudia Moraes Barros 1987. "As democracias possíveis : um estudo latouriano da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e de suas propostas de democratização da saúde no Brasil." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/312779.
Full textDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Ciências Médicas
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Resumo: Nosso trabalho trata de explorar, através da perspectiva teórico e metodológica de Bruno Latour, as perspectivas de democracia e democratização da saúde propostas durante a Assembléia Nacional Constituinte (ANC). A Constituição de 1988 é considerada marco da instituição da Saúde como Direito, da criação e normatização do SUS, bem como de seu postulado de controle social. É o momento no qual o movimento da Reforma Sanitária (RS) alcança seu arcabouço legal com a garantia da saúde como direito de todos e dever do Estado. No entanto, diversas são as dificuldades que o SUS enfrenta ainda hoje, após vinte anos de sua instituição, quanto a garantir a universalidade da atenção a saúde e a eficácia de seus mecanismos de controle social. Diante destas dificuldades, nosso trabalho propõe retornar à ANC, local de produção da Constituição de 88, para abordar as propostas de democracia e democratização da saúde que existiram antes da normatização do SUS, a fim de discuti-las por uma perspectiva política ainda pouco conhecida na Saúde Coletiva: a proposta da Epistemologia Política de Bruno Latour. O sociólogo Bruno Latour reformulou epistemologicamente a noção de política, propondo uma série de conceitos teórico-operacionais que visam renovar as possibilidades de se concretizar a democracia. Tendo partido dos estudos de ciência e tecnologia, este autor produziu uma densa reflexão acerca do pensamento e constituição da modernidade. Latour mostra como a cisão instituída entre Natureza e Sociedade, a concepção do mundo em duas câmaras distintas, a das coisas e a dos humanos, suprime as possibilidades de uma política deliberativa e propriamente democrática. Sua metodologia, eminentemente descritiva-etnográfica, consiste em acompanhar os cursos de ação/mutação das associações entre os atores, desdobrando suas heterogeneidades e controvérsias, até que sejam rastreados os meios de estabilização da rede. A maior inovação de Latour está no reconhecimento da ação política dos não-humanos, que associam-se aos humanos de formas múltiplas. Os objetos, tais como, documentos, legislações, estatísticas, etc. nos fazem fazer coisas a todo momento e, para Latour, são eles que permitem a estabilização das redes de associações. Nosso estudo, assumindo a proposta metodológica de Latour, divide-se em duas partes: 1)A multiplicação das controversas democracias propostas ao longo da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e 2) A reagregação destas propostas em um coletivo, junto a proposta da Epistemologia Política de Latour. Acreditamos que a perspectiva de Latour pode lançar luzes sobre os atuais embates que a democratização da gestão enfrenta na implementação do SUS. Com isso, pretendemos contribuir com o aprimoramento e fortalecimento dos processos democráticos na saúde coletiva
Abstract: Our project is to explore, through the theoretical and methodological perspective of Bruno Latour, the prospects of democracy and democratization of health care proposals during the National Constituent Assembly. The Constitution of 1988 is considered a landmark of the establishment of Health as a Right, the creation and standardization of SUS as well as its postulate of social control. It is the moment in which the movement of the Sanitary Reform reaches its legal framework with the guarantee of health as a right and duty of the State. However, there are several difficulties still faced by the SUS today, after twenty years of its establishment, as to ensure the universality attention to health care and the effectiveness of its social control mechanisms. Given these difficulties, our project proposes the return to the National Constituent Assembly, the place of production of the 88 Constitution, to address the proposals of democracy and democratization of health that existed before the standardization of SUS in order to discuss them through a political perspective in Public Health which is not yet widely known: the Politics Epistemology proposal of Bruno Latour. The sociologist Bruno Latour epistemologically reformulated the notion of politics, proposing a series of theoretical and operational concepts aimed at reviving the chances of an actual democracy. Based on studies of science and technology, this author has produced a dense reflection about the thought and constitution of modernity. Latour shows how the rupture created between Nature and Society, the conception of the world into two distinct chambers, of the things and of the humans, suppresses the possibilities of deliberative and democratic politics. His methodology, eminently descriptive-ethnographic, consists in following the courses of action / mutation of associations between actors, unfolding their heterogeneity and controversies until the stabilizing means of the network are tracked. The greatest innovation of Latour is in the recognition of the political action of the non- humans, which associate themselves with the humans in multiple forms. The objects, such as documents, laws, statistics, etc., make us do things all the time and, for Latour, they are what allow the stabilization of networks associations. Our study, assuming Latour¿s methodological proposal, is divided into two parts: 1) The multiplication of the controversial democracies proposed along the Constituent National Assembly and 2) The reassembly of these proposals into a collection, together with the proposal of Epistemology Policy from Latour. We believe that Latour¿s prospective can shed light on current debates which the democratization management faces in the implementation of SUS. Thus, we intend to contribute to the improvement and strengthening of democratic processes in public health
Mestrado
Ciências Sociais em Saúde
Mestra em Saúde Coletiva
Sanchez, Samuel. "Les règlements des Assemblées nationales 1848-1851 : l'ampleur de la rénovation de la légalité interne." Aix-Marseille 3, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010AIX32056.
Full textThe events of February 1848, somewhat, a revolution, bestow a change in political regime, and subsequently to the "Droit Public", affecting the top of the state structure as a result: the "Assemblée nationale". The rules she creates in ordre to control its interest, its internal legality in fact, are evolving quite considerably during the Second Republic. No longer can the new elected people's representatives ignore the past, but instead they must use the French institutional experience to put in place efficient work methods, better adapted to the new deliberating organ. Drawn in by this rejuvenating process, the entire juridical structure is unified during 1848 and 1851. The "Règlement Intérieur": the principal source of internal legality is also influenced progressively altered in three different ways by improving its contents, the object, and its decisiveness. The effects are indeed contained inside the representative body; however, they also affect the institutional balance. Those two aspects will thrive until the December 2nd, 1851, State Coup: the Third Republic Regime and the Parliamentary right will deeply suffer, somewhat, conditioned by previous Constituting and legislative National Assemblies of the mid nineteenth century performances