Journal articles on the topic 'Conservative'
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AA VV, AA VV. "Conservative dentistry/Conservativa." Dental Cadmos 01, no. 01 (September 2023): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.19256/abstract.cduo.03.2023.
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Min, Seong Jae. "Who Believes in Conspiracy Theories? Network Diversity, Political Discussion, and Conservative Conspiracy Theories on Social Media." American Politics Research 49, no. 5 (May 2, 2021): 415–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x211013526.
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A survey of 3,441 U.S. social media users showed that a high portion believes in conspiracy theories, and their beliefs vary widely along the party lines and socio-demographic factors. In particular, conservative conspiracy theories were more pronounced than liberal ones, and older White males with high conservatism and Protestantism showed higher endorsement of conservative conspiracy theories. Furthermore, ideological conservatives who frequently discuss politics showed higher association with a conservative conspiracy theory than conservatives who discuss politics less frequently. However, network diversity moderated the interaction of conservative ideology and political discussion such that conservatives who discuss politics frequently in a relatively heterogeneous social media network setting had lower beliefs in a conspiracy theory than conservatives who do so in a more homogeneous network.
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Chen, Lucy Huajing, David M. Folsom, Wonsun Paek, and Heibatollah Sami. "Accounting Conservatism, Earnings Persistence, and Pricing Multiples on Earnings." Accounting Horizons 28, no. 2 (November 1, 2013): 233–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/acch-50664.
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SYNOPSIS We examine the effect of accounting conservatism on earnings persistence and the stock market's valuation of earnings. Using a sample of U.S. companies during the period of 1988–2010, we find that firms with more conservative accounting generate less persistent earnings than firms with less conservative accounting. We also document that the pricing multiple on more conservative earnings is smaller than pricing multiples on less conservative earnings. Finally, we show that conditionally conservative earnings are less persistent than unconditionally conservative earnings, and the pricing multiple on earnings is smaller for conditionally conservative earnings than for unconditionally conservative earnings. Our results improve our understanding of the characteristics of conservatively reported earnings. JEL Classifications: M41; C23; D21; G38; N20
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HARP, GILLIS J. "TRADITIONALIST DISSENT: THE REORIENTATION OF AMERICAN CONSERVATISM, 1865–1900." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 3 (November 2008): 487–518. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001777.
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The last couple of decades has brought a renewed interest in American conservatism among historians. Yet most recent studies have focused on the emergence of neoconservatism after World War II and virtually no recent scholarly work has pursued the history of conservatism before the 1920s. Both Richard Hofstadter and Clinton Rossiter agreed that the late nineteenth century was an important watershed in the evolution of American conservative thought. Hofstadter argued that the new laissez-faire conservatism that became dominant during the Gilded Age was remarkable in that “it lacked many of the signal characteristics of conservatism as it is usually found.” Yet some conservatives refused to accept key features of what Clinton Rossiter once branded this new “contradictory conservatism.” This essay focuses mostly on Protestant clerical intellectuals (both Northern and Southern) who dissented from the new orthodoxy and attempted to preserve older conservative principles. Against the laissez-faire conservatives' hyperindividualism, these dissenting conservatives stressed an organic view of the social order and the importance of mediating institutions such as family and church. To the others' secularism, they offered a social theory suffused with evangelical Protestantism. This analysis highlights where these dissidents differed from their fellow conservatives and seeks also to elucidate their alternative conservative vision of the American republic. Such a study serves to clarify just how profound an ideological shift occurred among conservatives during the Gilded Age and illuminates some of the persistent tensions within American conservatism still evident today.
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Jin, Mingang, and Qingyan Chen. "Improvement of fast fluid dynamics with a conservative semi-Lagrangian scheme." International Journal of Numerical Methods for Heat & Fluid Flow 25, no. 1 (January 5, 2015): 2–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/hff-04-2013-0119.
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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to develop a simple and efficient conservative semi-Lagrangian scheme (SL) for solving advection equation in fast fluid dynamics (FFD), so FFD can provide fast indoor airflow simulations while preserving conservation for energy and species transport. Design/methodology/approach – This study thus proposed a mass-fixing type conservative SL that redistributes global surplus/deficit on the advected field after performing the standard semi-Lagrangian advection. The redistribution weights were designed to preserve the properties of conservatives and monotonicity. Findings – The effectiveness of the conservative SL was validated with several test cases, and the results show that the proposed scheme is indeed conservative with negligible impact on the accuracy of the standard solutions. The numerical tests show that the proposed scheme was indeed conservative with negligible impact on the accuracy of the flow prediction. Originality/value – The FFD with conservative SL can effectively enforce the energy and species conservation for indoor airflow and predict airflow distributions with reasonable accuracy.
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FUNG, EDMUND S. K. "Nationalism and Modernity: The Politics of Cultural Conservatism in Republican China." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 3 (May 2009): 777–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003472.
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AbstractThis article explores the political dynamics of modern Chinese cultural conservatism. It proceeds from the premise that modern Chinese conservatism, as distinct from traditionalism, was a response to modernity and, as such, a part of modernity. The article identifies the conservative with the nationalist, but not vice versa, and understands politico-cultural conservatism as politico-cultural nationalism. It will first trace the rise of modern Chinese conservative thought, revisit the ideas of two noted cultural conservatives Liang Shuming and Zhang Junmai, examine the politics of China-based cultural reconstruction, and then explore the conservative thought of the war period (1937–1945) to illustrate the interplay of war, culture and nationalism. It argues, basically, that although the conservatives did not defend the prevailing socio-political order as a whole, their understanding of politics from a cultural perspective was nuanced and that they stood in an ambiguous relationship with the existing regime and the party-state.
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Loader, Ian. "Crime, Order and the Two Faces of Conservatism: an Encounter with Criminology’s other." British Journal of Criminology 60, no. 5 (March 31, 2020): 1181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azaa025.
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Abstract Over the past half century, conservatism has been a powerful force in shaping public and political responses to crime in Britain. But within criminology, conservative ideology remains curiously neglected and poorly understood. In this paper, I develop an interpretive reconstruction of conservative thinking about crime that seeks to make good this inattention. My central contention is that one finds in conservative ideology both an emotionally and culturally resonant case for making police authority and penal control central to the production of order and arguments for sceptical penal restraint and non-penal modes of socialization. But from which aspects of its conceptual morphology do these two faces of conservatism arise? In answering this question, my encounter identifies the claims that conservatism brings to contests over a better politics of crime (claims with which non-conservatives are required to reckon), as well as pinpointing certain shortcomings and blind spots of conservative ideology.
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Loukianov, Mikhail. "Conservatives and “Renewed Russia,” 1907-1914." Slavic Review 61, no. 4 (2002): 762–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3090389.
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The article analyzes the relationship of conservatives to the political order that arose after the 1905 revolution. It suggests that by the start of World War I, a dissatisfaction with the status quo had become a characteristic feature of Russian conservatism. The archaic formula “orthodoxy, autocracy, nationality” was the quintessential conservative discourse, both for nationalist supporters of conservative reforms and for opponents of any innovation such as Dubrovin’s All-Russian Union of the Russian People. But this formula existed in sharp contradiction to the realities of “renewed Russia.” Conservatives continually underscored the lack of correspondence between reality and their conservative dogma. In conservative circles, the growth of social tensions on the eve of the war was also understood as evidence of the inadequacy of the new political order. Because of this, Russian conservatives did not aspire to preserve the Third of June system and did not try to restore it after February 1917.
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Krzysztof Iwanek. "Is BJP Conservative?" Politeja 16, no. 2(59) (December 31, 2019): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/politeja.16.2019.59.04.
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This article will consider whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (the BJP), the party currently ruling India, may be considered conservative. The author will use Swapan Dasgupta’s 2015 lecture on conservatism as a starting point for further deliberations. While agreeing with some of Dasgupta’s points, the author will conclude that the defining elements of Indian conservatism which he had proposed can, at the same time, define Hindu nationalism as well. To find the difference between the two, the text will consider a few historical examples of disputes and cooperation between the parties of the Hindu Right (and between Hindu conservatives and Hindu nationalists in general) such as the issue of the civil code reform, the attitude towards Dalits (untouchables) and the question of monarchy abolition. The final conclusion of the text is that while Hindu nationalism does share certain aspects and goals with Hindu conservatism, it also differs with it on some other points, and thus the BJP is more of a nationalist than a conservative party. It was the Ramrajya Parishad, a small and now defunct party, that in the author’s view represented the strand of Hindu conservatism.
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Kaya, Ibrahim. "Conceptualizing the current clashes between modernist republicans and Islamic conservatives in Turkey." Social Science Information 51, no. 1 (March 2012): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0539018411425831.
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Resume This article aims to foster a deeper understanding of the current clashes between modernist republicans and Islamic conservatives in Turkey. Through an examination of the relation of conservatism to modernity, I argue that there exists a conservative goal of ‘overcoming modernity’, though in a paradoxical form, which is crucial for our comprehension of this conflict. Central here is the Islamic conservative resistance to the ‘cultural program of modernity’. Indubitably, it would be fallacious to impute to (neo-)conservatism an orientation that challenges modernity in toto. Indeed, one need only consider the economy and technology to see how far the modern has captured the conservative imagination. However, the culture of modernity is a different matter and this is the aspect I concentrate on here. After first examining the (old) conservative reaction against the great transformations of modernity, I consider the contention that Turkish society has recently become conservative, and end with an analysis of republican opposition to recent government acts.
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Byrne, William E. "Conservative Pragmatism, Pragmatic Conservatism." Humanitas 29, no. 1 (2016): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/humanitas2016291/24.
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Hattens, Christian Egholm. "konservativ konservering af klimaet?" Culture and History: Student Research Papers 6, no. 2 (November 7, 2022): 76–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/chku.v6i2.134569.
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This paper examines the strategy undertaken by the conservative climate sceptic countermovement to counter the scientific consensus on human caused climate change. It focuses on revealing the power of the discursive production of knowledge by conservative actors in spreading misinformation to the media, powerful institutions, and the public. The paper examines the reasons behind this strategy and argues that, apart from economic reasons, both historical and ideological factors within conservatism can help explain this behavior. Lastly, the paper discusses, in a theoretical sense, whether conservatism can ever be reconciled with a conservation of the climate, and, in a practical sense, obstacles, such as climate skeptical discourses, for a conservative pro-climate movement to succeed politically.
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Zolotykh, V. R. "NEW TRENDS IN THE AMERICAN CONSERVATIVE MOVEMENT AT THE END OF THE 20th CENTURY: DISCUSSION ON SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ISSUES." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 3 (September 30, 2020): 303–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-3-303-312.
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The novelty of this research lies in its primary task: to study the adaptation process of American conservatism to a rapidly changing world. The article attempts to trace the formation process of a conservative socio-political strategy in the 1990s, through the analysis of 1) factors that influenced the strengthening of the consolidation of the conservative movement in the early 1990s, 2) the reaction of the Right to the implementation of the "Contract with America" in 1994, and 3) discussions that was unfolded between the leaders of the conservative movement during the election campaigns of 1992, 1996 and 2000. The analyzed material allows to conclude that 1990s became a period when a new kind of conservative model of social policy is taking shape as a real alternative to the social-liberal model. The new tendencies manifested in the conservative movement were incorporated into the conservative version of the “welfare state”. The scientific novelty of this work is also in the investigation of the social policy of conservatives alongside with the evolution of the conservative movement.
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Yoon, Seok Sang. "Conservatization of Japanese Political Society: Focus on the Crisis of Public Sphere and Political society polarization." Association of Global Studies Education 15, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 91–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.19037/agse.15.3.04.
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This article analyzed the conservatism of Japanese political society, focusing on the division of Japanese political society and the crisis of the public sphere. In general, conservatization in Japanese political society focuses on the rise of conservatives due to the decline of innovative forces, excessive representation of right-wing ideologies, and support for conservative forces that led reform discourse in the process of overcoming a long-term recession. However, it is noteworthy that the silence of the general public on political issues is deeply related to conservatism in Japanese political society. This fact is meaningful in that it is possible to grasp the characteristics of the conservatization of Japanese political society, which is carried out regardless of political support. Based on this point, this article examined the characteristics of right-wing conservatism in Japanese society, focusing on the fact that it is a crisis of polarization and public sphere. In conclusion, the polarization of Japanese political society that has intensified since the 2000s and the resulting self-satisfied and present-oriented attitudes of the public have made them passive and subordinate to social affairs. As a result, the conservatist, which are active political participants, are overrepresented, and Japanese political society is being tilted toward conservative and rightward.
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Lee, Michael J. "The Conservative Canon and Its Uses." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 15, no. 1 (March 1, 2012): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41955606.
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Abstract In this essay, I aim to locate the scriptural force of American conservatisms secular canon. My basic claim is that the canon created and managed the potential for symbolic fusion and fracture among conservatives. The canon provided the tools to weather the rocky marriage between various conservative sects: traditionalists, libertarians, neoconservatives, and others; the canon afforded resources for each faction to establish their bona fides and to protect their version of authentic conservatism from impostors and apostates. I conclude by analyzing the link between the principles of classical conservatism and canonical politics.
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Andreeva, Tatiana V. "The Origins of Conservative Ideology in Russia." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 67, no. 4 (2022): 1384–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu02.2022.419.
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The review is devoted to the analysis of the book “Romantics, Reformers, Reactionaries. Russian Conservative Thought and Politics in the Reign of Alexander I” by the famous American historian Alexander Martin dedicated to the history of Russian conservatism in the first quarter of the 19th century. The author explores the process of formation of conservative ideology in politics, Russian social thought, culture, and also reveals its origins, defines features that are distinctive from the liberal doctrine. Against the broad background of the political and cultural life of Russia at that time, the complex relationship of various systems of conservative ideology is shown. It is demonstrated that the religious conservatism of such prominent defenders of Catholicism and Orthodoxy as Mestre and Sturdza, the clash of their opposite positions, disputes about the historical fate and civilizational purpose of Christianity, as well as the romantic nationalism of A. S. Shishkov and S. N. Glinka and the noble conservatism of N. M. Karamzin and F. V. Rostopchin reflected the search for new forms of anti-revolutionary conservative worldview. The position of Alexander Martin is especially noteworthy in relation to the significant contribution of conservative thinkers of Alexander's reign to the formation of state policy in the interests of Russia, the formation of the foundations of civil society, the development of national identity, Russian culture and language. The author comes to a reasonable conceptual conclusion that although the early conservatives did not develop a single ideology, they laid the foundation for various forms of Russian conservatism in the second quarter of the 19th – early 20th centuries.
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Vahid, Hamid. "Skepticism and the Liberal/Conservative Conceptions of Perceptual Justification." International Journal for the Study of Skepticism 3, no. 1 (2013): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221057012x630687.
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Although it is widely recognized that perceptual experience confers justification on the beliefs it gives rise to, it is unclear how its epistemic value should be properly characterized. Liberals hold, and conservatives deny, that the justification conditions of perceptual beliefs merely involve experiences with the same content. The recent debate on this question has, however, seen further fragmentations of the positions involved with the disputants seeking to identify intermediate positions between liberalism and conservatism. In this paper, I suggest a framework to account for the differences and similarities of the positions within the liberalism/conservatism debate. More importantly, I suggest that, instead of focusing on one particular species of conservatism, we should recognize varieties of conservatism. My conclusion is that no theory of justification need be conservative or liberal tout court. Whether a theory of justification is liberal or conservative depends on which dimension of evaluation is taken to be salient. The implications of this finding for the liberalism/conservatism debate are then investigated.
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Lock, Helen. "George S. Schuyler, Black and Conservative." Ethnic Studies Review 32, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 79–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2009.32.2.79.
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When George S. Schuyler published his autobiography Black and Conservative in 1966, its title was intended to be paradoxical, underscoring how the two adjectives were rarely used together, particularly in an era that had recently seen the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1964 and the Voting Rights Act in 1965. When it came to political affiliation, the general assumption was that African Americans, more or less by definition, were not likely to be conservatives; rather, conservatism meant a desire to preserve the pre-existing status quo, making very little sense in Civil Rights era for a majority of African Americans to take a conservative stance.
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BURNS, JENNIFER. "IN SEARCH OF A USABLE PAST: CONSERVATIVE THOUGHT IN AMERICA." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 2 (July 1, 2010): 479–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147924431000017x.
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There is no conservative thought in America, only “irritable mental gestures which seek to resemble ideas,” wrote Lionel Trilling in 1950, thus providing a generation of historians with a convenient set piece to demonstrate the inadequacies of mid-century liberalism and its blindness to the nascent conservative intellectual movement gathering strength and purpose just as Trilling wrote. Two excellent new books about American intellectual history cast this quote in yet another light. Patrick Allitt's The Conservatives: Ideas and Personalities throughout American History carefully documents a centuries-long tradition of conservative thought in America, from the founding era through the end of the twentieth century. In The Conservative Turn: Lionel Trilling, Whittaker Chambers, and the Lessons of Anti-Communism, Michael Kimmage asserts that Trilling himself be considered a source of conservative ideas in postwar America. Taken together, the books by Allitt and Kimmage indicate that a new cycle of writing about conservative thought has reached full flower. For far too long, the field of conservative intellectual history has been dominated by the figure of George Nash, author of the classic 1976 The Conservative Intellectual Movement in America since 1945. These books provide an updated and more critically sophisticated way to examine the terrain Nash strode alone for so long. More significantly, they indicate that intellectual historians are ready to consider conservatism in dialogue with liberalism, bringing new balance to the study of American ideas. Furthermore, both books, Kimmage's in particular, suggest that some of what we are calling conservative and liberal might be flying under the wrong flag. The key to sorting out the confusion will be drawing a more careful distinction between conservatism as a “movement” and as a body of ideas, and looking at both conservatisms as part of a typically American response to historical change, rather than as an exotic and abberant specimen.
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Vujanovic, B., A. M. Strauss, and S. E. Jones. "On some conservation laws of conservative and non-conservative dynamic systems." International Journal of Non-Linear Mechanics 21, no. 6 (January 1986): 489–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0020-7462(86)90045-4.
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SAUNDERS, NATHAN. "Conservative Chick? Conservative Culture Warriors at War." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 738–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875816002012.
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The American New Right that grew to prominence during the second half of the twentieth century consists of three major ideological strands – traditionalism, libertarianism, and anticommunism. The New Christian Right (NCR) that rose to prominence in the 1970s fell within the traditionalist camp. At the same time, not all theological conservatives or social traditionalists joined the NCR. The work of comic book artist Jack Chick demonstrates the phenomenon of opposition to the NCR among some theological and social conservatives. Beginning in the early 1960s, Chick published tracts and comic books that espoused extreme social conservatism while at the same time opposing government enforcement of social norms. He frequently criticized politically active or well-connected preachers such as Jerry Falwell and Billy Graham and opposed prayer in schools. Chick, along with many other fundamentalists, opposed the NCR because it involved cooperation with Roman Catholics. For Chick, doctrinal purity is more important than having a “Christian” nation. This essay concludes by noting how, as evangelicals lose ground in key battles of the culture wars, there are signs that Chick's antipolitics is gaining ground among conservative Protestants.
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Istiqomah, Istiqomah, and Bagus Takwin. "CONSERVATIVE IDEOLOGY OF INDONESIAN MUSLIMS: THE ROLE OF EPISTEMIC MOTIVATION, AUTHORITARIANISM AND ISLAMIC TOTALISM." Psikis : Jurnal Psikologi Islami 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/psikis.v6i1.4983.
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This research proves that religiosity (Islamic totalism) is a predictor of conservative ideology, as is the need for cognitive closure and right wing authoritarian which has been proven as a psychological variable that affects conservative ideology. The ideology of conservatism emphasizes on the tendency to preserve what is already established, resist change and maintain existing orders whether social, economic, legal, religious, political, or cultural (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003). This research utilized a quantitative survey method. Participants of this study were 528 college students from Jakarta with multiple regression analysis. The results obtained are 1) Islamic totalism, cognitive closure and right wing authoritarian are social and economic conservatism predictors; 2) only Islamic totalism is a religious conservatism predictor; 3) Islamic totalism has the greatest influence on social, economic and religious conservatives.
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BRENNAN, GEOFFREY, and ALAN HAMLIN. "Analytic Conservatism." British Journal of Political Science 34, no. 4 (September 8, 2004): 675–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123404000249.
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We propose an analytic account of dispositional conservatism that attempts to uncover a foundation of what is often taken to be an anti-foundationalist position. We identify a bias in favour of the status quo as a key component of the conservative disposition and address the question of the justification of such a conservative disposition, and the circumstances in which the widespread adoption of such a disposition might be normatively desirable. Our analysis builds on a structural link between the economist's traditional emphasis on questions of feasibility and the conservative's attachment to the status quo.
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Krzysztof Piątkowski, Krzysztof Piątkowski. "Konserwatyzm czy konserwatyzmy? Problemy współczesnych badań nad źródłami przekonań prawicowych." Człowiek i Społeczeństwo 45 (March 15, 2018): 87–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/cis.2018.45.5.
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In the field of research on the determinants of conservative beliefs, the problem of liberal ideological bias is becoming more and more prominent. Traditionally conservatives are said to have weaker cognitive abilities and to experience more negative emotions. It is being noticed that classical theories of conservatism are based at least partially on a stereotyped image of the subject of their research. This paper presents an overview of classical and contemporary psychological attitudes towards the phenomenon of ideological conservatism. It presents theories of Tomkins, Adorno, Wilson and Paterson, as well as modern research conducted in the field of cognitive science and motivated cognition. Moreover, the most important phenomena identified today as causes of conservative attitudes, including Needs for Security and Certainty, Negativity Bias, and Disgust Sensitivity are being described. The paper discusses modern paradigms of understanding conservatism with the emphasis on determining their potential of reducing the one-sided view of psychology on the ideological conservatism.
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Heppell, Tim. "The Conservative Party and Johnsonian Conservatism." Political Insight 11, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 15–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2041905820933368.
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Polyakov, Leonid V. "Conservative Russia. Regarding Thirty Years of Our Ideological Evolution." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 40 (December 12, 2011): 13–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-4-13-25.
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This paper is an attempt to trace and analyze the process of the emergence and development of conservative ideology in post-Soviet Russia. The process under study could be divided into three relatively autonomous periods: the years of 1991–1999, 2000–2011 and 2012–2020. During the first decade of the new Russia conservatism as ideology and political party project remained at the periphery of the social and political life of the country. The second period was noted for multiple attempts to present a more successful version of Russian conservatism at the conceptual and even party-political levels. President Putin and members of “United Russia” political party directly and indirectly identifies themselves as conservatives. During the third period the fact that Crimea and Sevastopol became part of Russia again played an important part in the process of national and patriotic consolidation of the people. Since 2014 we witness evident growth of mass conservative mentality and the transition of conservatism as the outlook and political ideology from the periphery to the symbolic “center”. It can already be termed ideological mainstream, but it still remains unclear whether conservatism has become the ideology of Russian elite. Even after the acceptance of the amendments to the Constitution in 2020.
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Molineaux, Connor. "Federal-Provincial Relations and Conservatism in the Canadian West." Federalism-E 17, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 61–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/fede.v17i1.13583.
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Regionalism has been a prominent feature of Western Canadian political culture even prior to Alberta and Saskatchewan joining confederation in 1905. One manifestation of this regionalism is through intergovernmental conflict, particularly jurisdictional disputes between the provincial and federal governments. These disputes have generally seen provincial governments of various ideological leanings cooperate, and yet decentralization–or expansion of provincial jurisdiction–is a position that has largely been advanced by conservatives in recent decade.1Is there an ideological connection between expansion of provincial jurisdiction and conservatism? This essay contends that the conservative ideology particular to Western Canada was uniquely influenced by the dynamic of federal-provincial relations in Canada because of particular features of the region’s brand of conservatism. This essay will demonstrate that ongoing disputes between western provinces–Alberta in particular–and the federal government, particularly over natural resource issues, have reinforced a dynamic of regionalism within Western Canadian conservatism, leading it to become the perennial feature of conservative policy, federally and provincially, that it is today.[...]
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Heppell, Timothy. "Cameron and Liberal Conservatism: Attitudes within the Parliamentary Conservative Party and Conservative Ministers." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 15, no. 3 (November 21, 2012): 340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-856x.2012.00546.x.
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Polunov, Alexander Yu. "K.P. Pobedonostsev and V.V. Rozanov: “Fathers and Sons” of Russian Conservatism." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 60 (December 12, 2019): 124–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2019-0-4-124-131.
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The article is devoted to the analysis of the relations of two major representatives of Russian conservatism of the 19th–20th centuries, – the Ober-Procurator of the Most Hole Synod K.P. Pobedonostsev and publicist V.V. Rozanov. According to the author of the article, those relations revealed not just the personal specifics of both conservatives who initially sympathized with each other both personally and conceptually, but more the principle separation in the conservative camp that happened at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. It reflected both the generational and ideological contradictions in the views. In particular, the young conservatives of the turn of the century challenged the “protective” position of K.P Pobedonostsev demanding more efficient activity of the Church and the State in defending the basics of the existing order. Ideologically the new generation of conservatives believed that under the conditions of the ideological struggle aggravations at the turn of the century the conservative fundamentals need to be more clearly formulated and substantiated, while the Ober-Procurator definitely opposed such steps. In the long run those contradictions resulted in tragic consequences for both the conservatism as social and political trend in Russia, and for the destiny of Russian state system in the 20th century.
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Parfenov, A. D. "Communitarian models of cultural conservatism." Omsk Scientific Bulletin. Series Society. History. Modernity 9, no. 1 (2024): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.25206/2542-0488-2024-9-1-75-84.
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The article analyses communitarian models of cultural conservatism. The specific features of cultural conservatism as a form of conservative theory are revealed. A comparative analysis of various communitarian models for cultural conservatism is carried out, their common and specific features are identified. It is concluded that the initial communitarian principles of cultural conservatives can lead to different assessments of the role of the state in the implementation of cultural and national policies, as well as the most preferable ways of protecting and preserving values.
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Sankova, Svetlana M., and Nikolay I. Krizhanovsky. "Conservative Aesthetics in the Context of M.O. Menshikov's Worldview1." Almanac “Essays on Conservatism” 64 (June 30, 2021): 291–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.24030/24092517-2021-0-1-291-310.
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In the present work the concept of “conservative aesthetics” is analyzed for the first time in Russian historiography and the significance of this phenomenon for understanding the originality of European, American and Russian traditional culture, as well as its essential role in opposing destructive postmodern tendencies in the life of society is shown. This concept is interpreted from the historical, cultural and socio-philosophical aspects. On the basis of the domestic and foreign conservatives’ ideas, the authors of the article propose a number of theses characterizing «conservatism» as ideological attitude and show its interpretation in the sphere of aesthetic perception of the world. Special emphasis was placed on the similarity of a number of features of conservative aesthetics in Russian, English and American historical traditions. The revealed characteristics of the conservative view of the world through the prism of aesthetics were used to show additional facets of the philosophical heritage of the outstanding Russian publicist of the late 19th – early 20th centuries Mikhail Osipovich Menshikov.
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Lockwood, Charles. "‘Action Not Words’: The Conservative Party, Public Opinion and ‘Scientific’ Politics, c.1945–70." Twentieth Century British History 31, no. 3 (June 24, 2019): 360–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/tcbh/hwz014.
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Abstract From the late 1950s, Conservative research and policy thinkers underwent a conscious intellectual adjustment, which had profound implications for how the party conceived the relationship between politicians and the public during Edward Heath’s period as Conservative leader after 1965. In response to contemporaneous debates regarding ‘modernization’, and as a result of their engagement with the emergent social sciences, a new generation of Conservatives tended to repudiate the party’s traditional preference for idealist and organicist philosophical assumptions in favour of a rationalistic approach to political administration. Their preoccupation with economic management was concomitant of their loss of faith in the formative role of rhetorical and moral appeals in shaping public opinion. This article, by focusing on debates within the party’s research and political apparatus—the Conservative Research Department, the Conservative Political Centre and Swinton College—will contend that, far from being the last gasp of a post-war consensual Conservatism, Heath’s period as leader marked a relatively unique period in the party’s history, in which the conception of the nature of political leadership held by those at the top of the party differed from the conception held by both their predecessors and successors.
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TURNER, JOHN. "The British Conservative Party in the Twentieth Century: from Beginning to End?" Contemporary European History 8, no. 2 (July 1999): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399002052.
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Stuart Ball, The Conservative Party since 1945 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998), 205 pp., £40.00, ISBN 0-7190-4012-4.John Charmley, A History of Conservative Politics, 1900–1996 (London: Macmillan, 1996), 283 pp., £16.99, ISBN 0-333-56293-3.Alan Clark, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922–1997 (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1998), 493 pp., £20.00, ISBN 0-297-81849-X.N. J. Crowson, Facing Fascism: The Conservative Party and the European Dictators 1935–1940 (London: Routledge, 1997), 270 pp., £20.00, ISBN 0-415-15315-8.Brendan Evans and Andrew Taylor, From Salisbury to Major: Continuity and Change in Conservative Politics (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996), 288 pp., £14.99, ISBN 0-7190-4291-7.Steven Ludlam and Martin J. Smith, Contemporary British Conservatism (London: Macmillan, 1996), 322 pp., £14.99, ISBN 0-333-62949-3.Philip Norton (ed.), The Conservative Party (London: Prentice Hall, 1996), 264 pp., £15.95, ISBN 0-13-374653-4.John Ramsden, An Appetite for Power: A History of the Conservative Party since 1830 (London: HarperCollins, 1998), 562 pp., £24.99, ISBN 0-002-55686-3.John Ramsden, The Age of Churchill and Eden 1940–1957 (London: Longman, 1995), 350 pp., £57.50, ISBN 0-582-50463–5.John Ramsden, The Winds of Change: Macmillan to Heath 1957–1975 (London: Longman, 1996), 485 pp., £70.00, ISBN 0-582-27570-9.Anthony Seldon (ed.), How Tory Governments Fall (London: Fontana, 1996), 510 pp., £7.99, ISBN 0-00-686366-3.Anthony Seldon and Stuart Ball (eds.), Conservative Century: The Conservative Party since 1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994), 842 pp., £20.00, ISBN 0-19-820238-5.Robert Self, The Austen Chamberlain Diary Letters: The Correspondence of Sir Austen Chamberlain with his sisters Hilda and Ida, 1916–1937 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press for the Royal Historical Society, 1995), 548 pp., £40.00., ISBN 0-521-55157-9.
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Holloway, David. "‘Power besieged and power protected’: Conservative uses of COVID-19 to attack Black Lives Matter." European Journal of American Culture 42, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 61–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ejac_00088_1.
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This essay discusses uses of COVID-19 by American conservatives to attack the legitimacy of demonstrations against racial injustice in the United States following the murder of George Floyd. The essay considers the conflation of COVID-19 and Black Lives Matter in journalism published by conservative media organization The Daily Wire, situating its reportage within a tradition of conservative movement racial politics from Barry Goldwater to Donald Trump. During summer 2020, conservative responses to COVID-19 expanded the discursive spheres in which racialized conflict played out, exemplifying the diffuse and pervasive nature of White backlash politics in contemporary movement conservatism and the continuity of that discourse with patterns established during earlier periods of civil rights struggle. After Floyd’s murder, conservative voices utilized COVID-19 as a racialized wedge, dividing those Americans characterized as authentic and deserving citizens from civil rights protestors and their supporters whose actions were presented as subversive of the legitimate body politic. The essay shows how these treatments of COVID-19 sit within conservative ‘dog whistle’ traditions of the later twentieth century – massaging White resentments without appearing to talk explicitly about race – while simultaneously, in a rhetoric characteristic of the post-Tea Party alt-Right, openly disclosing the politics of racial polarization and exclusion such traditions were once intended to obfuscate or encode.
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Moore, Leonard J. "George W. Bush and the Reckoning of American Conservatism." American Review of Politics 29 (January 1, 2009): 291–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2008.29.0.291-309.
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Immediately after the 2004 election, Republicans confidently believed in continued conservative political dominance. Shortly, a string of political and administrative disasters shattered the Bush presidency, and crises yet to come further devastated the political fortunes of American conservatism. Bush’s failures as president, while highly significant, only partially explained the conservative collapse. The deeper cause lay in the long-term weakness of conservative policies and political tactics. An examination of two key aspects of modern conservatism, conservative populism and opposition to government activism, shows that the collapse came primarily because of Bush’s loyalty to entrenched, mainstream conservative ideas and policies that were unrealistic and destined to fail.
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Wells, Dan. "Born Again Black Panther: Race, Christian Conservatism, and the Remaking of Eldridge Cleaver." Religion and American Culture 30, no. 3 (2020): 361–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rac.2020.15.
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ABSTRACTWhen Eldridge Cleaver, the former Black Panther Party Minister of Information, returned to the United States in November 1975, he claimed to have surrendered his life to Christ and conservatism. Utilizing the Eldridge Cleaver Papers housed at the Bancroft Library, this article recounts the transformation of Eldridge Cleaver from radical Black Panther to born-again Christian and anticommunist crusader. Cleaver's story of transformation demonstrates the pervasive power of the twentieth-century crusade against communism and the manner in which American conservatism created distinct categories of race that were written on the mind, body, religious belief, and practice of Eldridge Cleaver. This article highlights how conservatives enacted a program of racial respectability, remaking Eldridge in the image of conservative, capitalist, Christian whiteness. Cleaver was stripped of his “blackness,” a conservative effort to distance him from the “volatile black figures” of the mid-twentieth century. If Cleaver held on to any vestige of his old life—his leather jacket, “regional euphemisms,” liberationist ideology, and even his Afro hairstyle—his new life would be useless to conservatives. This article illustrates how Cleaver participated in a global crusade that sought to maintain and extend the unifying commitments of twentieth-century religious conservatism. Those commitments included (1) the commercial, economic, and political interests that produced, funded, and policed conservatism; (2) traditional white, middle-class family values; and (3) political, racial, gendered, and religious understandings of the citizen subject. Eldridge Cleaver and his anticommunist crusade are windows into the distinct categories of religion, politics, and race—Christianity, conservatism, and white respectability—constructed and enacted by American conservatives in the twentieth century.
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Flynn, A., and P. Lowe. "The Problems of Analysing Party Politics: Labour and Conservative Approaches to Rural Conservation." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 19, no. 3 (March 1987): 409–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a190409.
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In his paper on political parties and planning controls, Brotherton tried to explain the political reasons behind each party's approach to the rural environment. Here Brotherton's analysis is challenged and an alternative explanation for Labour and Conservative attitudes towards rural conservation proposed. The emphasis is upon Labour's preference for centralised intervention in the countryside, which contrasts with the more laissez-faire approach favoured by the Conservatives.
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Springer, Benedikt. "When Think Tanks Refuse Thinking: Why American Pro-Market Conservatives Oppose Market Integration." Studies in American Political Development 35, no. 2 (October 2021): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x21000092.
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AbstractAmerican pro-market conservatives often oppose use of federal authority to rein in anti-competitive behavior by market actors. Competitive barriers, whether created by local jurisdictions or the absence of national competitive rules, go unaddressed. In international comparison, especially considering the European Union's use of central authority for market openness, this is quite puzzling. Based on interviews and archival research, I trace inattention to market barriers to contradictions within Hayek's neoliberalism and an enthusiastic reception within the American academy of one possible interpretation of those writings. This conception of markets—competitive federalism—diffused into the conservative law and economics movements, think tanks, and eventually mainstream conservative politics. It permitted conservatism to align a strong pro-market rhetoric with demands for states’ rights and federal retrenchment, albeit side-stepping many significant issues in economic theory and policy. Thus, conservatives pursue spending and tax cuts, deregulation and decentralization, often to the detriment of market openness.
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Lee, Michael J. "WFB: The Gladiatorial Style and the Politics of Provocation." Rhetoric and Public Affairs 13, no. 2 (June 1, 2010): 43–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41940492.
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Abstract William F. Buckley afforded conservatives of all stripes a provocative rhetorical style, a gladiatorial style, as I term it. The gladiatorial style is a flashy combative style whose ultimate aim is the creation of inflammatory drama. I claim that conservatives encountered Buckley’s potent arguments about God, government, and markets and the gladiatorial style simultaneously. The theatrical appeal of Buckley’s gladiatorial style inspired conservative imitators with disparate beliefs and, over several decades, became one of the principal rhetorical templates for the performance of conservatism.
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Pushchaev, Yu V. "Nature and Typology of Different Types of Soviet Conservatism." Orthodoxia, no. 4 (September 29, 2023): 25–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.53822/2712-9276-2022-4-25-51.
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The paper poses the problem of Soviet conservatism. What protective forces and mechanisms were inherent in the Soviet system? Since any society should have its own conservative tendencies, one can also talk about elements of conservatism in the Soviet society, culture and ideology. Nevertheless, refl ections on this problem lead to an epistemological diff iculty. In what sense can we talk about Soviet conservatism in general? After all, the defi ning worldview of the Soviet period was Marxist ideology, which was radically revolutionary and progressive. Even the word “conservative” was then perceived in a decisively negative way. Nevertheless, it is noted that in the late Soviet society it was possible to be a Soviet conservative, wishing for the preservation of the USSR but disapproving of communism and Marxism. The paper states that Soviet conservatism cannot be described as a single entity. In diff erent epochs, diff erent types of Soviet conservatism can be distinguished that struggled with each other and contradicted each other. In addition, the distinction between them is a bit of conditional, because all of them were permeated by the revolutionary-progressive elements of the dominant ideology or stood out against a background of the latter. The paper outlines an approximate general typology of Soviet conservatism: cultural-humanistic Soviet conservatism, pro-Leninist Soviet conservatism, Stalinist Soviet conservatism, pro-Stalinist Soviet conservatism, situational Brezhnev conservatism, and Soviet conservatism of non-Soviet authors and thinkers. It states that the USSR was largely brought to the collapse by the defectiveness and insuff iciency of its conditionally conservative, protective forces and principles. It is only with a very high degree of conditionality that one can talk about the phenomenon of Soviet conservatism, understanding it as a set of transformed, unnatural, and contradictory conservative and quasi-conservative ideological currents that do not add up to a single whole.
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THACKERAY, DAVID. "RETHINKING THE EDWARDIAN CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM." Historical Journal 54, no. 1 (January 31, 2011): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x10000518.
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ABSTRACTThis article reconsiders the culture of popular Conservatism in Edwardian Britain, when it has often been claimed that the Unionist parties underwent a profound crisis. According to Ewen Green, for example, in the immediate years before the First World War, Conservative leaders failed to offer policies that could unite their party or enable it to develop an effective popular appeal. Consequently, the party appeared to be drifting towards potential disaster and disintegration. Whilst historians are correct to argue that deep divisions emerged within the Unionist ranks, inhibiting their electoral prospects, the vibrancy of rank-and-file Conservatism in Edwardian Britain nevertheless tends to be underestimated. By embracing a variety of populist causes in 1913–14, the Conservative party appeared to have found a way to overcome its electoral malaise. Moreover, by taking important steps to widen their social appeal, the Conservatives laid the foundations for post-war success during these years of supposed ‘crisis’.
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Stavropoulos, Pam. "Conservative Radical: the Conservatism of John Anderson." Australian Journal of Anthropology 3, no. 1-2 (March 1992): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1835-9310.1992.tb00153.x.
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Deutsch, Melvin. "Breast conservation therapy: Are therapists too conservative?" International Journal of Radiation Oncology*Biology*Physics 23, no. 5 (January 1992): 1083–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0360-3016(92)90917-7.
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LOVE, GARY. "THE PERIODICAL PRESS AND THE INTELLECTUAL CULTURE OF CONSERVATISM IN INTERWAR BRITAIN." Historical Journal 57, no. 4 (November 12, 2014): 1027–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000429.
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ABSTRACTConservatives usually play down their intellectual credentials because it provides them with an effective means of distancing themselves from the ‘doctrinaire’ or the intellectualized politics of the left. But this approach was challenged by a significant group of Conservative MPs and intellectuals during the interwar period. Conservatives wrote articles for a range of periodicals, which were still important channels of communication for the sharing of political ideas between the wars. Stanley Baldwin banned government ministers from publishing independent journalism, which meant that it was mainly young, ambitious, or marginalized Conservative MPs who wrote for periodicals. When left-wing sentiment started to swell up during the Second World War, some Conservative supporters started to question the interwar leadership's neglect of the party's intellectual and publishing culture. It was now thought that the Conservative party lacked a convincing media-based popular ideology to compete with the left. But if Baldwin prioritized other aspects of the interwar party's appeal, the intellectual culture of Conservatism still acted as an important barrier to communist and fascist thought in elite political circles. This culture also had important resonances for the party in the post-war period because it contributed to its self-evaluation and policy restatements after 1945.
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Sayers, Anthony M., and David K. Stewart. "Breaking the Peace: The Wildrose Alliance in Alberta Politics." Canadian Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (August 12, 2013): 73–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.24124/c677/2013512.
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Party politics in Alberta can seem dull. Election after election the Conservative party is returned to power with a comfortable majority and campaigns are marked by little in the way of suspense (see Bell et al, 2007 and Stewart and Archer, 2000). The last time government changed hands in Alberta was 1971 when the Peter Lougheed led Progressive Conservatives eked out a narrow win over the Social Credit dynasty. Lougheed and the Conservatives positioned them- selves as safe, conservative change. This was also the case when the Progressive Conservatives faced their most serious challenge to date, in 1993. The Liberals, led by former Edmonton mayor Laurence Decore, launched a fiscal attack on the Conservatives, presenting themselves as the safe, conservative alternative (Stewart, 1995). The Ralph Klein Conservatives beat back that challenge and the party has easily carried each subsequent election.
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Fadeeva, L. A., and D. A. Dumler. "“CONSERVATIVE DEMOCRACY” AS A KIND OF POLITICAL CONSERVATISM." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 2 (2022): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-2-27-38.
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The article describes the conservative discourse in modern Russia, focused on finding an adequate conservative model for the country, taking place from 2014 to 2022 on the virtual platform - ‘Russian idea’. The article uses extensive materials of the web-site, with focus on the position of the project manager Boris Mezhuyev, one of the most famous inspirers of the conservative turn. Relying on the ideas of Vadim Tsymbursky, Mezhuyev builds an independent line of conservative discourse, taking into account current situation. The project managed to include many representatives of different backgrounds and views, which allowed Boris Mezhuyev to form his concept of “conservative democracy” taking into account different positions. The formation of the concept is based on the Mezhuyev’s desire to combine theory and practice, including the conservative bias of the United Russia Party, and to do so based on what they see as the main values of conservatism as a political ideology. The change in the political situation on February 24, 2022 caused Mezhuyev's decision to close the project. We believe that this experience is useful for Political Science, especially since the life of virtual platforms can be short, so it is necessary to carry out their scientific screen shot.
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LaRochelle, Ryan. "The Rise of Block-Granting as a Tool of Conservative Statecraft." Forum 18, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2020-2004.
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AbstractThis article sheds new light on how conservatism has affected American state development by tracing the history of how block-granting transformed from a bipartisan tool to solve problems of public administration in the 1940s into a mechanism to roll back and decentralize the welfare state that had reached its zenith in the 1960s. By the early 1980s, conservative policymakers had coopted the previously bipartisan tool in their efforts to chip away at the increasingly centralized social welfare system that emerged out of the Great Society. In the early 1980s, Ronald Reagan successfully converted numerous categorical grants into a series of block grants, slashing funding for several social safety net programs. Block-granting allows conservative opponents of the postwar welfare state to gradually erode funding and grant more authority to state governments, thus using federalism as a more palatable political weapon to reduce social welfare spending than the full dismantlement of social programs. However, despite a flurry of successes in the early 1980s, block-granting has not proven as successful as conservatives might have hoped, and recent efforts to convert programs such as Medicaid and parts of the Affordable Care Act into block grants have failed. The failure of recent failed block grant efforts highlights the resilience of liberal reforms, even in the face of sustained conservative opposition. However, conservatives still draw upon the tool today in their efforts to erode and retrench social welfare programs. Block-granting has thus transformed from a bipartisan tool to improve bureaucratic effectiveness into a perennial weapon in conservatives’ war on the welfare state.
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Pilbeam, Bruce. "Natural Allies? Mapping the Relationship between Conservatism and Environmentalism." Political Studies 51, no. 3 (October 2003): 490–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9248.00437.
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This article examines the relationship between conservatism and environmentalism, including the viability of an eco-conservative ideology. The discussion emphasizes two major points. First, that there is much greater shared ground between greens and conservatives than is often recognized. Yet second, that there are nonetheless significant obstacles to any harmonious alliance between the two. However, what is also shown is that these obstacles are not necessarily those most commonly cited.
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Howison, Jeffrey D. "The Historical Origins and Contemporary Dynamics of Conservatism in the United States: Anticommunism, the New Class Critique, and the Environment." Political Studies Review 16, no. 1 (April 20, 2016): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915611918.
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This review article offers a critical assessment of three recent books on postwar conservatism in the United States. The broad themes of these works – anticommunism, the new class critique, and opposition to environmentalism – are used as a basis to review the extant literature and to analyse the historical trajectory of the conservative movement. Although American conservatism is generally a unified political force, important ideological divisions remain both among and between libertarians and social conservatives. These divisions are imperative for understanding the movement today and offer promising lines of future scholarship. Doody C (2013) Detroit’s Cold War: The Origins of Postwar Conservatism. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Horowitz RB (2013) America’s Right: Anti-Establishment Conservatism from Goldwater to the Tea Party. Cambridge: Polity Press. Layzer JA (2012) Open for Business: Conservatives’ Opposition to Environmental Regulation. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
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Koch, A., N. Victor, and S. Ziegler. "Deficits and Remedy of the Standard Random Effects Methods in Meta-analysis." Methods of Information in Medicine 40, no. 02 (2001): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1634478.
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AbstractThe random effects model is often used in meta-analyses. A corresponding significance test based on a normal approximation has been established. Its type I error is derived in this article by theoretical considerations and computer simulations. The test can be conservative as well as unacceptably anti-conservative. The anti-conservatism increases with the increasing number of patients and the decreasing number of studies. A modification is proposed, which keeps the nominal level asymptotically as the number of patients approaches infinity. Simulations show that the modified test is often conservative, but its conservatism is small in those situations where the standard test is highly anti-conservative.