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Moore, Alicia L., and La Vonne I. Neal. "The Power of Protest: Quest or Conquest?" Black History Bulletin 84, no. 1 (2021): 4–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhb.2021.0008.
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Marin, Louis. "The narrative trap: the conquest of power." Economy and Society 16, no. 2 (May 1987): 229–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03085148700000005.
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Carey, Hilary M. "Lancelot Threlkeld, Biraban, and the Colonial Bible in Australia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 2 (April 2010): 447–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000101.
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Ethnographers, historians, and linguists have argued for many years about the nature of the relationship between missionaries and their collaborators. Critics of missionary linguistics and education have pointed out that Bible translations were tools forged for the cultural conquest of native people and that missionary impacts on local cultures nearly always destructive and frequently overwhelming (Comaroff and Comaroff 1997; Rafael 1988; Sanneh 1989). Sociolinguistic readings of scripture translation have emphasized the cultural loss inherent in the act of translation and even seemingly benign activities such as dictionary making (Errington 2001; Peterson 1999; Tomlinson 2006). To make this point, Rafael (1988: xvii) notes the semantic links between the various Spanish words for conquest (conquista), conversion (conversión), and translation (traducción). Historians, on the other hand, have generally been more skeptical about the power of mere words to exert hegemonic pressure on colonized people and have emphasized the more tangible power of guns and commerce as agents of empire (Porter 2004). Few would deny the symbolic power of the Bible as a representation of colonial domination, as in the saying attributed to Archbishop Desmond Tutu by Cox (2008: 4): “When the white man arrived, he had the Bible and we had the land; now, we have the Bible and he has the land.”
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Marlan, Dawn. "The Seducer as Friend: The Disappearance of Sex as a Sign of Conquest in Les liaisons dangereuses." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, no. 2 (March 2001): 314–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2001.116.2.314.
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Lex liaisons dangereuses neither celebrates pure cynicism nor confirms Rousseauesque sentiment. Instead, the problem that this novel traces takes the form of a question: how is it possible to reconcile the desire for power, in the form of seduction, with the desire to overcome power in friendship? The answer to this question is embedded in the relationship between Valmont and Merteuil, who develop a new model for friendship, one that is merged with seduction. Because sex does not turn out to be a sign of conquest in the relationship between seducers, conquest can begin to operate invisibly. Les liaisons dangereuses points toward the emergence of a new representational possibility—that of invisible conquest—in the literary history of seduction.
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Marlan, Dawn. "The Seducer as Friend: The Disappearance of Sex as a Sign of Conquest in Les liaisons dangereuses." Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 116, no. 2 (March 2001): 314–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/s0030812900105218.
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Lex liaisons dangereuses neither celebrates pure cynicism nor confirms Rousseauesque sentiment. Instead, the problem that this novel traces takes the form of a question: how is it possible to reconcile the desire for power, in the form of seduction, with the desire to overcome power in friendship? The answer to this question is embedded in the relationship between Valmont and Merteuil, who develop a new model for friendship, one that is merged with seduction. Because sex does not turn out to be a sign of conquest in the relationship between seducers, conquest can begin to operate invisibly. Les liaisons dangereuses points toward the emergence of a new representational possibility—that of invisible conquest—in the literary history of seduction.
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Muhamet Qerimi. "Durres During The First Norman Attack 1081-1085." Journal of Namibian Studies : History Politics Culture 36 (October 3, 2023): 721–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.59670/jns.v36i.4997.
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Following the Norman conquest of Byzantine Italy and Saracen Sicily, Robert Guiscard took the initiative to conquer the Byzantine Empire in 1081. Robert Guiscard set out from Italy for the island of Corfu, which he soon conquered. After landing, he received military reinforcements from Italy, and attacks began on the city of Durres, the main port on the Adriatic. The city was well protected on a long, narrow peninsula running parallel to the coast but separated by swamps. Guiscard brought his army to the peninsula and set up camp outside the city walls, but the Norman fleet sailing towards Durres was struck by a storm and lost several ships, despite the losses after the Norman siege, he invaded Durres.
Durres turned into the main theater of the Norman-Byzantine war, and the conquest of Durres by the Normans brought fear, not only to the Ottoman Empire, but also to Europe's largest trading power, Venice. By controlling the Strait of Otranto, the Normans would control almost the entire Eastern Mediterranean. The geographical position of Durres and its connection with the old road Egnatia, which leads to Constantinople, make Durres the key to the conquest of the Byzantine Empire.
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Lienhard, Martin, and Carlos Pérez. "Writing and Power in the Conquest of America." Latin American Perspectives 19, no. 3 (July 1992): 79–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9201900309.
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Hefner, Robert W. "isible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali:isible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali." American Anthropologist 100, no. 2 (June 1998): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1998.100.2.570.1.
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Lucken, Walter. "Macomb must fall: Geographies of conquest." Art & the Public Sphere 10, no. 1 (July 1, 2021): 127–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/aps_00053_1.
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This article analyses the statue of General Alexander Macomb, which has stood at the intersection of Washington Boulevard and Michigan Avenue in downtown Detroit since the early 1900s. In recent years, there has been a resurgence of controversy about the statue and the connections of Alexander Macomb to settler‐colonial genocide and racial slavery, a dispute which connects larger struggles over controversial monuments to the Black Lives Matter and Idle No More movements. To analyse the rhetorical work of the statue, I engage Richard Marback’s theories of the material rhetoric of monuments in colonial and urban space alongside studies by Katherine McKittrick and others on the relation between settler colonialism and anti-Black racism, to situate the statue within a larger grammar of racial‐colonial power that organizes the political geography of the Great Lakes region. Ultimately, I argue that the General Alexander Macomb statue and other colonial monuments serve as nodes binding together material and symbolic geographies of power and suturing slavery to settler colonialism.
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Perdue, Peter C. "Nature and Power." Social Science History 37, no. 3 (2013): 373–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200014279.
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I discuss the references inNature and Powerto imperial China, especially its thorough discussion of key issues in China's environmental history, but I point out several limitations. Joachim Radkau says little about the role of local elites in agrarian policy, the impact of central Eurasian conquest on imperial regimes' attitudes toward the land, and the impact of global trade on the empire in the preindustrial age. The second part of the article discusses the important strategic and environmental role of trades in fur, tea, and fish from the seventeenth to twentieth centuries.
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Leibensperger, Robert. "The Conquest of Friction." Mechanical Engineering 125, no. 11 (November 1, 2003): 46–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/1.2003-nov-4.
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This article discusses the evolution of bearings and its functional use in making a wheel work. The beginning of the anti-friction bearing industry started in the early 1880s when Friedrich Fischer in Germany developed a way to manufacture precision spherical balls economically in high volumes and gave birth to Fischer AG. As per the early technology for producing bearings, the factory’s grinders were driven by belt and pulley arrangements connected to a single power source. Developments in the electronic field gave the bearing industry the tools to verify these theories, to understand the fundamentals of machine tool dynamics to improve grinding precision, and to develop ultrasonic equipment to improve the quality and the performance specifications of steel. The performance of bearings is greatly influenced by the quality and performance specifications of the steel used to make the bearings and the precision of the bearing's internal geometry. High-performance bearings should have internal tolerances that are consistently controlled to approximately 1/ 100 of the diameter of a human hair.
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Rund, Arild Engelsen. "Land and Power: The Marxist Conquest of Rural Bengal." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 2 (May 1994): 357–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012440.
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The Indian state of West Bengal is governed and politically dominated by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M) for short) which has been in Government there since 1977 as the largest constituent party to the ruling Left Front. The CPI(M)'s position in West Bengal is unique both in India and in the world in the sense that it is the only Communist party to be popularly elected and reelected to power for such a long period. Today it draws most of its electoral support from the rural areas where the party is supported by peasants of practically all socio-economic sections. It is to an interesting period in the history of Communism in Bengal that this article will turn, namely to the creation of a particular alliance of Marxists and peasants in the restlessness in that state in the late 1960s and the virtual elimination of non-Marxist forces in large areas.
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Saputra, Mochammad Ronaldy Aji. "Jatuhnya Kota Konstantinopel (1453) oleh Turki Utsmani Kepemimpinan Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih." Qurthuba: The Journal of History and Islamic Civilization 7, no. 2 (March 13, 2024): 104–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15642/qurthuba.2024.7.2.104-119.
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The city of Constantinople was the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire (Byzantium). The specialty of this city is its strategic location so it has an important role as a trade intermediary for kingdoms in Europe and Asia. Geopolitically and strategically, Sultan Muhammad Al-Fatih's position is very profitable. This advantage allowed the Sultan to build his navy in 1451 and strengthen the defense of the Bosporus South region with the construction of the Rumeli Hisari Fortress in 1452. The conquest of the city of Constantinople took place from April 6 to May 29, 1453. This conquest was a battle of weapons and strategy. The impact of the conquest of the city of Constantinople was to confirm the status of the Ottoman Empire as a major power in Southeastern and Eastern Europe, change the map of power in the Mediterranean region, end the Middle Ages in Europe, and give birth to the Age of Renaissance and the birth of ocean exploration.
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Sousa, Lisa. "Telling History in Feathers: Plumes and Power in Nahua Narratives." Ethnohistory 67, no. 3 (July 1, 2020): 407–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00141801-8266416.
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Abstract Nahua rulers, nobles, and warriors of the late postclassic and early colonial periods used feathers and elaborate feather costumes in a variety of political and sacred rituals. They acquired these prestige items through gift exchange, trade, conquest, and tribute. This article explores a series of meanings that Nahuas attached to birds, plumes, and feather objects when worn on the body, exchanged in rituals, and discussed in historical accounts. It argues that while Nahuas clearly appreciated feathers for their aesthetic value, they also used them to tell histories of Nahua people’s origins, their feats, and their expansion through commerce and conquest. This article finds that the association between plumes, political authority, and personal and state histories made feathers especially potent symbols in narratives and images of the rise of the Mexica and their fall in 1521.
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Granell Sales, Francesc. "La (re)construcció visual i retòrica de Jaume I a la Festa de l’Estendard de Mallorca durant l’època foral." SCRIPTA. Revista Internacional de Literatura i Cultura Medieval i Moderna 9, no. 9 (June 12, 2017): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/scripta.9.10341.
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Resum: L’article pretén adverar de quina manera es configurava i s’identificava la figura del rei en Jaume a la Festa de l’Estendard, la commemoració anual de la conquesta cristiana de la ciutat de Mallorca, mitjançant l’anàlisi dels elements visuals i retòrics planificats per al desenvolupament d’aquella. Cal parar atenció, concretament, a dos d’aquests elements: el portaestandard que anava a cavall ben abillat amb armadura i altres objectes i l’eloqüent prèdica –coneguda com el Sermó de la Conquesta– que pronunciava un clergue acreditat per a tal funció. Paraules clau: Jaume I, imatge règia, festes de la Baixa Edat Mitjana, iconografia del poder, Regne de Mallorca Abstract: This paper attempts to discuss the manner in which the image of king James I was customized and established in the Festa de l’Estendard, the annual commemoration ceremony of the christian conquest of the city of Mallorca. We will do so through an analysis of the visual and rhetorical elements planned for the unfolding of the ritual. One should focus particular attention on two of these elements: the standard bearer on horseback well attired in armour and other objects and the speech known as the «Sermó de la Conquesta» delivered by a cleric. Keywords: James I of Aragon, Royal Image, Late Medieval Ceremonies, Iconography of Power, Kingdom of Mallorca
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Borzov, Serhii. "Soviet Socio-Political History of the 1920s and its Interpretive Periodization in the Works of Robert Conquest." Scientific Papers of Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsyiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 42 (December 2022): 88–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2022-42-88-96.
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The purpose of the article. Investigate the scientific works of the American scientist R. Conquest, his factual priorities and conceptual approaches to the coverage of Soviet socio-political history of the 1920's, his interpretation of its periodization, compared with Soviet historiography. The research methodology consists of classical methods of historical research (chronological, comparative, historiographical analysis, scientific analogy). A combined approach is used, which combines the presence of a historical context with its critical historiographical interpretation. For the first time, the object of comprehensive research is the scientific work of historian R. Conquest, author of famous works - "The Great Terror" and "Harvest of Sorrow", which to some extent determines the scientific novelty. The intellectual activity of the scientist is associated mainly with the study of the Holodomor. However, his original interpretations of socio-political events in Ukraine in 1917–1929, the formation and functioning of the Soviet system of power, the role and place of its elites, the interpretation of the NEP era, and the mass famine of 1921–1923 were overlooked. The periodization of Soviet political history used by the Conquest is considered by us in a historiographical sense. It is important to highlight his scientific interpretations of events and phenomena, to emphasize the author's concept, to find out the differences in comparison with Soviet historiography. This approach seems innovative to us. Conclusions. It is noted that the Conquest's periodization of socio-political processes in the 1920's was digital (classical dating of events) and purely interpretive (author's interpretation of phenomena and processes). His scientific assessments of military communism, the NEP, and the political struggle in the CPSU (B) for leadership and power are historically reliable and well-argued. The key chronological periods (1917–1921, 1921–1927, 1928–1929), which are called out by the scientist, are logically and historically interrelated. The periodization of the Bolshevik occupation of Ukraine, the very formulation of the problem and its coverage are original and innovative. Soviet history researcher, political scientist and historian Conquest abandoned the periodization of socio-political history of the 1920s, canonized by Soviet historiography.
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Tseng, Paul. "Conquest of Mythos by Logos." DIALOGO 10, no. 2 (June 20, 2024): 138–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.51917/dialogo.2024.10.2.9.
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In the beginning was the Word, the Word is with God, and the Word is God. The Word was incarnated into flesh, who is full of truth and grace. And Jesus, the core figure in the New Testament, shows forth the glory and power of the Supreme God. The Scripture is the covenant and testimony of the Word, which should be interpreted in proper way to avoid the mythos. This paper concisely list the key consideration of exegetical theology, that is, hermeneutics. Through these key considerations, we can get a better understanding of the Word, which can help with our experience of the living Word. In addition, the actual applications of the theoretical hermeneutics are also exhaustively introduced. And finally, how hermeneutics interacts with other religions and its potential future research directions are also pointed out
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Abraham, Jose. "European Trade and Colonial Conquest (vol. 1)." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 1 (January 1, 2006): 105–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i1.1647.
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European Trade and Colonial Conquest is authored by Biplab Dasgupta, arenowned political and social activist from Calcutta who taught economics atCalcutta University and was a member of the Parliament of India for severalyears. He has authored many books on various aspects of India’s socioeconomicand political life in the post-independence era, such as the oil industry,the Naxalite movements, trends in Indian politics, labor issues and globalization,agrarian change and technology, rural change, urbanization, and migration.The present book primarily focuses on the evolution of Bengal’s economyand society over the precolonial period, beginning from prehistoric days.Even though there are writings on Bengal’s colonial history, we know verylittle about its precolonial past except for the names of kings, the chronologyof dynasties, and scattered references to urban settlements.Dasgupta shows a specific interest in highlighting the socioeconomichistory of the last two and half centuries, from Vasco de Gama’s journey toIndia in 1498 to the battle of Palashi in 1757. The author asserts that heexplores in detail the socioeconomic and political context of Bengal thatfacilitated the transfer of power to European hands, because historians generallyignore this rather quite long and critical period. He, therefore, commentsthat this is “less a book on pre-colonial Bengal” and more a book onEuropean trade and colonial conquest (p. vii). The book explains howEuropean commercial enterprise in Bengal gathered political power throughits control over trade and gradually transformed itself into a colonial power.Although the Mughals held political power during this period, the economicpower and control of the Indian Ocean trade routes were gradually slippinginto European hands.It is believed that Clive’s victory at the battle of Palashi led to the colonialconquest of Bengal. However, focusing on Bengal’s socioeconomic ...
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MÉNDEZ ALONZO, Manuel. "Dominium, poder civil y su problemática en el Nuevo Mundo según Francisco de Vitoria / Dominium, Civil Power and its Problems in the New World, According to Francisco de Vitoria." Revista Española de Filosofía Medieval 18 (October 1, 2011): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.21071/refime.v18i.6129.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyze some of the philosophical problems that derived of the Spanish conquest of America in the perspective of the Spanish Dominican Francisco de Vitoria. Specifically this paper will try to prove that Vitoria considered the Indian commonwealths in the New World, or least some of them, as genuine political entities with the same rights to exercise dominium of their lands and goods as their Europeans counterparts. To justify this, it will be necessary to analyzed key concepts in Vitoria’s thought such as dominium, natural law, and the origins of the civil society. Nevertheless, at the end, it will be examined in which ways Vitoria considers Indian commonwealths inferior to the Europeans, in order to justify the Spanish conquista of the New World.
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Lewis, John Wilson, and Xue Litai. "Strategic Weapons and Chinese Power: The Formative Years." China Quarterly 112 (December 1987): 541–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000027107.
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China entered the nuclear and space age as a result of a crusade that began almost as soon as the People's Liberation Army (PLA) had completed the conquest of the mainland. In this article we will comment on some aspects of the entire nuclear programme over the past 30 years as it has affected the strategic role of the PLA.1
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Rodrigo Requena, Esther, and Núria Romaní Sala. "The Roman Conquest of Hispania Citerior. Strategies and Archaeological Evidence in the North-Eastern Peninsular Area. (II-I BCE): the Examples of Puig Castellar of Biosca and Can Tacó (Catalonia, Spain)." Collectanea Philologica, no. 25 (December 16, 2022): 149–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1733-0319.25.11.
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The aim of this paper is to provide data for the knowledge of the strategies followed by Rome to take effective control of the Citerior Province of Hispania during the 2nd century BC. We will analyse two settlements of the north-eastern region, namely Puig Castellar de Biosca (Province of Lleida) and Can Tacó (Province of Barcelona), that will serve to gauge the degree of Roman territorial implementation and under what forms this power will be consolidated. The period that interests us ranges from the end of the second Punic-Roman conflict to the first decades of the 1st century BC. It was a slow process in which Rome did not have a pre-established plan of action but was adapting its strategy to the different circumstances and stages of the conquest. The end of all this was the final control and pacification of the country. While all the researchers have a common understanding that during the first phase of control of the Hispanic territories the army played the most important role, the main discrepancies are related to the nature and characteristics of this occupation. The main focus in this discussion has its centre in the need to define how the Roman Army embodied his presence in Hispania during the first century of conquest and to characterise the different settlements in order to identify and determine with precision their military character or their connection with the process of conquest without a strictly military function. Funding: This research was funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities (De la consolidación del poder militar romana a la fundación de ciudades (mediados del siglo II a.C.-principios del siglo I d.C). en la Cuenca del rio Segre: Iesso y Iulia Libica DGYCIT PID2019-104120GB-I00-2023-2021), and the Department of Culture of the Catalan Autonomous Government (La conquesta romana a la Catalunya interior: l’exemple de Puig Castellar (Biosca), CLT009/18/00014).
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Buzanakov, Yu V. "The conquest of Antioch by the Persians and the beginning of the geopolitical catastrophe of Byzantium in the East." Belgorod State University Scientific bulletin. Series: History. Political science 46, no. 4 (December 30, 2019): 627–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.18413/2075-4458-2019-46-4-627-633.
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The article discusses the military history of Antioch, one of the regional centers of the Byzantine state from the 4th to 7th centuries. The author analyse the role of the city in the Byzantine-Persian wars. The characteristic of the history of the conquest of the Byzantine East is given. Being the capital of the province of Syria, Antioch was a major economic, political and religious center. In addition, Antioch has a rich military history. From the 4th century until the beginning of the Arab conquests, the Syrian Province was one of the centers of the Byzantine-Persian wars. As a rule, the city, in this war, played the role of a supply and coordination center for troops, but history knows examples when Antioch went on to experience direct enemy attacks. With the beginning of the era of Arab conquest, neither Byzantium nor Persia, exhausted by the war with each other, were unable to withstand the new threat. As a result of this, the Persian power ceased to exist, and Byzantium lost its vast territories in the East, including Antioch. It is worth noting that Antoch did not suffer a single major siege, neither in the period of Late Antiquity nor in the Middle Ages.
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Mikecz, Jeremy M. "Peering Beyond the Imperial Gaze: Using Digital Tools to Construct a Spatial History of Conquest." International Journal of Humanities and Arts Computing 11, no. 1 (March 2017): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ijhac.2017.0177.
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Ethnohistorians and other scholars have long noted how European colonial texts often concealed the presence and participation of indigenous peoples in New World conquests. This scholarship has examined how European sources (both texts and maps) have denied indigenous history, omitted indigenous presence, elided indigenous agency, and ignored indigenous spaces all while exaggerating their own power and importance. These works provide examples of colonial authors performing these erasures, often as a means to dispossess. What they lack, however, is a systematic means of identifying, locating, and measuring these silences in space and time. This article proposes a spatial history methodology which can make visible, as well as measurable and quantifiable the ways in which indigenous people and spaces have been erased by colonial narratives. It presents two methods for doing this. First, narrative analysis and geovisualization are used to deconstruct the imperial histories found in colonial European sources. Second it combines text with maps to tell a new (spatial) narrative of conquest. This new narrative reconstructs indigenous activity through a variety of digital maps, including ‘mood maps’, indigenous activity maps, and maps of indigenous aid. The resulting spatial narrative shows the Spanish conquest of Peru was never inevitable and was dependent on the constant aid of immense numbers of indigenous people.
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García-Velasco, Rodrigo. "Converting the Land: Property, Legal Knowledge, and Documentary Practices in Toledo and the Ebro Valley, 1085–c. 1200 CE." Medieval Encounters 29, no. 2-3 (June 15, 2023): 222–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340166.
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Abstract This article examines the drafting of land contracts and the evolution of local property law in key regional centers of power during the transition from Islamic to Christian rule in eleventh- and twelfth-century Iberia. Through the analysis of a range of Arabic and Latin property land sales preserved in the ecclesiastical archives of Toledo and the Ebro valley, the following study looks for signs of potential legal and documentary diffusion taking place as a result of the Christian conquests of the Middle and Upper Marches of al-Andalus. The paper explores the relationship between property and its transfer, on the one hand, and the emerging post-conquest documentary cultures, on the other. It studies borrowings between Latin and Arabic land documents, some of which can be associated with Andalusī property and contract law. The article links this transfer of knowledge to the legal and economic interests of the religious institutions that preserved the Arabic documents, highlighting how new dioceses and monasteries reclaimed the rights and benefits associated with former mosques. Such findings are framed as part of the active preservation and engagement of local property knowledge and Islamicate documentary practices, and their recycling for the post-conquest management and reorganization of the land.
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Pubols, Louise, and Miroslava Chávez-García. "Negotiating Conquest: Gender and Power in California, 1770s to 1880s." Western Historical Quarterly 37, no. 4 (December 1, 2006): 513. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25443426.
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Darling, Linda T. "Social Cohesion (‘Asabiyya) and Justice in the Late Medieval Middle East." Comparative Studies in Society and History 49, no. 2 (April 2007): 329–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417507000515.
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The historian Ibn Khaldun (d. 1405), in his Muqaddimah (Introduction to history), explained historical change and the succession of dynasties as a function of the interactions between nomadic culture and urban civilization. His major contribution is usually considered to be his analysis of the correlation between ‘asabiyya, social cohesion or group feeling, and political power. He argued that the strong group feeling of tribal peoples enabled them to conquer urbanized regions and build regimes and civilizations, but that these conquests were undone by the tribes' gradual loss of ‘asabiyya in the urban setting, leading to new conquests by tribal peoples still strong in desert cohesiveness. Although power was the basis of rulership and royal authority was established through military might, the glue that held societies together was ‘asabiyya, based on kinship and religion and stronger in tribal than in urban society. Conquerors with strong group feeling could create greater and longer-lasting empires because they fielded larger armies and retained their own cultural dynamism for a longer time, and thus were able to defeat their rivals. Conquerors whose social cohesion was weak were soon overcome by the civilization of the conquered and gave way to a new conquering group. Strong group cohesion would also allow royal authority to pass to a second branch of the ruling family if the first was weakened, perpetuating its dominion. The ruler and his army were supported by the wealth of conquest, and returned the people's taxes in the form of gifts and public works. They would be successful only so long as they remained just; as the rulers' level of luxury increased so did their level of exploitation, and injustice soon produced division and “the ruin of civilization.”
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Sommerville, Johann P. "History and Theory: The Norman Conquest in Early Stuart Political Thought." Political Studies 34, no. 2 (June 1986): 249–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1986.tb01594.x.
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Orthodoxy maintains that English political thinking before Hobbes was based upon an unphilosophical, precedent-bound reading of history. According to J. G. A. Pocock, Sir Edward Coke typically held that English customary law was pre-historical and that the continuity of English traditions had never been broken by conquest. Conquerors possessed sovereign power; in England there had been no conqueror; so there was no supra-legal sovereign. English liberty was deducible from history. Pocock's thesis is inadequate since Coke and many others admitted that there had been a conquest. Their claims rested not upon English history but upon theoretical premises characteristic of Continental thought. Coke's concept of custom was itself theory-laden. Rival theories were largely indifferent to the question of the Norman Conquest, a non-issue in political debate.
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Stern, Steve J. "Paradigms of Conquest: History, Historiography, and Politics." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, S1 (March 1992): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00023750.
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The Quandary of 1492The year 1492 evokes a powerful symbolism.1The symbolism is most charged, of course, among peoples whose historical memory connects them directly to the forces unleashed in 1492. For indigenous Americans, Latin Americans, minorities of Latino or Hispanic descent, and Spaniards and Portuguese, the sense of connection is strong. The year 1492 symbolises a momentous turn in historical destiny: for Amerindians, the ruinous switch from independent to colonised history; for Iberians, the launching of a formative historical chapter of imperial fame and controversy; for Latin Americans and the Latino diaspora, the painful birth of distinctive cultures out of power-laden encounters among Iberian Europeans, indigenous Americans, Africans, and the diverse offspring who both maintained and blurred the main racial categories.But the symbolism extends beyond the Americas, and beyond the descendants of those most directly affected. The arrival of Columbus in America symbolises a historical reconfiguration of world magnitude. The fusion of native American and European histories into one history marked the beginning of the end of isolated stagings of human drama. Continental and subcontinental parameters of human action and struggle, accomplishment and failure, would expand into a world stage of power and witness. The expansion of scale revolutionised cultural and ecological geography. After 1492, the ethnography of the humanoid other proved an even more central fact of life, and the migrations of microbes, plants and animals, and cultural inventions would transform the history of disease, food consumption, land use, and production techniques.2In addition, the year 1492 symbolises the beginnings of the unique world ascendance of European civilisation.
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Romaniello, Matthew P. "Mission Delayed: The Russian Orthodox Church after the Conquest of Kazan'." Church History 76, no. 3 (September 2007): 511–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700500560.
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Muscovy's active period of eastward expansion began with the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan’ in 1552. By the seventeenth century, one observer claimed that the conquest of Kazan’ was the event that made Ivan IV a tsar and Muscovy an empire. With this victory, the tsar claimed new lands, adding to his subjects the diverse animistic and Muslim population of Turkic Tatars and Chuvashes, and Finno-Ugric Maris, Mordvins, and Udmurts. The conquest of Kazan’ provided both the Metropolitan of Moscow and Ivan IV (the Terrible) an opportunity to transform the image of Muscovy into that of a victorious Orthodox power and to justify the title of its Grand Prince as a new caesar (tsar). Since the conquest was the first Orthodox victory against Islam since the fall of Constantinople, commemorations of it were immediate, including the construction of the Church of the Intercession by the Moat (St. Basil's) on Red Square.The incorporation of the lands and peoples of Kazan’ has served traditionally to date the establishment of the Russian Empire. Accounts of the conquest have emphasized the victory of Orthodoxy against Islam, with the Russian Orthodox Church and its Metropolitan as the motive force behind this expansion. The conversion of the Muslims and animists of the region is portrayed frequently as automatic, facing little resistance. More recently, scholars have criticized this simplistic account of the conquest by discussing the conversion mission as a rhetorical construct and have placed increasing emphasis on the local non-Russian and non-Orthodox resistance to the interests of the Church and state.
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Carrabine, Eamonn. "Geographies of landscape: Representation, power and meaning." Theoretical Criminology 22, no. 3 (August 2018): 445–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1362480618787172.
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Green criminology has sought to blur the nature–culture binary and this article seeks to extend recent work by geographers writing on landscape to further our understanding of the shifting contours of the divide. The article begins by setting out these different approaches, before addressing how dynamics of surveillance and conquest are embedded in landscape photography. It then describes how the ways we visualize the Earth were reconfigured with the emergence of photography in the 19th century and how the world itself has been transformed into a target in our global media culture.
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Pease, Donald E. "Preemptive Impunity: The Constituent Power of Trump's Make America Great Again Movement." boundary 2 50, no. 1 (February 1, 2023): 13–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-10192102.
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Abstract How and why have freedom and social hierarchies and exclusions become fused in Trump's America? What causative factors can explain the emergence within twenty-first century US political culture of a movement notorious for its attacks on basic norms of tolerance, civility, and human decency? In their efforts to respond to such questions, prominent historians, political commentators, and theorists have correlated Trump's rise to political power in terms of his transmogrification of a large segment of the American populace into US liberal democracy's fascist totalitarian Other. While Trump's illiberal pronouncements and actions do indeed bear a resemblance to the political behavior of European fascists, the Americanness of Trump's conquest disposition might be better understood as his resurrection of an archaic variant of liberalism practiced by American settler colonists throughout the expansionist era of US history. How did President Trump persuade or provoke a broad swath of US citizens, who were for the most part accustomed to consider the principles and institutions of liberal democracy essential components of American democracy, to regard his settler conquest disposition as representatively American? What enabled Trump to advocate with preemptive impunity the demolition of liberal institutions and principles? How could he serve simultaneously as the president of the world's most powerful liberal democracy and leader of an insurrectionary movement of latter-day settler colonists? In an effort to address these questions, this essay engages Trump's March 23, 2011, endorsement of Birtherism; Trump's unauthorized transfer of power at the January 20, 2017, inauguration; Trump's August 12–15, 2017, statements about the Charlottesville protest; and Trump's role in the January 6, 2021, insurrection as distinct but interrelated moments in Trump's production of this settler-colonist conquest disposition.
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Brummett, Palmira. "Competition and Coincidence: Venetian Trading Interests and Ottoman Expansion in the Early Sixteenth-century Levant." New Perspectives on Turkey 6 (1991): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.15184/s0896634600000339.
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Historiography generally has excluded the “oriental” empires from the competition for world economic power. The Chinese sailed to Africa in the early fifteenth century. Then one day the ships “just stopped coming.” The Mongols “swept” across the steppes for the love of conquest, pastures, space. The Ottoman armies marched to Yemen, Tabriz, Vienna. Yet this marching was somehow instinctual, a reaction of blood, training, temperament. One might suppose that this “oriental” failure to be an economic contender resulted from a state of mind rather than an act of will, a naiveté or an intellectual conceit rather than a lack of the power to compete. Thus, while Eurocentric historiography has not disarmed the Ottomans, it has mentally incapacitated them, thereby dispensing with the need to evaluate economies of conquest and ignoring competition with European states for markets rather than territory.
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Mendieta, Eduardo. "Decolonizing Blackness, Decolonizing Theology." CLR James Journal 27, no. 1 (2021): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/clrjames2021111182.
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James H. Cone is without question the most important Black Theologian of the last century in U.S. theology. This essay is an engagement with his work, focusing in particular on the shifts from European theology, in his Black Theology & Black Power, to Black Aesthetic Religious production, in The Spirituals & The Blues, to The Cross and the Lynching Tree. The core theme of this essay is the entanglement of spiritual/religious colonization with production/invention of racial hierarchies that then became the crucibles for the forging of racist imaginaries that entailed, authorized, enshrined, and sacralized white supremacy. The Janus face of this alchemy, however, was the production of a black religion of liberation that entailed decolonizing the “blackness” invented by the modern project of religious racist colonization. The essay considers how Cone’s works empowers us to think through the analogies between the process of the colonization of the indigenous peoples of the so-called “New World” and the “enslavement” of African peoples. The similarities have to do with the coupling of the colonization of imaginaries with the imposition of racial imaginaries, i.e. religious conquest is also a racial conquest, and conversely, racial conquest is also a religious conquest.
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Nordholt, Henk Schulte, and Margaret J. Wiener. "Visible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 2, no. 3 (September 1996): 580. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3034950.
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Reynoso Jaime, Irving. "The National Regeneration Movement and the conquest of power in Mexico." Latin-American Historical Almanac 33, no. 1 (March 30, 2022): 227–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2305-8773-2022-33-1-227-251.
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The article makes a historical review of the political trajectory of Andrés Manuel López Obrador, from the 1980s to 2018, when he won the elections for the presidency of Mexico. It analyzes his passage through the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), his performance as head of government of Mexico City and his rise as a political figure of the left with national influence, managing to create his own political movement, the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), which later became a political party and which was one of the bases of his electoral triumph in 2018. After the historical review, the factors of victory are analyzed, and alternative working hypotheses are proposed to interpret the arrival to power of MORENA from a perspective of alliances with the real factors of power in Mexico.
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Craib, Raymond B. "Cartography and Power in the Conquest and Creation of New Spain." Latin American Research Review 35, no. 1 (2000): 7–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002387910001829x.
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AbstractWith the so-called linguistic turn, historians have begun to study the ways in which a multitude of cultural forms are imbricated in the colonial and imperial project. In analyzing the infinite ways in which power is exercised and manifested, historians are turning a critical eye toward a myriad of cultural productions for a better understanding of how culture, politics, and power work in concert. One example is the increasing scrutiny given to geographical conceptions and representations. In Latin American colonial studies, a number of recent works have analyzed the ways in which deep, culturally rooted structures of spatial perception and representation have influenced the colonial process. This essay attempts to bring a number of those works into meaningful dialogue with one another with respect to the cultural and political facets of cartography. It also introduces work by scholars studying other regions of the world that may push the field farther and the work of the “new cultural cartographers” who have problematized traditional notions about the mimetic quality of maps and their presumed objectivity. In sum, this essay surveys recent literature pertaining to colonial cartography in Latin America, analyzes a number of comparative and theoretical studies that may broaden future research, and suggests that cartography and maps offer a fruitful avenue for further study and analysis of colonialism, imperialism, and state formation.
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Paul, Michael C. "Secular Power and the Archbishops of Novgorod before the Muscovite Conquest." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 8, no. 2 (2007): 231–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2007.0020.
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Reed, Susan A., and Margaret J. Wiener. "Visible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali." Ethnohistory 44, no. 2 (1997): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/483393.
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Fox, James J. "Visible and Invisible Realms: Power, Magic, and Colonial Conquest in Bali." American Ethnologist 24, no. 1 (February 1997): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ae.1997.24.1.259.
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Brummett, Palmira. "The Overrated adversary: Rhodes and Ottoman naval power." Historical Journal 36, no. 3 (September 1993): 517–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00014291.
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ABSTRACTThis essay examines the relative power of the Rhodian and Ottoman fleets in the first decades of the sixteenth century, taking as its context the commercial and diplomatic relations of the eastern Levantine states. After the Aegean wars of 1499–1503 Rhodes failed to mobilize a Christian alliance against the Ottomans. Nor did the rise of Ismail Safavi in Iran provide the hoped for relief from Ottoman expansion. While the Ottoman state was preoccupied with the succession struggle for Bayezid's throne and with plans to extend its hegemony to the Indian Ocean, Rhodes was fighting for survival. Although the development of the Ottoman fleet provoked great fear in Rhodes, Venice and the Mamluk kingdom, Ottoman naval power until the conquest of Cairo in 151J was directed primarily to defensive and transport activities. Further the Ottoman fleet provided security against corsairs for merchant shipping. By supporting the corsair activities of Order members, Rhodes alienated the Mamluk state, Venice and France (allpotential allies in an anti-Ottoman coalition) but refrained from directly challenging the Ottoman navy. Naval engagements during this period cannot be understood without taking into consideration the prolonged conditions of grain shortage in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Both aggressive and defensive measures taken by the Ottoman, Venetian and Rhodian fleets Were ordinarily related to the competition for foodstuffs during this period rather than the conquest of territory or the establishment of commercial dominance (as in the Indian Ocean).
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Jiang, Haoyan. "The Study on the Manchus Mixed Economy towards the End of the Ming Dynasty and How This Mixed Economy Contributed to the Manchus Successful Conquest of China." Communications in Humanities Research 4, no. 1 (May 17, 2023): 130–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/4/20220349.
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The conquest of China was not merely a historical coincidence but an incident resulting from all possible aspects and factors historians can or cannot think of. Through analysing the role played by the early Manchus' mixed economy, this paper has drawn some links between the Manchu protohistory and their rise to power. This insight emphasized the significance of viewing the Manchu conquest by considering the dynamic interplay between local and world history. However, it is still necessary and relevant to study the local history carefully and in isolation so that these intricate links and valuable details can be gleaned to fit into a larger picture of the all-encompassing global history.
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Barlas, Asma. "Empire and Elites after the Muslim Conquest." American Journal of Islam and Society 20, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 137–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v20i1.1880.
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Perhaps one would not expect a history of “Islamic rule” in the seventh andeighth centuries in what is now the Middle East to illuminate any contemporarydebate on Islam, in particular about whether there is an innate civilizationalclash between it and the (Christian) West. And yet this modeststudy manages to do that, if only tangentially and coincidentally, and if readwith some reservations.Cambridge historians are renowned for their preoccupation with elites,generally of provinces far removed from the centers of power, and hencetheir single-minded focus on the “politics of notables” of relatively minorlocalities. From such provincial concerns, however, emerge more universalclaims about, for instance, the nature of British colonial rule in India or ofIslamic rule in the Middle Ages. Chase Robinson, following this tradition,assesses – as “critic and architect” – the changing status of Christian andMuslim elites following the Muslim conquest of northern Mesopotamia.Three themes are implicit: the interrelationship of history and historiography,the effects of the Muslim conquest, and the nature of Islam. Thus, Iwill review it thematically as well. I should point out that I engage his workas a generalist, not as a historian, and that I am interested not so much in hisretelling of events as in the political meanings with which he endows them.(Re)writing History. To reconstruct a past about which there is such adearth of primary period sources is at best hazardous. For one, where documentssuch as conquest treaties exist, they have little truth-value, saysRobinson. He thus specifies that he is concerned less with their accuracythan with how they were perceived to have governed relations between localMuslims/imperial authorities, on the one hand, and Christians on the other.For another, conquest history in fact “describes post-conquest history.” Thusthe “conquest past” is a re-presentation of events from a post-conquest present,an exercise in which Christians and Muslims had an equal stake sincethe “conquest past could serve to underpin [their] authority alike.”Historians then must disentangle events from their own narration, or at leastrecognize the ways in which recording events also reframes them.Fortunately for him, says Robinson, his work was enabled by that of al-Azdi, a tenth-century Muslim historian. However, even as he admits that ...
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Seabra, Raphael Lana. "The Venezuelan Path to Socialism." Latin American Perspectives 44, no. 1 (October 8, 2016): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x16673632.
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The Bolivarian Revolution is characterized by the gradual and peaceful conquest of political power without an immediate break with the capitalist order, following the legitimate path of democratic radicalization to the creation of a multiple system of property with the medium-to-long-term goal of overcoming the pillars of capitalist domination. Petroleum redistribution policy continues to strengthen some capitalist factions. The tactic of a gradual transition to socialism tends to reinforce the capitalist system of accumulation for certain factions and could interfere with the revolution. La Revolución Bolivariana se caracteriza por la conquista gradual y pacífica del poder político sin una ruptura inmediata con el orden capitalista. Este proceso sigue la ruta legítima de una radicalización democrática a la creación de un sistema de propiedad múltiple con el objetivo a mediano y largo plazo de superar los fundamentos de la dominación capitalista. La política de redistribución de la renta del petróleo sigue fortaleciendo algunas facciones capitalistas. La táctica de una transición gradual al socialismo tiende a reforzar el sistema capitalista de acumulación para algunas facciones y podría interferir con la revolución.
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Ballantyne, Tony. "Paper, Pen, and Print: The Transformation of the Kai Tahu Knowledge Order." Comparative Studies in Society and History 53, no. 2 (March 29, 2011): 232–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417511000041.
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Knowledge has become a central problematic in recent work on cross-cultural encounters and the processes of empire building. In an array of contexts—from Spanish America to colonial South Africa, from Ireland to occupied Egypt, the American West to British India—anthropologists and historians have highlighted the ways in which “colonial knowledge” facilitated trade, the extraction of rent and taxes, conversion, and outright conquest. This scholarship has demonstrated how these new forms of understanding produced on imperial frontiers facilitated the actual extension of sovereignty and the consolidation of colonial authority: for Tzvetan Todorov, Bernard Cohn, and Nicholas Dirks alike, colonialism was a “conquest of knowledge.” Scholarship on empire building in the Americas has placed special emphasis on the place of literacy in the dynamics of conquest. Walter Mignolo in particular has argued that European understandings of the power of literacy encouraged Spaniards in the New World to discount the value of indigenous graphic systems and disparage Mesoamerican languages as untruthful, unreliable, and products of the Devil. For Mignolo, the dark side of the new knowledge orders born out of the Renaissance was a new interweaving of literacy, knowledge, and colonization in a new cultural order he dubs “coloniality.” In the North American literature, too, literacy has been seen as a crucial element in imperial intrusion and conquest. James Axtell, for example, has argued “The conquest of America was in part a victory of paper and print over memory and voice. The victors wrote their way to the New World and inscribed themselves on its maps.”
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Kumar, Rajeev. "British conquest of the Indian subcontinent." RESEARCH HUB International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 11, no. 2 (February 29, 2024): 66–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.53573/rhimrj.2024.v11n2.011.
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The conquest of the Indian subcontinent by the British was a historical process that profoundly influenced Indian society, economy, and politics. This conquest was achieved gradually from the mid-18th century to the late 19th century. The British East India Company consolidated its position through its commercial activities by entering into alliances and conflicts with Indian kings and nawabs. Decisive battles such as the Battle of Plassey (1757) and the Battle of Buxar (1764) paved the way for the British to establish power in India. After the First War of Independence of 1857, the British Crown took over the administrative control of the East India Company. This conquest plunged Indian society into a period of colonial exploitation, economic changes, and cultural influences, resulting in the foundation of modern India. Abstract in Hindi Language: भारतीय उपमहाद्वीप पर ब्रिटिश सत्ता की विजय एक ऐतिहासिक प्रक्रिया थी जिसने भारतीय समाज, अर्थव्यवस्था, और राजनीति को गहन रूप से प्रभावित किया। यह विजय 18वीं सदी के मध्य से लेकर 19वीं सदी के अंत तक क्रमिक रूप से हासिल की गई थी। ब्रिटिश ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनी ने अपनी व्यावसायिक गतिविधियों के माध्यम से भारतीय राजाओं और नवाबों के साथ गठजोड़ और संघर्ष करके अपनी स्थिति मजबूत की। प्लासी की लड़ाई (1757) और बक्सर की लड़ाई (1764) जैसे निर्णायक युद्धों ने ब्रिटिशों को भारत में सत्ता स्थापित करने का मार्ग प्रशस्त किया। 1857 के प्रथम स्वतंत्रता संग्राम के बाद, ब्रिटिश ताज ने ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनी का प्रशासनिक नियंत्रण अपने हाथ में ले लिया। इस विजय ने भारतीय समाज को औपनिवेशिक शोषण, आर्थिक परिवर्तन, और सांस्कृतिक प्रभावों के दौर में धकेल दिया, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप आधुनिक भारत की नींव पड़ी। Keywords: जलवायु परिवर्तन, कृषि, समाज, अर्थव्यवस्था
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Kissane, Dylan Matthew. "What next for the Peaceful Power?" Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 12 (June 30, 2006): 18–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.12.4.
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It would be impossible for the great powers of Europe to come together in peaceful association after centuries of conflict. The French would not trust the Germans, the Poles would never agree to a demilitarised western border and anyway, without a common language the whole experiment would be doomed to failure from the start. But half a century later the dream has become reality. It is today impossible to imagine the German army contemplating the conquest of Belgium or the French attempting to once again take the British crown. Europe has enjoyed more peace for more people for longer than at any point in the past 500 years and Fins, Maltese, Portuguese and Latvians find themselves committed to a common project of understanding and positive cross-cultural interaction.
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Klimek, Kim. ":The Normans: Power, Conquest and Culture in 11th Century Europe." Speculum 99, no. 3 (July 1, 2024): 908–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/731157.
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Lera, Maria-Jose. "Colonización y colonialidad: un estudio de Alcalá de Guadaíra." Anduli, no. 20 (2021): 137–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.12795/anduli.2021.i20.08.
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Colonization processes have their continuation in the colonized person, a phenomenon studied by psychiatrists Fanon and Memmi in the 1960s. Currently, this phenomenon is defined as coloniality and is made up of three dimensions: the coloniality of power, knowledge and being. For this study, we wondered if the conquest of Andalusia continued in coloniality, and if so whether it has consequences today. To address these issues, we analyzed the coloniality of power and being and their consequences in the population of Alcalá de Guadaíra using the bibliographic sources that exist in that locality. The results indicate that it is a population with no history prior to the conquest, structured in poor workers and wealthy landowners, with collective trauma, sheltered in family and religion, and without cultural references. The current consequences of this coloniality are observed in the loss of historical heritage, the preservation of a fractured population of rich and poor, and no memory of the trauma experienced. The recovery of historical consciousness is identified as one of the keys to overcoming this coloniality
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Manz, Beatrice Forbes. "Temür and the problem of a conqueror's legacy." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 8, no. 1 (April 1998): 21–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300016412.
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Temür has been many things to many people. He was nomad and city-builder, Turk and promoter of Persian culture, restorer of the Mongol order and warrior for the spread of Islam. One thing he was to all: a conqueror of unequalled scope, able to subdue both the vast areas of nomad power to the north and the centres of agrarian Islamic culture to the south. The history of his successors was one of increasing political fragmentation and economic stress. Yet they too won fame, as patrons over a period of brilliant cultural achievement in Persian and Turkic. Temür's career raises a number of questions. Why did he find it necessary to pile conquest upon conquest, each more ambitious than the last? Having conceived dreams of dominion, where did he get the power and money to fulfill them? When he died, what legacy did Temür leave to his successors and to the world which they tried to control? Finally, what was this world of Turk and Persian, and where did Temür and the Timurids belong within it?
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Iragi Ntwali, Valéry. "Opposition politique et lutte pour la conquête du pouvoir d’état en République Démocratique du Congo. Diagnostic d’un tigre en papier de la démocratie congolaise." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 67, no. 1 (June 30, 2022): 41–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2022.1.03.
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"The political opposition in Democratic Republic of Congo reamins less studied in studies on the dynamics of democratic transition in this country for two reasons. It is about the omission of this component in the constitutionalist process after independance and the long duration of military government come to power by coup or armed insurrection. Consequently, this article proposes to operate three variables to study congolese political opposition. Institutional determinants (related to the party system, methods of voting systems), the legal expression of the opposition and finaly, the nature and charisma of congolese opposition leaders. Anyway, the congolese political opposition has its origins in an intra-party struggle to evolve into an inter-party oppositon in its fight for the conquest of state power. It remains true that on the three democratic experiences relating to the presidential elections, the congolese political, by forming electoral coalitions, managed to beat the ruling party once in the presidential elections. Nevertheless, the strategies of this opposition remain limited in terms of effectiveness because of the nature of the parties that compose it, political transhumance, the ego between its leaders in a political system combining victory in the presidential and legislative elections to govern without alchemy of cohabition. Keywords: opposition, struggle, conquest, power, DR Congo "