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Journal articles on the topic 'Constituency service'

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Published: 11 March 2023

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1

Hofstetter, Emily, and Elizabeth Stokoe. "Getting service at the constituency office: Analyzing citizens’ encounters with their Member of Parliament." Text & Talk 38, no. 5 (August 28, 2018): 551–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/text-2018-0014.

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Abstract In this paper, we present an analysis of how constituents procure services at the constituency office of a Member of Parliament (MP) in the United Kingdom. This paper will investigate how several previously documented interactional practices (e.g. entitlement) combine at the constituency office in a way that secures service. From a corpus of 12.5 hours of interaction, and using conversation analysis, we examine constituents’ telephone calls and meetings with constituency office staff and the MP, identifying practices constituents use. First, constituents opened encounters with bids to tell narratives. Second, constituents presented lengthy and detailed descriptions of their difficulties. These descriptions gave space to manage issues of legitimacy and entitlement, while simultaneously recruiting assistance. Third, we examine ways in which constituents display uncertainty about how the institution of the constituency office functions, and what services are available. The paper offers original insights into how constituency services are provided, and how constituency offices give access and support to ordinary citizens, while expanding the conversation analytic literature on institutional service provision.

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2

Arter, David, and Tapio Raunio. "Concluding Remarks: Constituency Service or Constituency Effort?" Representation 54, no. 1 (November 8, 2017): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1396241.

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3

Koop, Royce. "Party Constituency Associations and the Service, Policy and Symbolic Responsiveness of Canadian Members of Parliament." Canadian Journal of Political Science 45, no. 2 (June 2012): 359–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423912000364.

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Abstract.Effective representation requires that representatives learn of the needs and preferences of their constituents and communicate their representative accomplishments back to those constituents. This article demonstrates how Canadian political parties, specifically their constituency associations in the ridings, assist MPs in their representative functions by facilitating communication between MPs and constituents. Representatives of local “sectors” on constituency association executives provide a means for focused communication between MPs and constituents. The result is that constituency associations enhance the service, policy and symbolic responsiveness of many MPs in their ridings. This article therefore elucidates the largely unrecognized role of Canadian parties' constituency organizations as important democratic and representational actors in the ridings.Résumé.Pour être efficace, il faut que les élus (1) comprennent les besoins et les préférences de leurs électeurs et (2) communiquent leurs activités en tant que parlementaires. Cet article montre à quel point les partis politiques canadiens, surtout les comités au niveau des comtés individuels, sont importants comme instrument pour réaliser ces tâches. Les comités organisent la communication entre un député et les groupes locaux qui s'intéressent au sujet en question. Pour résumer, les comités de militants fournit un element crucial au succès d'un politicien dans son comté. C'est une dimension de l'activité que les politiologues ont tendance à ignorer.

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4

King, Gary. "Constituency Service and Incumbency Advantage." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 1 (January 1991): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006062.

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Numerous scholars have documented a dramatic increase in incumbency advantage in US congressional elections and also state legislative elections over the past four decades. For example, Gelman and King show that incumbents in the House of Representatives now receive about twelve extra percentage points solely as a result of holding congressional office during the campaign; the comparable figure for most of the first half of this century was only 2 per cent. This advantage of incumbency has made members of the US House and many state legislators nearly invulnerable to electoral defeat.

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5

Norris, Pippa. "The puzzle of constituency service." Journal of Legislative Studies 3, no. 2 (June 1997): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339708420508.

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6

André, Audrey, Jonathan Bradbury, and Sam Depauw. "Constituency Service in Multi-level Democracies." Regional & Federal Studies 24, no. 2 (November 28, 2013): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13597566.2013.858708.

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7

Kelly, B. D. "Voting and mental illness: the silent constituency." Irish Journal of Psychological Medicine 31, no. 4 (October 2, 2014): 225–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ipm.2014.52.

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Mental illness has been long associated with denial of certain human rights, social exclusion and political disempowerment. Too often, the effects of adverse social, economic and political circumstances, along with stigma, constitute a form of ‘structural violence’, which impairs access to psychiatric and social services, and amplifies the effects of mental illness in the lives of sufferers and their families. Existing literature indicates that voting rates are low among people with mental illness and, whereas voting preferences in the mentally ill may tend towards the liberal end of the political spectrum, they do not differ dramatically from the overall population. Rates of voting could be improved by mental health service users, service providers, advocacy services and others through (a) improved awareness of voting rights; (b) provision of information, especially to inpatients; (c) assessments of voting capacity, where indicated, using standardised, well-proven tools; and (d) pro-active voter-registration programmes.

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8

Born, Richard. "Growing District Partisan Homogeneity and the Decline of the Personal Vote in U.S. House Elections." American Review of Politics 30 (November 1, 2009): 251–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.251-274.

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Despite decline in the magnitude of U.S. House members’ personal vote, reelection safety has not been impaired. Oppenheimer’s explanation for this seeming paradox rests upon the growing partisan homogeneity of House districts; i.e., incumbents presumably reduced their level of constituency service knowing that any resulting attrition in their personal vote would be compensated by a more substantial partisan vote. My study uncovers some evidence to back up this explanation. I indeed find that members from safer partisan districts have been perceived by constituents as less engaged in constituency activity and that such activity has declined somewhat over time. The electoral consequences of reduction in constituency engagement, however, seem too small to have been a major cause of the attenuation in the personal vote.

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9

Skjæveland, Asbjørn, and Flemming Juul Christiansen. "Putting Party First? Constituency Service in Denmark." Representation 54, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 23–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2018.1461682.

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10

Kusche, Isabel. "Reflection on Political Representation." Comparative Sociology 16, no. 5 (October 9, 2017): 634–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341437.

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Abstract This article compares how Members of Parliament in the United Kingdom and Ireland reflect on constituency service as an aspect of political representation. It differs from existing research on the constituency role of mps in two regards. First, it approaches the question from a sociological viewpoint that emphasizes the process character of role-taking and its need for validation by others. Second, instead of relying on interviews and surveys it analyses how mps refer to aspects of constituency work in parliamentary debate. This choice of empirical material opens up a long-term view on reflections of constituency service that either validate or question understandings of the constituency role. Although mps in both countries are heavily engaged in constituency work, the analysis reveals important differences in this regard, with Irish mps recurrently criticizing their own role in the constituency, while British mps unequivocally see it in a positive light.

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11

Richardson, Lilliard E., and Patricia K. Freeman. "Gender Differences in Constituency Service among State Legislators." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 1 (March 1995): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449126.

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12

Nagel, Jack H., Bruce Cain, John Ferejohn, Morris Fiorina, Gerald C. Wright, Leroy N. Rieselbach, Lawrence C. Dodd, and Douglas A. Hibbs. "The Personal Vote: Constituency Service and Electoral Independence." Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 8, no. 2 (1989): 336. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3323398.

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13

Norris, Pippa. "The Nolan Committee: Financial Interests and Constituency Service." Government and Opposition 31, no. 4 (October 1996): 441–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb01200.x.

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The Nolan Committee Has Put Parliament on Trial. Many believe that standards of public life have fallen into disrepute in recent years. The press has seized upon a series of sleaze issues: cash for parliamentary questions, the Scott inquiry into government contracts, undisclosed gifts from lobbyists, the hidden patronage of quango appointments, and the revolving door between public office and newly privatized company boards. Most believe this succession of stories has eroded public trust and confidence. Ivor Crewe's submission to the committee pointed out that agreement with the statement ‘Most MPs make a lot of money by using public office improperly’ has risen from 46 to 64 per cent in the last nine years. Lord Nolan, reflecting on evidence before his committee, noted: ‘One of the things we have been struck by is the depth of public cynicism about standards of conduct in public life, coupled with damaging cynicism about the motives of those who go into it.’ Some of the disquiet is produced by the succession of sexual imbroglios causing a series of ministerial resignations. Yet this has been of lesser concern to the Nolan Committee than standards of financial propriety at Westminster. The recommendations which emerged so far have focused on the need to avoid potential conflicts of interest, and the need for the transparent disclosure of financial dealings.

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14

Distelhorst, Greg, and Yue Hou. "Constituency Service under Nondemocratic Rule: Evidence from China." Journal of Politics 79, no. 3 (July 2017): 1024–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/690948.

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15

Flanigan, William H., Bruce Cain, John Ferejohn, and Morris Fiorina. "The Personal Vote: Constituency Service and Electoral Independence." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 3 (1988): 559. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150771.

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16

Richardson, Lilliard E., and Patricia K. Freeman. "Gender Differences in Constituency Service Among State Legislators." Political Research Quarterly 48, no. 1 (March 1995): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299504800110.

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17

Dropp, Kyle, and Zachary Peskowitz. "Electoral Security and the Provision of Constituency Service." Journal of Politics 74, no. 1 (January 2012): 220–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381611001216.

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18

Arter, David. "The What, Why’s and How’s of Constituency Service." Representation 54, no. 1 (November 8, 2017): 5–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2017.1396240.

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19

Christensen, Darin, and Simon Ejdemyr. "Do Elections Improve Constituency Responsiveness? Evidence from US Cities." Political Science Research and Methods 8, no. 3 (November 29, 2018): 459–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2018.46.

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AbstractDo elections motivate incumbent politicians to serve their voters? In this paper, we use millions of service requests placed by residents in US cities to measure constituency responsiveness. We then test whether an unusual policy change in New York City, which enabled city councilors to run for three rather than two terms in office, improved constituency responsiveness in previously term-limited councilors’ districts. Using difference-in-differences, we find robust evidence for this. Taking advantage of differential timing of local election races in New York City and San Francisco, we also find late-term improvements to responsiveness in districts represented by reelection-seeking incumbents. Elections improve municipal services, but also create cycles in constituency responsiveness. These findings have implications for theories of representative democracy.

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20

Thomas, Sue. "The Effects of Race and Gender on Constituency Service." Western Political Quarterly 45, no. 1 (March 1992): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/448769.

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21

Butler, Patrick, and Neil Collins. "Payment on delivery ‐ Recognising constituency service as political marketing." European Journal of Marketing 35, no. 9/10 (October 2001): 1026–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eum0000000005956.

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22

Thomas, S. "The Effects of Race and Gender On Constituency Service." Political Research Quarterly 45, no. 1 (March 1, 1992): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299204500112.

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23

Ciftci, Sabri, and Tevfik Murat Yildirim. "Hiding behind the party brand or currying favor with constituents: Why do representatives engage in different types of constituency-oriented behavior?" Party Politics 25, no. 3 (July 21, 2017): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068817720438.

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Why do representatives prioritize certain types of constituency service in parliamentary systems? This study argues that the choice for constituency-oriented activities is conditioned by both partisan factors and legislative role orientations. Two novel data sets combining behavioral and attitudinal measures of constituency-oriented behavior are used for empirical tests: an elite survey including detailed interviews with 204 members of the Turkish parliament and 4000 parliamentary questions tabled by these members. The results from a series of ordered logit, ordinary least squares (OLS), and negative binomial regression estimations confirm that members of parliament choose different types of constituency-oriented activities based on their visibility to the party leadership and their constituency. This choice is primarily driven by partisanship and members of parliament’s perceptions about the influence of party leader in renomination. The analysis provides important insights about the role of partisan factors as drivers of parliamentary behavior.

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24

Katzan, Jr., Harry. "Design For Service Innovation." Journal of Service Science (JSS) 8, no. 1 (November 23, 2015): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/jss.v8i1.9517.

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This paper covers service innovation for service scientists. The subject has not been accorded the attention it deserves, because of inadequate professional and academic attention to services, in general, and service design, in particular. The changing of one’s perception of the human landscape from products to services is indeed cumbersome and entails a lot of effort on the part of the service establishment and the service entrepreneur. However, a new view of an age-old agenda in light of the ongoing move to globalization can be enlightening and rewarding. If Thomas Edison were engaged in services, he would have put it this way, “Service innovation is 90% perspiration and 10% inspiration.” Heretofore, innovation has been unfortunately aligned with the business community that has been distracted by an outdated and simplistic view of competitive advantage based on comparative economics. Effective service innovation is based on differential economics through service delivery that supplies better services as seen by the customer. Service innovation applies equally well, if not more so, to the other human endeavors of engineering, government, education, social services, political science, and a wide-range of unclassified interpersonal relations. The paper gives a modern view of service, innovation, service innovation, and how to unearth services innovation in a practical sense. Also, the point is made herein that service innovation is basic to the constituency of the human condition.

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25

Che Fonchingong, Charles. "Legitimating Social Inequality: Political Elites, Ethnic Peddling and Dislocated Constituencies." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 26 (September 30, 2016): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n26p163.

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Political cronyism has been flagged up as a trigger for state dysfunction in post-independence Africa, resulting in escalating social inequality. This paper lays out elite (mostly elderly) dislocation of political space; polarizing communities with constituents feeling distant from governmental machinery with constituency representation under siege. Using case studies, backed up with documentary analysis, framed in conjunction with the conceptual thinking of deliberative democracy; this study engages with the elements of dislocation. Constituency misrepresentation is laid out through a triangulation of case study material drawn from newspaper reports, discourses and counter narratives, amplified by process tracing and inferential analysis. Elite manipulation of political spaces exacerbates social inequality, creates fractured communities; undermines democratic mandate, social advancement and broad citizen consensus. From media coverage of glib slogans, elite pledge generic support for the regime in place whilst constituents are giving false expectations that seldom materialize into concrete development. There are no clear-cut manifestos that reflect the voices of constituents against bogus claims to state institutions with the political elite purportedly speaking on behalf of their constituents -‘the people’. The ensuing inertia creates a false sense of representative governance as projects promised are rarely delivered. Slogans should usefully channel the development needs of constituents, permitting government to calibrate a robust development portfolio and citizen assemblies factored into policy design and service delivery. Developing a stakeholder approach and building the capability of social development professionals, in order to filter through pressing concerns with measurable outcomes, bolstering youth employment and fostering social protection would remove the lock jams in constituencies. Strategic spending in public services and essential infrastructure such as health, roads, transport, water, power supply and education are crucial in reducing inequality.

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26

KEEFER, PHILIP, and STUTI KHEMANI. "When Do Legislators Pass on Pork? The Role of Political Parties in Determining Legislator Effort." American Political Science Review 103, no. 01 (February 2009): 99–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055409090054.

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A central challenge in political economy is to identify the conditions under which legislators seek to “bring home the pork” to constituents. We conduct the first systematic analysis of one determinant of constituency service, voter attachment to political parties, holding constant electoral and political institutions. Our analysis takes advantage of data from a unique type of public spending program that is proliferating across developing countries, the constituency development fund (CDF), which offers more precise measures of legislator effort than are common in the literature. Examining the CDF in India, we find that legislator effort is significantly lower in constituencies that are party strongholds. This result, which is robust to controls for alternate explanations, implies that legislators pass on pork when voters are more attached to political parties. It has implications not only for understanding political incentives and the dynamics of party formation, but also for evaluating the impact of CDFs.

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27

Thomsen, Danielle M., and Bailey K. Sanders. "Gender Differences in Legislator Responsiveness." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 4 (November 26, 2019): 1017–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719003414.

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A growing body of research shows that women legislators outperform their male counterparts in the legislative arena, but scholars have yet to examine whether this pattern emerges in non-policy aspects of representation. We conducted an audit study of 6,000 U.S. state legislators to analyze whether women outperform or underperform men on constituency service in light of the extra effort they spend on policy. We find that women are more likely to respond to constituent requests than men, even after accounting for their heightened level of policy activity. Female legislators are the most responsive in conservative districts, where women may see the barriers to their election as especially high. We then demonstrate that our findings are not a function of staff responsiveness, legislator ideology, or responsiveness to female constituents or gender issues. The results provide additional evidence that women perform better than their male counterparts across a range of representational activities.

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28

Halligan, John, Robert Krause, Robert Williams, and Geoffrey Hawker. "Constituency Service among Sub-National Legislators in Australia and Canada." Legislative Studies Quarterly 13, no. 1 (February 1988): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/439944.

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29

Haughey, Sean. "Extra-parliamentary behaviour in Northern Ireland: MLAs and constituency service." Journal of Legislative Studies 23, no. 4 (October 2, 2017): 529–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2017.1394737.

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30

Arter, D. "The Michael Marsh Question: How do Finns do Constituency Service?" Parliamentary Affairs 64, no. 1 (September 30, 2010): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsq043.

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31

Heidar, Knut, and Rune Karlsen. "All about the Party? Constituency Representation—and Service—in Norway." Representation 54, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2018.1489890.

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32

Mattes, Robert, and Shaheen Mozaffar. "Legislatures and Democratic Development in Africa." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (December 2016): 201–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.83.

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Abstract:Afrobarometer data collected three decades after Joel Barkan’s pioneering survey of rural Kenyans confirm his insights that voters stress MPs’ linkage roles in terms of representation (carrying views upward to the capital) and constituency service (bringing goods downward from national government) over their institutional roles (lawmaking and oversight). And, contrary to conventional wisdom, they prefer collective goods for the constituency over private goods. An African Legislatures Project survey of 822 MPs in seventeen countries revealed, however, that MPs misinterpret this as a demand for material goods and development and underappreciate the demand for representation, prompting—among other things—the adoption of controversial Constituency Development Funds.

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33

Prato, Carlo, and Stephane Wolton. "Campaign Cost and Electoral Accountability." Political Science Research and Methods 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2016): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/psrm.2016.8.

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The increasing cost of political campaigns and its impact on the electoral process are issues of paramount importance in modern democracies. We propose a theory of electoral accountability in which candidates choose whether or not to commit to constituency service and whether or not to pay a campaign cost to advertise their platform. A higher campaign cost decreases voter welfare when partisan imbalance is low. However, when partisan imbalance is high, a higher campaign cost is associated with a higher expected level of constituency service. More costly campaigns can thus have a rebalancing effect that improves electoral accountability. We discuss the implications of our findings for campaign finance regulation and present empirical evidence consistent with our key predictions.

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34

Russo, Federico. "Going Local: Parliamentary Questions as a Means of Territorial Representation in the Italian Parliament." Political Studies Review 19, no. 3 (February 24, 2021): 410–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929920986798.

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Parliamentary questions are often employed by Members of Parliament to demonstrate their responsiveness to the needs of the constituency. This article takes advantage from this opportunity to study the determinants shaping the constituency focus of Italian deputies. Previous research has shown that the degree to which Members of Parliament devote attention to their geographical district depends on several factors related to electoral incentives, demands coming from citizens and taste-based preferences. By studying the behaviour of Italian deputies elected in three legislative terms with a system giving few incentives to perform constituency service, this article offers new evidence that non-electoral reasons are important to shape the role played by Members of Parliament.

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35

Brack, Nathalie, and Jean-Benoit Pilet. "Explaining MPs’ constituency service in multilevel systems: the case of Belgium." French Politics 14, no. 4 (October 19, 2016): 439–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41253-016-0011-8.

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36

Jackson, Nigel. "MPs and their e-Newsletters: Winning Votes by Promoting Constituency Service." Journal of Legislative Studies 14, no. 4 (December 2008): 488–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330802442923.

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37

Kinyingi, Jacinta Wanjiku. "Effects of raw materials on the quality of catering services at daycare centers." International Journal of Research in Business and Social Science (2147- 4478) 9, no. 2 (March 15, 2020): 96–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.20525/ijrbs.v9i2.622.

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This study examined the effect of raw materials on the quality of catering services in daycare centers in Nyeri Town Constituency, Kenya. The development and growth of a child depend to a great extent on what they consume as food. For a good development of a child, there is a need to consider the quality of food he or she takes. This is in relation to nutritional value, quantities per intake, quality in relation to cleanness, methods of cooking and its presentation to the child. This high level of participation in childcare centers is attributed to an increasing awareness that early childhood centers are considered critical support in the development of young human beings to become useful citizens. The study targeted all 16-day care centers in Nyeri Town Constituency which are licensed to operate. A total of 64 respondents were targeted which included the managers of the daycare centers and three staff members working in catering sections as follows: stores, production, and service formed the respondents. This study employed a purposive sampling technique in selecting the constituency in the county where the research was carried out. The R-value is 0.689 which indicates a strong correlation. The R2 value indicates how much of the dependent variable (quality of catering services), can be explained by the independent variable (effects of raw materials’). This study concludes that the management of the catering departments in daycare centers should ensure different types of food are stored in different rooms.

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Hlynsdóttir, Eva Marín, and Eva H. Önnudóttir. "Constituency Service in Iceland and the Importance of the Centre–Periphery Divide." Representation 54, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344893.2018.1467338.

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39

Baxter, Graeme, Rita Marcella, and Mary O'Shea. "Members of the Scottish Parliament on Twitter: good constituency men (and women)?" Aslib Journal of Information Management 68, no. 4 (July 18, 2016): 428–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ajim-02-2016-0010.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the use of Twitter by Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs) for the provision of constituency-related information, or in support of their constituency service work. Design/methodology/approach – Content analysis of 10,411 tweets sent by the 105 MSPs on Twitter during four weeks in early-2014. Findings – While there was some evidence of MSPs on Twitter acting as a promoter of local community interests and as a conduit for information on local policy issues and events, their tweets were dominated by the wider, national, political agenda and by the Scottish independence debate. Compared with their online behaviour as parliamentary candidates three years earlier, MSPs placed an even greater emphasis on the one-way broadcast of information to their followers. They were reluctant to respond to contentious local policy questions, or to enter into any visible, meaningful, political debate with their constituents. Research limitations/implications – Although the research was conducted seven months before the Scottish independence referendum on 18 September 2014, the independence debate still dominated proceedings on Twitter. It might, therefore, be appropriate to revisit MSPs’ use of Twitter at some point during a truer “peacetime” period. Originality/value – This is the first systematic content analysis of tweets sent by all MSPs on Twitter. It allows the authors to compare their actual Twitter use with that envisaged by the Scottish Parliament, as a way of MSPs communicating about their work and engaging with their constituents.

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40

McClendon, Gwyneth H. "Race and Responsiveness: An Experiment with South African Politicians." Journal of Experimental Political Science 3, no. 1 (2016): 60–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/xps.2015.10.

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AbstractDo politicians engage in ethnic and racial favoritism when conducting constituency service? This article presents results from a replication field experiment with local South African politicians that tested for racial bias in responsiveness to requests about public goods provision. The experiment represents an adaptation of similar experiments conducted in the United States, extending the design to a different institutional environment, albeit one with a similar racially-charged history. Although one might suppose that politicians in South Africa would seek to avoid racial bias given the recent transition to full democracy, I find that South African politicians—both black and white—are more responsive to same-race constituents than to other-race constituents. Same-race bias is evident in both the dominant and the main opposition political parties. Moreover, politicians are not particularly responsive to anyone. Implications for the further study of democratic responsiveness are discussed.

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41

Parker, David CW, and Caitlyn M. Richter. "Back from Holyrood: How mixed-member proportional representation and ballot structure shape the personal vote." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 3 (March 27, 2018): 674–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148118762279.

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Research on mixed-member legislatures demonstrates that members face different incentive structures when cultivating a personal vote. In this article, we examine how Scotland’s adoption of a mixed-member proportional system (MMP) and a change in ballot structure affect the legislative activities undertaken and emphasised by Members of Scottish Parliament (MSPs). Utilising a range of measures of legislative behaviour, we find that MSPs representing constituencies spend less time legislating and more time engaged in constituent service work. Regional members, conversely, lodge more parliamentary motions when not listed on the ballot and sponsor more members’ bills than constituency-based colleagues when on the ballot. We conclude that electoral structures directly affect the representational styles MSPs adopt, while calling for conceptual reconsideration of the personal vote.

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42

Barbrook, Alec T. "The Personal Vote: Constituency Service and Electoral Independence.Bruce Cain , John Ferejohn , Morris Fiorina." Journal of Politics 50, no. 4 (November 1988): 1112–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131400.

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Gaines, Brian J. "The Impersonal Vote? Constituency Service and Incumbency Advantage in British Elections, 1950-92." Legislative Studies Quarterly 23, no. 2 (May 1998): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440279.

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Norton, Philip, and David Wood. "CONSTITUENCY SERVICE BY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT: DOES IT CONTRIBUTE TO A PERSONAL VOTE?" Parliamentary Affairs 43, no. 2 (April 1990): 196–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.pa.a052244.

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Landgrave, Michelangelo, and Nicholas Weller. "Do More Professionalized Legislatures Discriminate Less? The Role of Staffers in Constituency Service." American Politics Research 48, no. 5 (May 27, 2020): 571–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20923588.

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Research suggests that organizational structure can influence the ability of actors to discriminate. In this research note, we examine whether the structure of state legislatures affects observed discrimination in correspondent audit studies. We find that increased legislative professionalization is associated with reduced discrimination against racial minorities. By analyzing thousands of emails collected in a prior study, we find that legislative professionalization is related to a higher likelihood that staffers respond to email contacts and staffers are less likely to discriminate against racial minorities across multiple measures of discrimination. Our findings emphasize the importance of substantively relevant heterogeneity in audit studies and identify a potential mitigator of discrimination—legislative professionalism. Our results also highlight the importance of staffers in representation and the legislative process.

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Freyss, Siegrun Fox. "Learning Political Engagement from the Experts: Advocacy Groups, Neighborhood Councils, and Constituency Service." PS: Political Science & Politics 39, no. 01 (January 2006): 137–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096506060288.

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Ong, Elvin. "Complementary Institutions in Authoritarian Regimes: The Everyday Politics of Constituency Service in Singapore." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 3 (December 2015): 361–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800009115.

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Recent political science research has suggested that autocrats adopt a variety of institutions such as nominally democratic elections and ruling parties to buttress authoritarian durability. In this article I investigate the role of constituency service in an authoritarian regime. I argue that Singapore's Meet-the-People Sessions (MPS) is a complementary institution that can serve to mitigate the weaknesses of other authoritarian institutions, thereby entrenching authoritarianism, rather than serve as a form of democratic representation. First, it is a mechanism to gain valuable everyday information about grievances within the population, thereby allowing the ruling People's Action Party (PAP) to formulate policies and effectively target its response. Second, it is a convenient venue to recruit and socialize ordinary party members, thus helping the PAP forestall potential party decay. Symbolically, conducting MPS is a material performance of the hegemonic ideology of elitism between PAP politicians and ordinary Singaporeans.

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Chiru, Mihail. "Cheap Talk or Proper Signaling? Styles of Campaigning and Engagement in Constituency Service." Social Science Quarterly 99, no. 1 (April 6, 2017): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12404.

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Jackson, Nigel, and Darren Lilleker. "Microblogging, Constituency Service and Impression Management: UK MPs and the Use of Twitter." Journal of Legislative Studies 17, no. 1 (March 2011): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2011.545181.

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Harris, Carmen V. ""The Extension Service Is Not an Integration Agency": The Idea of Race in the Cooperative Extension Service." Agricultural History 82, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 193–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-82.2.193.

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Abstract This article is an institutional history of the development of race policy within the federal Cooperative Extension Service. It demonstrates that the popular belief in African-American inferiority and pragmatic political compromises aimed at creating a bureaucracy serving the nation’s agricultural constituency and ensuring its longevity, led to a conscious marginalization of African-American interests within the program. Federal extension officials not only tolerated, but actively supported, discrimination within the southern branches of the service. African-American leadership protested against the adverse effects of racial policies in the Extension Service from the very beginning. While there were some limited positive gains in the number of staff and availability of services for rural African Americans, these changes did not challenge the suzerainty of whites over the program. In the post-World War II era--especially after 1950--African Americans confronted white extension leadership. Extension officials hid behind a bureaucratic façade and a flawed interpretation of the federal-state cooperative agreement to delay institutional restructuring. Political appointees pushed the service toward policies of racial justice; however, extension leadership continued to move slowly on fundamental transformation. As a result, the adjustments did not lead to a fundamental re-thinking of race policy in the service and ultimately contributed to the disappearance of the African-American extension force to a significant degree.

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