Academic literature on the topic 'Consonant co-occurrence'

Speech sounds of the languages all over the world show remarkable patterns of co-occurrence. In this work, we attempt to automatically capture the patterns of co-occurrence of the consonants across languages and at the same time figure out the nature of the force leading to the emergence of such patterns. For this purpose we define a weighted network where the consonants are the nodes and an edge between two nodes (read consonants) signify their co-occurrence likelihood over the consonant inventories. Through this network we identify communities of consonants that essentially reflect their patterns of co-occurrence across languages. We test the goodness of the communities and observe that the constituent consonants frequently occur in such groups in real languages also. Interestingly, the consonants forming these communities reflect strong correlations in terms of their features, which indicate that the principle of feature economy acts as a driving force towards community formation. In order to measure the strength of this force we propose a theoretical information definition of feature economy and show that indeed the feature economy exhibited by the consonant communities are substantially better than that of those where the consonant inventories had evolved just by chance.

Abstract The paper presents consonant co-occurrence restrictions in Hebrew, focusing on the influence of the similarity factor. A lexical analysis of Hebrew verbs reveals tendency to avoid similar, close consonants, by showing a highly significant correlation (p<0.0001) between co-occurrence of C1-C2 sequences in the lexicon and similarity factors (based on Frisch et al.’s 2004 model for similarity, adjusted to Hebrew). In other words, the more two consonants are similar to each other, the smaller their chances are to co-occur as C1-C2 in a Hebrew verb. In addition, a major role of place of articulation is observed, such that consonants that share major place of articulation are less likely to co-occur. However, the highly significant correlation between co-occurrences and similarity factors suggests that not only major place of articulation affects the restrictions; otherwise we would wrongly predict no effect in non-homorganic pairs.

Abstract The aim of this paper is to highlight an unexpected, and so far, unidentified, root consonants incompatibility in Syriac. It is generally admitted that Semitic radical w and y can combine freely with any other radical consonant. This is indeed mostly the case in Syriac. However, as I shall demonstrate, final radical w is subject to a dissimilatory constraint: it cannot follow a homorganic medial root consonant, viz. labial p, b, m and velar k, g, q. Syriac semi-vowels phonology is blurred by several processes (both synchronic and diachronic) that neutralize the opposition between w and y in favor of y. In order to demonstrate the regularity of the incompatibility of final radical w with preceding homorganic medial radicals, exhaustive examination of the III-w roots is consequently carried out.

Most studies on CV co-occurrence patterns in early phonetic development have been based on Indo-European languages. Data from infants learning Mandarin, which has a substantially different phonological system from Indo-European languages, can confirm or refute the findings of previous studies, thus shedding further light on the theoretical bases of CV association. Spontaneous vocalizations were recorded in 45-minute sessions for each of 24 Mandarin-learning infants aged 0;7 to 1;6. In addition, the speech production of 24 caregivers was audio-recorded during their natural daily interactions with the infants at home. Both infants' vocalizations and adults' speech were transcribed and analysed for consonant–vowel co-occurrence patterns. These patterns were similar to those in other language groups, but language-specific patterns were evident by 1;0. Combinations of alveolars+front vowels and velars+back vowels confirm Davis & MacNeilage's (1990, 1995) frame-then-content theory and Clements's (1991) model of unified features for consonants and vowels. However, our finding of a language-specific pattern (labials+back vowels) suggests the need to reexamine the ‘pure frame’ of Davis & MacNeilage and Clements's grouping of labials and rounded vowels.

A phonological framework was used to analyze and describe the meaningful speech and speech errors of 13 orally trained, hearing-impaired children ages 5:11 to 15:11 enrolled in public school programs. Using speech samples elicited from the subjects, consonant inventories and percentage scores for correct production of consonants and for frequency of occurrence of phonological processes were derived and analyzed. Results of data analyses indicated initial consonant inventories were significantly larger and more complete than final inventories, although both were incomplete. Production accuracy for consonants in the subjects' inventories was significantly related to size of consonant inventories. Accuracy of production differed significantly between sound classes and word positions. Between 4 and 9 phonological processes were productive and co-occurring in the hearing-impaired subjects' meaningful speech. Comparisons with younger, normal hearing children and phonologically disabled children are drawn, and the clinical implications of the findings are discussed.

The feature-economy principle is one of the key theoretical notions which have been postulated to account for the structure of phoneme inventories in the world's languages. In this paper, we test the explanatory power of this principle by conducting a study of the co-occurrence of consonant segments in phonological inventories, based on a sample of 2761 languages. We show that the feature-economy principle is able to account for many important patterns in the structure of the world's phonological inventories; however, there are particular classes of sounds, such as what we term the ‘basic consonant inventory’ (the core cluster of segments found in the majority of the world's languages), as well as several more peripheral clusters whose organisation follows different principles.

ABSTRACTMost current models of nonnative speech perception (e.g., extended perceptual assimilation model, PAM-L2, Best & Tyler, 2007; speech learning model, Flege, 1995; native language magnet model, Kuhl, 1993) base their predictions on the native/nonnative status of individual phonetic/phonological segments. This paper demonstrates that the phonotactic properties of Japanese influence the perception of natively contrasting consonants and suggests that phonotactic influence must be formally incorporated in these models. We first propose that by extending the perceptual categories outlined in PAM-L2 to incorporate sequences of sounds, we can account for the effects of differences in native and nonnative phonotactics on nonnative and cross-language segmental perception. In addition, we test predictions based on such an extension in two perceptual experiments. In Experiment 1, Japanese listeners categorized and rated vowel–consonant–vowel strings in combinations that either obeyed or violated Japanese phonotactics. The participants categorized phonotactically illegal strings to the perceptually nearest (legal) categories. In Experiment 2, participants discriminated the same strings in AXB discrimination tests. Our results show that Japanese listeners are more accurate and have faster response times when discriminating between legal strings than between legal and illegal strings. These findings expose serious shortcomings in currently accepted nonnative perception models, which offer no framework for the influence of native language phonotactics.

AbstractRetroflexion is a well-known areal feature of South Asia. Most South Asian languages, regardless of their genetic affiliation, contrast retroflex consonants with their non-retroflex dental counterparts. However, South Asian languages differ in the phonotactic restrictions that they place on retroflex consonants. This paper presents evidence that a large number of South Asian languages have developed a co-occurrence restriction on coronal obstruents that can be described as retroflex consonant harmony. In these languages, roots containing two non-adjacent coronal stops are primarily limited to those with two dentals (T…T) or two retroflexes (Ṭ…Ṭ), while those containing a combination of dental and retroflex stops are avoided (*T…Ṭ, *Ṭ…T). Historical-comparative evidence indicates that long-distance retroflex assimilation has contributed to the development of this phonotactic pattern (T…Ṭ → Ṭ…Ṭ). In addition, the paper demonstrates that the distribution of languages with and without retroflex consonant harmony is geographic in nature, not genetic. Retroflex consonant harmony is characteristic of most languages in the northern half of the South Asian subcontinent, regardless of whether they are Indo-Aryan, Dravidian or Munda (but not Tibeto-Burman). It is not characteristic of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian languages in the south. Thus, retroflex consonant harmony constitutes an areal feature within South Asia.

This paper contributes to the typology of laryngeal harmony by analysing an unusual case of long-distance laryngeal co-occurrence restrictions and alternations in Lezgian. This pattern, previously unmentioned in the phonological literature, is the first known case of alternations involving ejective harmony. In Lezgian, local processes mask the interaction of ejectives and plain voiceless stops. This is robustly supported by our dictionary analysis, which reveals a ban on the co-occurrence of ejectives and plain voiceless stops within the foot. Both harmony alternations and static co-occurrence restrictions are sensitive to foot structure, unlike previous cases of consonant harmony. Harmony also interacts opaquely with vowel syncope, and certain co-occurrences of plain and ejective stops are resolved with dissimilation rather than harmony, showing a conspiracy to avoid co-occurrences. We demonstrate an account within the Agreement by Correspondence framework and discuss implications for the typology and analysis of consonant harmony.

Thesis (B.Sc)--University of Hong Kong, 2001.
"A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Bachelor of Science (Speech and Hearing Sciences), The University of Hong Kong, May 4, 2001." Also available in print.

Simultaneous bilingual and early sequential bilingual children are exposed to two languages while acquiring the sound system for the first time. In bilingual children who are identified with speech sound delay or disorder, the question arises of how to approach intervention in the most effective way. In monolingual English learning children, some strong within syllable patterns of coronal consonant and front vowel, labial consonant and central vowel, and dorsal consonant and back vowel that are based on rhythmic mandibular oscillations without independent movement of the tongue have been identified as occurring more frequently. No information is available on children learning Spanish or on children who are early bilinguals relative to the presence of these patterns in output. Consideration of the presence of these patterns, typical of early development in English learning children, would help to plan remediation more precisely for bilingual speech delayed children. If the patterns are present, they should be accounted for as basic aspects of the production system output available to young children that might need to be assessed and incorporated into early intervention protocols for bilingual children. The present study tests the hypothesis that significant similarities between performance-based, consonant-vowel (CV) co-occurrence patterns produced in Spanish and English can provide greater efficacy for assessment and intervention practices for bilingual Spanish-English children. Within syllable CV co-occurrence patterns were observed from 66 months to 81 months of age in six bilingual Spanish-English speaking children. Consonants were categorized into labial, coronal, and dorsal place of articulation while vowels were categorized by front, central, and back dimensions to evaluate co-occurrences. Predictions based on the Frame then Content (FC) theory (MacNeilage & Davis, 1990) were evaluated relative to intrasyllabic combinations of consonants and vowels. Results confirmed the prediction that CV co-occurrence patterns produced by bilingual Spanish-English speaking children share significant similarities with those produced by children in previously researched languages. These results show that the production based hypothesis of the FC theory of speech production, tested previously on English learning children is also characteristic of bilingual children learning Spanish and English. These findings suggest that consonant-vowel co-occurrence patterns are impacted by the capacity of the production system to produce different sounds in combination in diverse language learning circumstances, even when children are simultaneous bilingual learners. Mandibular oscillation without independent tongue movement within syllables is responsible for early intrasyllabic patterns produced by children. The FC theory supports the role of performance-based assessment and intervention for future practices in the field.
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This study investigates how statistical regularity concerning the distribution of lexical tones and consonantal onsets in Mandarin, formulated as the “tone-consonant cooccurrence probability (TCCP)” here, influences results of wordlikeness judgment task. Native speakers were asked to rate the wordlikeness of monosyllabic real words and pseudowords with existing segmental combinations. Overall, real words with high probability were considered more wordlike than those with low probability. On the other hand, the probability effect was not significant on the well-formedness ratings of the pseudowords. These findings suggest that speakers are sensitive to the toneconsonant co-occurrence patterns, which follow gradual tendencies rather than an “allor-nothing” manner, but such sensitivity is probably limited to existing forms and cannot be extended to hypothetical ones.