Relevant bibliographies by topics / Conservatives – United States – Biography

Academic literature on the topic 'Conservatives – United States – Biography'

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Published: 26 July 2024
Last updated: 27 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Conservatives – United States – Biography"

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King-White, Ryan. "Danny Almonte: Discursive Construction(s) of (Im)migrant Citizenship in Neoliberal America." Sociology of Sport Journal 27, no. 2 (June 2010): 178–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/ssj.27.2.178.

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In this project I will trace former Little League Baseball star, Danny Almonte’s, celebrity identity and flexible citizenship with particular regard to the way that he has been used as both an exemplary Dominican immigrant and later a cautionary tale. As such this critical biography of Almonte’s rise and fall in American popular culture—informed by Henry Giroux’s extensive theorizing on youth culture, Ong’s concept of flexible citizenship, and Steven Jackson’s understanding of “twisting”—will critically interrogate the mediated discourses used to describe, define, and make Almonte into a symbol of a (stereo)typical Dominican male. In accordance with contemporaneous hyper-conservative and neoliberal rhetoric pervasive throughout the United States, I posit the notion that Almonte’s contested celebrity was formulated within the popular media as the embodiment of the minority “assault” on white privilege.
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Alvarez, Mauricio J., and Markus Kemmelmeier. "Free speech as a cultural value in the United States." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 2 (February 5, 2018): 707–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i2.590.

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Political orientation influences support for free speech, with liberals often reporting greater support for free speech than conservatives. We hypothesized that this effect should be moderated by cultural context: individualist cultures value individual self-expression and self-determination, and collectivist cultures value group harmony and conformity. These different foci should differently influence liberals and conservatives’ support for free speech within these cultures. Two studies evaluated the joint influence of political orientation and cultural context on support for free speech. Study 1, using a multilevel analysis of data from 37 U.S. states (n = 1,001), showed that conservatives report stronger support for free speech in collectivist states, whereas there were no differences between conservatives and liberals in support for free speech in individualist states. Study 2 (n = 90) confirmed this pattern by priming independent and interdependent self-construals in liberals and conservatives. Results demonstrate the importance of cultural context for free speech. Findings suggest that in the U.S. support for free speech might be embraced for different reasons: conservatives’ support for free speech appears to be motivated by a focus on collectively held values favoring free speech, while liberals’ support for free speech might be motivated by a focus on individualist self-expression.
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Stasiewicz, Katarzyna Anna. "THE MONTESSORI METHOD AND ITS CONTEMPORARY CONTEXTS." Polish Studies of Kyiv, no. 35 (2019): 436–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/psk.2019.35.436-443.

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The article is an attempt to sistetically present Maria Montessori’s activities and scientific achievements through the prism of her biography and to indicate the reception of the Montessori Methods in Poland. The first part indicates the key aspects of life that influence the worldview and research interests, such as the position of director at Casa de Bambini or the likely affiliation to the Theosophical Society. In particular emphasizes theme of migration, resulting on the one hand from geopolitical reasons, and on the other hand from the idea of disseminating its concept of education. It shows the emigration aspect – departure from Italy to Barcelona, associated with the then forming fascist movement, and then, to the Netherlands, determined by the anti-republican coup of General Francisco Franko. The text deals with issues related to the scientific and didactic activity of M. Montessori, including numerous foreign trips, including to the United States and India to popularize the method. It also indicates the main research inspirations influencing changes in education proposed by the researcher, i.e. the Montessori Method – influences of researchers: anthropologist Giuseppe Sergi, psychiatrist Andrea Verga, neuropsychiatrist and pedagogue Jean Marc Gaspard Itard and Édouard Séguin. It characterizes particular stages of the concept, from moral upbringing, through the system of freedom, to the concept of cosmic upbringing. The second part of the article concerns the reception of the Montessori Method in Poland, starting from the pre-war period to modern times. It presents two currents – direct reception and attempts to synthesize freblizism and montessorian- ism in order to create a new, national upbringing system and indicates possible reasons for the rebirth of the idea after 1989, were related to the evolution of the educational ideal in Poland. It presents selected studies on the topic and points to the current activities of institutions and organizations that popularize the idea of Montessori. It presents manifestations of the contemporary, unflagging addressing with the figure of M. Montessori and her concept. The above considerations have been set in the context of today’s Polish pedagogy, determined largely by concepts that contest the current school system, largely congenial with the conservative educational ideology.
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Hasson, Yossi, Maya Tamir, Kea S. Brahms, J. Christopher Cohrs, and Eran Halperin. "Are Liberals and Conservatives Equally Motivated to Feel Empathy Toward Others?" Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 44, no. 10 (May 8, 2018): 1449–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167218769867.

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Do liberals and conservatives differ in their empathy toward others? This question has been difficult to resolve due to methodological constraints and common use of ideologically biased targets. To more adequately address this question, we examined how much empathy liberals and conservatives want to feel, how much empathy they actually feel, and how willing they are to help others. We used targets that are equivalent in the degree to which liberals and conservatives identify with, by setting either liberals, conservatives, or ideologically neutral members as social targets. To support the generalizability of our findings, we conducted the study in the United States, Israel, and Germany. We found that, on average and across samples, liberals wanted to feel more empathy and experienced more empathy than conservatives did. Liberals were also more willing to help others than conservatives were, in the United States and Germany, but not in Israel. In addition, across samples, both liberals and conservatives wanted to feel less empathy toward outgroup members than toward ingroup members or members of a nonpolitical group.
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Prendergast, A. "Scientific Biography in the United States." Choice Reviews Online 46, no. 02 (October 1, 2008): 227–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.46.02.227.

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Lee, Younghwa, Sukki Yoon, Young Woo Lee, and Marla B. Royne. "How Liberals and Conservatives Respond to Equality-Based and Proportionality-Based Rewards in Charity Advertising." Journal of Public Policy & Marketing 37, no. 1 (April 2018): 108–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1509/jppm.16.180.

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The authors conduct two studies that show how liberals and conservatives in the United States and Korea respond to charity advertising that features equality- or proportionality-based rewards for charitable giving. The findings robustly demonstrate that in both countries, liberals respond more favorably to equality-based rewards, but conservatives respond more favorably to proportionality-based rewards. Study 1, conducted in the United States, finds that liberals perceive greater effectiveness in equality-based rewards based on random drawings, but conservatives perceive more effectiveness in proportionality-based rewards based on donation amounts. Study 2, conducted in Korea, shows that liberal (conservative) donors expect to be more (less) likely to receive rewards based on equality rather than proportionality.
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Ondish, Peter, and Chadly Stern. "Liberals Possess More National Consensus on Political Attitudes in the United States: An Examination Across 40 Years." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 8 (September 14, 2017): 935–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617729410.

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Do liberals or conservatives have more agreement in their political attitudes? Recent research indicates that conservatives may have more like-minded social groups than do liberals, but whether conservatives have more consensus on a broad, national level remains an open question. Using two nationally representative data sets (the General Social Survey and the American National Election Studies), we examined the attitudes of over 80,000 people on more than 400 political issues (e.g., attitudes toward welfare, gun control, same-sex marriage) across approximately 40 years. In both data sets, we found that liberals possessed a larger degree of agreement in their political attitudes than did conservatives. Additionally, both liberals and conservatives possessed more consensus than did political moderates. These results indicate that social–cognitive motivations for building similarity and consensus within one’s self-created social groups may also yield less consensus on a broad, national level. We discuss implications for effective political mobilization and social change.
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Offenbach, Seth. "“Mourning a Loss: Conservative Support for Ngo Dinh Diem”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 26, no. 3 (August 27, 2019): 257–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02603003.

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The U.S. conservative movement in the mid-20th Century argued that the United States needed to continuously get tougher in the fight against communism worldwide. It remained supportive of U.S. efforts throughout the Vietnam War. However, in the period immediately preceding Americanization of the war in 1965, conservatives were uncertain about the outcome of any fighting in Vietnam. Specifically, they claimed that optimism for the Republic of Vietnam was lost with the assassination of President Ngo Dinh Diem in 1963. Without Diem, conservatives claimed, the Vietnam War was likely lost before it began. This article discusses how Diem went from a barely talked-about anti-Communist ally prior to his death to becoming posthumously the last great hope for Southeast Asia. Conservatives argued that without Diem, the only way the United States would be able to stop Communist expansion in Indochina would be to engage in a massive aerial bombing campaign and find a regional partner to deploy troops. Had he survived, this might not have been necessary. Learning why and how conservatives supported Diem after his death helps us better understand how conservatives reacted to the Vietnam War once Americanization began in 1965.
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Faulkner, Robert K. "The United States: Liberals, Conservatives, and the Challenge of Liberation." Political Studies 41, no. 1_suppl (August 1993): 107–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1993.tb01807.x.

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Zolotykh, V. R. "AMERICAN CONSERVATIVES AND DOMESTIC POLITICAL STRUGGLE OVER THE ISSUE OF IMMIGRATION IN MID 1990s." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 3, no. 2 (June 25, 2019): 183–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2019-3-2-183-191.

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After the victory of conservatives in Congress elections of 1994, various Right groups intensified their efforts, on the one hand, to reconsider liberal immigration laws, and on the other, to tighten policies on illegal immigrants. This article analyzes two interconnected initiatives introduced by the conservatives in the mid 1990s: Proposition 187, also known as the “Save Our State (SOS)” initiative, and The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA). In the first case, State of California conducted a referendum on a law that would establish a nationwide citizenship verification system, as well as denying illegal immigrants access to medical care, public schools, and other social services of the state. In the second case, the law prohibited new immigrants from receiving pensions until reaching the age of 65 or appealing the decision of the Immigration and Naturalization Service to prevent a foreigner from entering the US. It also raised visa fees and introduced the terms for denying the right to enter the United States for people with a history of illegal stay in the United States. The examination of approaches and propositions of various groups of conservatives to the immigration issue allows to conduct a comprehensive and objective evaluation of internal political processes in the United States during this period.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Conservatives – United States – Biography"

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Heath, Karen Patricia. "Conservatives and the politics of art, 1950-88." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d62a078b-4009-40a8-8765-1a4f5e0fbcbc.

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This thesis offers a new policy history of the National Endowment for the Arts, the federal agency responsible for providing grants to artists and arts organisations in the United States. It focuses in particular on the development of conservative perspectives on federal arts funding from the 1950s to the 1980s, and hence, illuminates the broader evolution of conservative political power, especially its limits. The most familiar narrative holds that the Endowment found itself caught up in the Culture Wars of the late 1980s when Christian right groups objected to certain federal grants, particularly to Andres Serrano's Piss Christ and Robert Mapplethorpe's Self-Portrait with Whip. This thesis, however, uncovers the older origins of conservative opposition to state support for the arts, analyses conservative conceptions of art, and illuminates the limited federal role the right sought to secure in the arts in the post-war period. Numerous studies have analysed the meanings and origins of the Culture Wars, but until now, scholars had not examined conservative approaches to federal arts politics in a historical sense. Historians have generally been too interested in explaining change to the detriment of examining continuity, but this approach under-emphasises the long-term tensions that underlie seemingly sudden political eruptions. This work also offers a deep account of the conservative movement and the arts world, an area that has so far been almost completely ignored by scholars, even though a focus on marginalised players is essential to understanding the limits of conservatism. In a general sense then, this thesis evaluates the range and diversity of the conservative movement and illuminates the overall odyssey of the right in modern America. In so doing, it provides a new insight into the ways we periodise political history and also invites a broader view of how we understand politics itself.
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Rising, George Goodwin. "Stuck in the sixties: Conservatives and the legacies of the 1960s." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/280496.

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This dissertation examines recent (post-1980) conservatives' views of the 1960s era and its legacies by analyzing the discourse of right-wing scholars, journalists, politicians, pundits, grassroots activists, and mass-media entertainment. The chapters are organized around conservatives' perceptions of emblematic 1960s individuals and movements and their legacies: John F. Kennedy and his presidential administration; Martin Luther King, Jr., and the civil rights movement; the Warren Court; the Great Society; the Vietnam War and the antiwar movement; and the New Left and the counterculture. While analyzing conservatives' views about these sixties' figures and movements, this dissertation advances several general arguments. First, most conservatives shared a rough consensus about what symbolized "the 1960s era" and its legacies. Second, they remained obsessed with the decade and its continued influence. Third, they viewed themselves as a countermovement to the sixties movement, focusing their agenda on reversing trends associated with the decade. Fourth, they disseminated a negative caricature of the era and its effects to justify their own agenda. Fifth, conservatives criticized emblematic 1960s movements and their legacies. For example, they denounced the Warren Court and the Great Society for using federal power to bolster "big government" and to inculcate "permissive" values; they condemned antiwar protestors and New Leftists for preaching "anti-Americanism"; and they charged the counterculture with promoting immoral behavior. However, this dissertation also argues that, ironically, the recent right emulated the 1960s left. For example, many neoconservatives appropriated the legacies of John F. Kennedy and Martin Luther King, Jr. Moreover, the recent right, like the sixties left, espoused rigid ideology, passionate conviction, and inflammatory rhetoric. Conservatives also copied sixties leftists' tactics. For example, pro-life activists used King's civil-disobedience strategy; conservative judges, like the Warren Court, made activist rulings; Republicans followed Great Society Democrats by employing federal power to implement their agenda; many conservatives sounded like Vietnam "peaceniks" when opposing President Clinton's use of military force; and some conservatives embraced trends associated with the "hippie" counterculture, including sexual promiscuity, homosexuality, drugs, rock music, and feminism. In sum, post-1980 conservatives' obsession with, and emulation of, the 1960s revealed that they remained "stuck in the sixties."
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Harris, Matthew L. Sharp James Roger. "'Experience must be our guide' John Dickinson and the origins of American federalism, 1754 - 1808 /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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LaFantasie, Glenn Warren. "William C. Oates : a biography /." View online version; access limited to Brown University users, 2005. http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:pqdiss&rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:3174631.

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Hubbs, Holly J. "American women saxophonists from 1870-1930 : their careers and repertoire." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1259304.

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The late nineteenth century was a time of great change for women's roles in music. Whereas in 1870, women played primarily harp or piano, by 1900 there were all-woman orchestras. During the late nineteenth century, women began to perform on instruments that were not standard for them, such as cornet, trombone, and saxophone. The achievements of early female saxophonists scarcely have been mentioned in accounts of saxophone history. This study gathers scattered and previously unpublished information about the careers and repertoire of American female saxophonists from 1870-1930 into one reference source.The introduction presents a brief background on women's place in music around 1900 and explains the study's organization. Chapter two presents material on saxophone history and provides an introduction to the Chautauqua, lyceum, and vaudeville circuits. Chapter three contains biographical entries for forty-four women saxophonists from 1870-1930. Then follows in Chapter four a discussion of the saxophonists' repertoire. Parlor, religious, and minstrel songs are examined, as are waltz, fox-trot, and ragtime pieces. Discussion of music of a more "classical" nature concludes this section. Two appendixes are included--the first, a complete alphabetical list of the names of early female saxophonists and the ensembles with which they played; the second, an alphabetical list of representative pieces played by the women.The results of this study indicate that a significant number of women became successful professional saxophonists between 1870-1930. Many were famous on a local level, and some toured extensively while performing on Chautauqua, lyceum, and vaudeville circuits. Some ended their performing careers after becoming wives and mothers, but some continued to perform with all-woman swing bands during the 1930s and 40s.The musical repertoire played by women saxophonists from 1870-1930 reflects the dichotomy of cultivated and vernacular music. Some acts chose to use popular music as a drawing card by performing ragtime, fox-trot, waltz, and other dance styles. Other acts presented music from the more cultivated classical tradition, such as opera transcriptions or original French works for saxophone (by composers such as Claude Debussy). Most women, however, performed a mixture of light classics, along with crowd-pleasing popular songs.
School of Music
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DuBay, Susan Adams. "John Humphrey Noyes, 1811-1840 : a social biography." PDXScholar, 1989. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3568.

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John Humphrey Noyes was the founder of the Oneida Community, one of the most successful utopian ventures in nineteenth-century America. Early in his life, Noyes was a deep religious thinker, but he founded Oneida as an ideal society based on extending the family unit, and not as a church. Noyes's social theories eventually overwhelmed his former religious concentration. The purpose of this thesis is to locate in Noyes's religiously-oriented youth the sources of his social interests. Few scholars have studied in depth the childhood and young manhood of John Humphrey Noyes, but that is where the roots of his social theories are to be found. Noyes did write his religious autobiography, but completely passed over his formative years. Further, he never wrote the analysis of his social ideas and experiences that he had once promised. However, many of his early letters and journals have been compiled and edited by his relatives; and his immediate family left reminiscences of his youth. These works provide most of the available information on the childhood of Noyes. Large gaps in his history do exist, however. Therefore, the modern psychological theories of Erik Erikson are used to illuminate the otherwise shadowy areas of Noyes's early life.
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Graff, Frank Warren. "Strategy of involvement a diplomatic biography of Sumner Welles /." New York : Garland, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/17807643.html.

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Meyer, Nancy Jean. "Vance Hartke : a political biography." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/530361.

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The focus of this dissertation is the political career of R. Vance Hartke, Democratic Senator from Indiana 1958-1976. The areas of emphasis include Hartke's role in the creation of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Senate and his chairmanship of the Committee, several of the controversies of his career, and his political style and philosophy.Books and articles written by Hartke were used extensively as were various newspapers and the Conqressional Record. Information was also obtained from interviews with Hartke and Frank Brizzi, who was staff director of the Veterans' Affairs Committee during Hartke's term as chairman.That Hartke philosophically was a liberal and politically was a risk-taker are among the conclusions reached in this study. Hartke's strongest asset in winning election to the Senate three times in a relatively conservative state was an energetic and personalized political style. Despite the controversies which surrounded Hartke and some apparent conflicts of interest," there is no evidence he committed illegal or unethical acts. Hartke used his power as chairman of the Veterans' Affairs Committee of the Senate to infuse his liberal ideology into public policy for American veterans. Furthermore, he expanded veterans' benefits during his tenure.
Department of Political Science
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Erskine, Kristopher Charles. "Frank W.Price, 1895-1974 : the role of an American missionary in Sino-U.S. relation." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10722/206668.

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This dissertation is a biography of American missionary Frank W. Price, friend and advisor to Madame and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, and KMT official for two decades. Price was closer to Chiang than any other American, yet no one has attempted to unravel his role within Chiang’s government or his impact on Sino-U.S. relations. This dissertation makes that attempt, giving special attention to the years between 1937 and 1947, during which Price was most involved with Chiang and the KMT. Groundbreaking research was undertaken in Taiwan, the United States, and China. New archives and family collections were used, and recently declassified documents were accessed in the United States through the Freedom of Information Act. Chiang’s diaries were utilized and interviews conducted with at least twenty individuals in China, the United States, and Taiwan, most of whom either knew Frank Price or whose parents or spouse worked with him. These interviews include Price’s son and niece. In the final analysis evidence will reveal that though his ultimate policy impact was minimal, missionary Frank Price was a valued member of Chiang’s political inner circle, acting, for more than a decade, as a diplomatic backchannel between Chiang Kai-shek and President Roosevelt’s administration. The dissertation demonstrates that unconventional actors – missionaries specifically – may have been more involved in Sino-U.S. relations during China’s Nationalist period, particularly during the Second Sino-Japanese War, than has been previously supposed. It will also be asserted that Price’s role in the China Lobby indicts the KMT for secretly exerting influence on that lobby as early as 1938.
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History
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Doctor of Philosophy
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Armontrout, David Eugene. "John F. Kennedy : a political biography on education." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4259.

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In what is historically a brief number of years, the life and times of John F. Kennedy have taken on legendary proportions. His presidency began with something less than a mandate from the American people, but he brought to the White House an inspiration and a style that offered great promises of things to come.
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Books on the topic "Conservatives – United States – Biography"

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Schecter, Cliff. The real McCain: Why conservatives don't trust him, and why independents shouldn't. Sausalito, CA: PoliPointPress, 2008.

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Dyche, John David. Republican leader: A political biography of Senator Mitch McConnell. Wilmington, Del: ISI Books, 2009.

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Dyche, John David. Republican leader: A political biography of Senator Mitch McConnell. Wilmington, Del: ISI Books, 2009.

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Republican leader: A political biography of Senator Mitch McConnell. 2nd ed. Wilmington, Del: ISI Books, 2010.

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Buckley, Fergus Reid. An American family: The Buckleys. New York: Threshold Editions, 2009.

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Buckley, Fergus Reid. An American family: The Buckleys. New York: Threshold Editions, 2009.

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Parrish, William Earl. Frank Blair: Lincoln's Conservative. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1998.

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Bauman, Robert. The gentleman from Maryland: The conscience of a gay conservative. New York: Arbor House, 1986.

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Bindler, Norman. The conservative court, 1910-1930. Millwood, N.Y: Associated Faculty Press, 1986.

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Wade Hampton: Confederate warrior, conservative statesman. Washington, D.C: Brassey's, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "Conservatives – United States – Biography"

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Abrams, Jesse. "Author biography." In Forest Policy and Governance in the United States, 283. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003043669-15.

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Wendler, Eugen. "Overview of List’s Biography and Economic Theory." In Friedrich List’s Exile in the United States, 1–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-23642-1_1.

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Fiorito, Luca, and Sebastiano Nerozzi. "Chicago Economics in the Making, 1926–1940: A Further Look at United States Interwar Pluralism." In Hayek: A Collaborative Biography, 373–418. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-95219-2_11.

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Alvarado, Paulo. "Women's Auto/biography in the Mexico-United States Borderscape, 1942–1968." In The Routledge Handbook of Latinx Life Writing, 96–109. New York: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003273141-10.

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Tucker, William H. "Conclusion: Addressing Inequality." In Palgrave Studies in the Theory and History of Psychology, 101–9. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41614-9_4.

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AbstractAlthough it was Herrnstein’s writing in the early 1970s that began widespread discussion of the concept, and The Bell Curve, which he co-authored with Murray that continued it, the truth is that the notion of a “meritocracy” has become an abiding conviction across much of the political spectrum in the United States. The belief that society’s “winners” deserve their hugely disproportionate share of resources because they are better—i.e., smarter—than others is not unique to conservatives and libertarians like Murray; it is also an article of faith for much of the so-called “New Democratic” establishment that has controlled the party from the Clintonthrough the Obama administrations. For both conservatives and many liberals, the meritocratic faith is not so much a way to explain inequality as to rationalize it; high-ranking officials involved in economic policy in both Republicanand Democratic administrations have considered inequality not only inevitable but the appropriate reflection of people’s economic value.
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"Visit to the United States, 1856." In George Peabody, A Biography, 76–86. Vanderbilt University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv176kvjp.15.

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Polillo, Simone. "Institutions and the Struggle over Creditworthiness in the nineteenth-Century united States." In Conservatives Versus Wildcats, 71–104. Stanford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804785099.003.0004.

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"Institutions and the Struggle over Creditworthiness in the Nineteenth-Century United States." In Conservatives Versus Wildcats, 71–104. Stanford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvqsdmx8.7.

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"3. Institutions and the Struggle over Creditworthiness in the Nineteenth-Century United States." In Conservatives Versus Wildcats, 71–104. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780804785556-005.

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"Last Visit to the United States, 1869." In George Peabody, A Biography, 174–79. Vanderbilt University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv176kvjp.28.

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Conference papers on the topic "Conservatives – United States – Biography"

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Castro, Ana Claudia Veiga de. "Um historiador entre duas cidades: Richard Morse, de Nova York a São Paulo." In Seminario Internacional de Investigación en Urbanismo. Barcelona: Instituto de Arte Americano. Universidad de Buenos Aires, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5821/siiu.5938.

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O historiador Richard Morse (1922-2001) publica o livro De comunidade à metrópole, a biografia de São Paulo, em 1954, nas comemorações do IV Centenário da cidade. O livro, hoje um clássico, foi gestado entre a sua formação nos Estados Unidos e a pesquisa de campo em São Paulo. Esse artigo tem a intenção traçar paralelos entre as condições urbanas e culturais de São Paulo e Nova York em 1940 e 1950 e a estrutura narrativa do livro, apontando o que Morse traz da América para a formulação do problema encarado na tese – a evolução urbana de comunidade à metrópole – e o que ele formula na experiência de pesquisa numa cidade em processo de metropolização. Richard Morse (1922-2001) published the book From community to metropolis, the biography of São Paulo, in 1954, in celebration of the fourth centenary of the city. The book, now a classic, was conceived between his training in the United States and his field research in São Paulo. This article intends to draw parallels between the urban and cultural conditions of Sao Paulo and New York in the 40’s and 50’s and the narrative structure of the book, pointing out that Morse brings form America to the formulation of the problem faced in the thesis - the urban evolution from community to metropolis - and that he makes in the search experience in a city undergoing metropolis.
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2

Bruce, Dr. "The Life and Mysterious Death of Harold F. Pitcairn: Was it Suicide?" In Vertical Flight Society 76th Annual Forum & Technology Display. The Vertical Flight Society, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4050/f-0076-2020-16260.

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Harold F. Pitcairn, American aviation and Autogiro pioneer, died from a single gunshot wound to the head in the late evening hours of April 23, 1960 at the age of 62 after a gala evening at which he presided over a celebration attended by more than 450 guests for his brother's Raymond's 75th birthday. Initially labelled a suicide by the press, Pitcairn's widow Clara declared that "she never wanted to hear another word about the tragedy", while friends and friendly local authorities made the argument, duly reported by Frank Kingston Smith in Legacy of Wings, his devotional Pitcairn biography (subsidized by the Pitcairn family), that the death was accidental because "there was no note, no indication of depression or unhappiness" and "the police investigation disclosed that two shots had been fired; one had penetrated the ceiling directly over the desk in the first floor study, another had struck Pitcairn in the eye" and that "the next morning it was discovered the semi-automatic pistol was defective: when cocked, it had a supersensitive "hair trigger," and it had a faulty disconnector so that it would fire more than one shot at a time, a condition known as "doubling."" The Pitcairn families, prominent and powerful, prevailed upon the local authorities to declare the death accidental and Kingston Smith's 1981account became the de facto authoritative story of the death of Harold F. Pitcairn. With the perspective, however, of six decades, it appears far more likely that Pitcairn's death was a suicide for reasons that were not readily evident, minimized, unappreciated or deliberately ignored at the time to craft a result that met the needs of Clara Pitcairn and her surviving family. These included the fact that while the claim was made that Pitcairn was making his nightly rounds to check on the estate’s ground-level windows (and had been doing so since the Lindbergh kidnapping in 1932), he actually died at his desk; that those in the house only reported a single shot; the 1907 Savage pistol had no reputation for a hair-trigger, and had not evidenced such a flaw in almost three decades of Pitcairn's nightly ritual; that even though Pitcairn had been assured that his almost-decade-long lawsuit against the United States government for Patent infringement of his Autogiro patents was going well, he was concerned about the impact this lawsuit was having on his aged associates who had been called to give depositions and he had voiced the sentiment that "if he had known that he would have to sue the government, he would not have gone into the Autogiro business"; that the lawsuit, itself intended as a vindication of Pitcairn's contribution to aviation was dragging on and would reach its first legal conclusion in 1967, and not finally conclude upon appeal until 1977; and most importantly, those who deny suicide and point to Pitcairn’s state-of-mind, have failed to take into account when the death occurred or ready evidence of his 'state of mind' To fail to see the tragic end of Harold F. Pitcairn is to forget that 29 years and one day earlier, he had been recognized for "the greatest achievement in aeronautics or astronautics in America, with respect to improving the performance, efficiency, and safety of air or space vehicles, the value of which has been thoroughly demonstrated by actual use during the preceding year." The memory of that day on the White House back lawn with the President was the high point of his life even as Pitcairn prepared to celebrate his older brother's achievements. The evidence, when marshalled and documented, conclusively points to suicide - a death of an American aviation pioneer before his contributions were vindicated in the largest patent infringement judgement against the United States in history. To fail to see the tragic end of Harold F. Pitcairn is to forget that 29 years earlier, he had been recognized for "the greatest achievement in aeronautics or astronautics in America".
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