Relevant bibliographies by topics / Congressional Behavior

Academic literature on the topic 'Congressional Behavior'

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Published: 10 December 2022
Last updated: 29 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Congressional Behavior"

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Witko, Christopher, and Sally Friedman. "Business Backgrounds and Congressional Behavior." Congress & the Presidency 35, no. 1 (March 2008): 71–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343460809507652.

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Mouw, Calvin J. "MACROPARTY BEHAVIOR IN CONGRESSIONAL ELECTIONS." Southeastern Political Review 22, no. 3 (November 12, 2008): 445–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.1994.tb00339.x.

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Jewitt, Caitlin E., and Sarah A. Treul. "Ideological Primary Competition and Congressional Behavior." Congress & the Presidency 46, no. 3 (May 7, 2019): 471–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07343469.2019.1600173.

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Baik, Chang Jae. "Theorizing Congressional Behavior: Mayhew and Fenno Reconsidered." Journal of Korean Politics 26, no. 3 (October 31, 2017): 277–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.35656/jkp.26.3.10.

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Clausen, Aage R., and Glenn R. Parker. "Homeward Bound: Explaining Changes in Congressional Behavior." Political Science Quarterly 103, no. 1 (1988): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151156.

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de Figueiredo, John M. "Committee jurisdiction, congressional behavior and policy outcomes." Public Choice 154, no. 1-2 (July 23, 2011): 119–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-011-9813-z.

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Martin, Andrew D. "Congressional Decision Making and the Separation of Powers." American Political Science Review 95, no. 2 (June 2001): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055401002180.

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To what extent does the separation of powers affect congressional roll call voting behavior? To answer this question, I offer a strategic model of congressional decision making that asserts members of Congress pursue public policy goals when casting roll call votes. From the equilibrium predictions of a formal model, I generate testable hypotheses by computing the expected net amount of sophisticated (nonsincere) congressional behavior given changes in decision context. I test the predictions of the theoretical model with data from all civil rights roll call votes from the 83d to the 102d Congress. The results demonstrate that both the other legislative chamber and the Supreme Court profoundly constrain House members and senators when casting roll call votes. This is strong evidence of the importance of policy outcomes to members of Congress when voting on the floor.
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Uslaner, Eric M., M. Margaret Conway, Gary C. Jacobson, and Samuel Kernell. "Interpreting the 1974 Congressional Election." American Political Science Review 80, no. 2 (June 1986): 591–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1958275.

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What factors best account for the 1974 congressional election results? Were the Democratic party gains in House seats due mainly to the behavior of “strategic politicians” who sought or accepted candidacies and raised effective campaign war chests? Or were the Democratic gains due more to the impact of Watergate and the economy on voters' choices? In this Controversy, Gary C. Jacobson and Samuel Kernell defend the “strategic politicians” thesis, while Eric Uslaner and Margaret Conway stand by their more conventional accounting of the 1974 election outcome.
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MCDERMOTT, MONIKA L., and DAVID R. JONES. "Congressional Performance, Incumbent Behavior, and Voting in Senate Elections." Legislative Studies Quarterly 30, no. 2 (May 2005): 235–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3162/036298005x201536.

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Taylor, Andrew J. "Strategic Intercameral Behavior and the Sequence of Congressional Lawmaking." American Politics Research 36, no. 3 (October 26, 2007): 451–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x07308513.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Congressional Behavior"

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Szczublewski, Kenneth J. "The V-22: a turning point in Congressional behavior?" Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/24100.

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Why do legislators vote for some defense programs but against others? This issue is especially important now that Congress faces the need to cut defense programs while preserving U.S. security. The history of the V-22 offers a prime case study for examining congressional voting behavior for the post-Cold War era. This thesis reviews the literature on three possible explanations for congressional voting behavior: parochialism (the desire to benefit constituents), the Military-Industrial Complex or MIC (where votes are "bought" by industry campaigns contributions), and the personal preferences of individual members. The thesis uses logit equation to test and assess the validity of these hypothesis in the case of the V-22. No reliable connection was found between personal preference and voting on the V-22. Liberal Democrats that were assumed to be "dovish" on defense spending were just as likely as "hawkish" conservative Republicans to support this program. Nor was any evidence found to support the MIC hypothesis that voting is driven by PAC dollars. The likelihood of a representative supporting the V-22 actually decreased as PAC contributions increased. The parochial hypothesis was supported in the House but not in the Senate. Further research is required to find alternative explanations for defense voting behavior in the post-Cold War era.
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Strizek, Gregory A. "A strategic theory of party behavior in congressional primary campaigns /." The Ohio State University, 1998. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487949508370053.

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Cook, James Matthew. "The social structure of political behavior: Action, interaction and congressional cosponsorship." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/290367.

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The twin objectives of this dissertation, understanding political behavior as a social phenomenon and assessing the relative impacts of action and interaction on behavior, are realized through the empirical study of cosponsorship in the United States Congress. Cosponsorship, the formal support of a bill, is commonly said to be a rational action by a member of Congress designed to further electoral goals. However, it is also possible that cosponsorship is the arational result of social interaction. Processes based on the principles of action and interaction may occur within the Congress or with reference to entities outside the Congress. Combinations of principle and environment provide a simple theoretical framework from which a number of hypotheses are generated. To test these hypotheses, a random sample of 100 bills from the House of Representatives during the 105th Congress is generated. Information regarding leadership, reciprocity, congressional districts, campaign contributions, media coverage, election results, organizational memberships, member demography and bill cosponsorship is recorded for each combination of sampled bill, member of the House, and week the Congress was in session. Comparisons and relations between members are represented in matrix form. A combined network effects-discrete time approximation approach converts these matrices into individual-level predictions of a congressperson's likelihood of cosponsorship over time. Alternatively, QAP analysis regresses relations on relations to make cross-sectional predictions about any two members' cosponsorship overlap. Results illuminate the importance of interaction to political behavior.
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Cohen, Alexander H. "Climate, weather, and political behavior." Diss., University of Iowa, 2011. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1214.

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This dissertation explores the extent to which weather and climate systematically affect political behavior. The idea that weather (and other elements of the natural world) exercise a fundamental influence on politics has long been a theme in classical and modern political thought. As political science moved from pure description to a more social-scientific form of analysis, scholars became less interested in understanding the impact of climate. If mentioned at all, weather typically is referred to as one of the various elements making up the "error term" in our statistical analyses. Recent work in the natural and social sciences, however, has suggested there are systematic and important links between weather, climate, and behavior. This work (which I review) not only inspires a return to a traditional focus of political analysis, but more importantly provides a number of hypotheses to guide our analysis of politics. Inclement weather increases the costs of moving from place to place. Sunlight enhances while extreme temperature depresses mood. Finally, hot weather is associated with enhanced aggression. These correlates of climate have implications for a variety of subfields across political science, including comparative politics and international relations. This dissertation concentrates primarily, however, on American politics, particularly from a behavioral perspective. To see if weather has a significant effect on politics, then, I explore behavior in four settings that have been especially important in mainstream studies: Presidential approval; social capital; Election Day voting; and finally elite participation (in the form of abstention on roll call voting). In terms of the first, if (as Zaller argues) a response to a telephone survey indeed entails a summing up of `considerations' regarding an issue rather than expression of a `true' attitude, then it is likely sunlight should stimulate positive responses to questions because it encourages the release of serotonin, which makes people more positive in general. Controlled logistic regression of sunlight on Presidential approval reveals that, in spring, sunlight boosts approval. The next chapter explores how hot climates and rain may reduce levels of social capital. This is because heat boosts levels of aggression, which should diminish helping behavior, and because rain makes it more difficult to volunteer and associate with other people. Analysis of state-level social capital data and city-level volunteer data provides some evidence that these propositions are correct. The third empirical chapter focuses upon voting on Election Day. While it finds that rain does have a depressive effect upon voting rates among the poor due to raising the costs associated with voting, there is little evidence that vote choice is affected by the weather. The final empirical chapter examines how weather conditions may affect voting rates among members of the United States House of Representatives, which seems possible because, like regular citizens during Election Day, House members pay costs when visiting the Capital to vote, and unpleasant weather could comprise a real if minor cost. OLS regression at the vote-level and logistic regression at the legislator level reveals that in the winter and spring, sunlight boosts voting, while summer humidity depresses voting and heat in winter has a positive effect. While these conclusions are interesting in themselves and meaningfully contribute to contemporary academic discussions, they further suggest some things about how we thing about political science. In particular, analyses of political topics could often be enhanced by reflectively considering the contents of the error term, as this exercise can offer new and useful perspective on current scholarship. Further, this dissertation also suggests that political science (and research in general) could benefit from taking a more comprehensive view of the environmental context of human behavior.
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Cottrill, James B. "A product of the environment: environmental constraint, candidate behavior and the speed of democracy." Texas A&M University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/1549.

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Elections are the engine that drives democracy. The central question of this dissertation relates to the speed of that engine: How long does it take for elections to reflect changing preferences in the electorate? The findings presented in this dissertation suggest that electoral change is the result of a gradual process of natural selection in which the political environment, rather than district service activity, is the key variable. Comparing elections data across different types of district environment, I find evidence that the environment affects levels of competition and electoral outcomes. Utilizing an event history statistical model to examine various risk factors for electoral defeat, I find that the political environment of the district is the most important factor influencing the risk of defeat even when controlling for district service behaviors. Over time, the district environment operates as a self-correcting mechanism, purging political misfits and replacing them with representatives who better reflect the ideology of the district. Electoral change typically results more from evolution than revolution – it may not occur quickly, and it may not occur in every district, but it does occur when and where it is needed.
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Writer, Eddie. "A quantitative comparative analysis of voters' economic concern, congressional approval, and voting behavior in 2012." Thesis, University of Phoenix, 2015. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3707415.

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In charge of a $15 trillion budget, the U.S. Congress functions as the largest business entity in the world. After the 2008 financial crisis, an increasing number of Americans became concerned about congressional leaders’ ability to handle business-related issues, such as high unemployment, housing foreclosures, declining stock prices, and business bankruptcies. Struggling to recover in a sluggish economy, Americans had the opportunity to communicate their approval or disapproval of congressional leaders’ handling of the U.S. economy in the midterm congressional election of 2012. To investigate how, if at all, Americans’ voting behavior in 2012 may have varied by their economic concern regarding the U.S. economy and approval of congressional leaders, an analysis of the American National Electoral Studies (ANES) survey was conducted. A quantitative study with a descriptive comparative design was conducted to analyze the ANES pre- and post- 2012 election surveys. While no significant differences were detected by gender (H1 - gender), economic concern differed significantly by age (H1 - age), education (H1 - education), political party (H2), state (H3), and congressional district (H4). Similarly, congressional approval varied significantly by all voter background variables (H5 - demographics, H6 - political party, H7 - state, and H8 - congressional district). Data analysis revealed that congressional approval varied significantly by a voter’s level of economic concern (H9). Additionally, frequency of voting differed significantly by participants’ economic concern and congressional approval (H10).

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Hussain, Rezwan. "Voting with their Feet: Migration, Partisanship, and Party-Safe Elections in Florida." FIU Digital Commons, 2011. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/510.

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Political scientists have long noted that congressional elections are often uncompetitive, often extremely so. Many scholars argue that the cause lies in the partisan redistricting of congressional districts, or “gerrymandering”. Other scholars emphasize polarization created by a fragmented news media, or the candidate choices made by a more ideological primary electorate. All these explanations identify the cause of party-safe elections in institutions of various kinds. This dissertation, by contrast, presents a structural explanation of uncompetitive elections. My theory is that population composition and patterns of migration are significant causes and predictors of election results in Florida. I test this theory empirically by comparing the predictions from four hypotheses against aggregate data, using the county as the unit of analysis. The first hypothesis is that Florida can be divided into clearly distinguishable, persistent partisan sections. This hypothesis is confirmed. The second hypothesis is that Florida voters have become increasingly partisan over time. This hypothesis is confirmed. The third hypothesis is that the degree of migration into a county predicts how that county will vote. This hypothesis finds some confirmation. The last hypothesis is that the degree of religiosity of a county predicts how that county will vote. This hypothesis is confirmed. By identifying the structural causes of party-safe elections, this study not only contributes to our understanding of elections in Florida, but also sheds light on the current polarization in American politics.
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Mayer, Eva [Verfasser]. "U.S. Government in Times of Crisis : How Securitization Shaped Congressional Behavior after 9/11 / Eva Mayer." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1175742937/34.

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Wilson-Hart, Jessica H. "Culture Wars: Explaining Congressional Partisanship and Organizational Dysfunction Through Moral Foundations Theory." ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/2244.

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The focus of this study was the organizational working environment and existing partisanship evident in the United States Congress. There has been a reduction in the number of laws passed over the last 30 years from a high of over 1,000 to a low of around 120, with a period of complete government shutdown in 2013. This qualitative research utilized qualitative content analysis to discover the nature of partisan conflict as demonstrated by 6 members of Congress. The conceptual framework for this study was moral foundations theory. Different moral principles held by Democrats and Republicans were studied as a possible explanation for the inability of one end of the political spectrum to identify with, work with, and comprehend the belief systems of the other. Archival video data for each participant was viewed on C-Span and related transcripts were analyzed using qualitative content analysis. Emerging themes were then inductively coded in order to understand the nature of the partisan conflict in Congress. Results demonstrate that Republicans and Democrats rely on different sets of moral foundations and that there is limited crossover between those who occupy the extreme ends of the ideological continuum. This lack of crossover essentially leads members with differing ideology and moral foundations to not comprehend the moral message of their opponents. With this knowledge, political strategists can help to develop communication and political approaches that take into consideration the moral foundations of ideological opponents. Social change implications include improved understanding of the ideological stance of members of the opposing party and improved working relationships in Congress, resulting in an organizational working environment that is less conflicted.
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Harpuder, Brian Eric. "Electoral behavior in U.S. senate elections, a simultaneous choice model." Connect to this title online, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1069347453.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xvi, 209 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 201-209). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Books on the topic "Congressional Behavior"

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Gertzog, Irwin N. Congressional women: Theirrecruitment, integration, and behavior. 2nd ed. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1995.

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Homeward bound: Explaining changes in congressional behavior. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986.

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R, Parker Glenn. Characteristics of Congress: Patterns in congressional behavior. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice Hall, 1989.

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Congressional women: Their recruitment, integration, and behavior. 2nd ed. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 1995.

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Szczublewski, Kenneth J. The V-22: A turning point in Congressional behavior? Monterey, Calif: Naval Postgraduate School, 1992.

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The color of representation: Congressional behavior and Black interests. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997.

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Bernstein, Robert A. Elections, representation, and congressional voting behavior: The myth of constituency control. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall, 1989.

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Office, General Accounting. Mass transit: Effects of tax changes on commuter behavior : report to congressional requesters. Washington, D.C: GAO, 1992.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor. Youth Suicide Prevention Act: Report together with supplemental views (to accompany H.R. 4650) (including cost estimates of the Congressional Budget Office). [Washington, D.C.?: U.S. G.P.O., 1986.

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Anne-Renee, Testa, ed. Glass houses: Shocking profiles of congressional sex scandals and other unofficial misconduct. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Congressional Behavior"

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"Congressional Behavior." In Presidential Leadership, 21–45. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315127347-2.

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Grenzke, Janet. "Money and Congressional Behavior." In Money, Elections, and Democracy, 143–64. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044229-10.

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Lotrionte, Catherine B. "Cyber-Search and Cyber-Seizure." In Cyber Behavior, 471–514. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-5942-1.ch025.

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This chapter discusses the nature of cyber threats against government and private computer systems, describing some steps the government has taken and the challenges involved in protecting those systems. The chapter argues that a national security approach for cyber security policy is the most promising option for preventing these cyber threats while operating within the domestic legal framework. After a review of the President's constitutional authorities to protect the nation from traditional threats, the chapter concludes that the President has some power to monitor Internet communications in transit within the United States when the communications threaten the welfare of the nation. The chapter recommends that this authority be augmented by Congressional action through legislation. The President's powers in cyber security, even given Congressional support, however, are still restrained by the protections the Fourth Amendment provides for traditional forms of communication and individual privacy. Although there is limited Fourth Amendment precedent in the area of cyber security, the well-established exceptions to the Fourth Amendment requirements, based on consent, special governmental needs and the reasonableness of the search or seizure, provide a legal basis for executive branch action to protect critical infrastructures and their computer systems. As the Courts have long held, these exceptions allow the government to conduct searches or seizures without being bound by all of the requirements of the Fourth Amendment. If the government develops its cyber security policy in line with these exceptions, this chapter argues the government can both protect critical computer systems and operate within Fourth Amendment doctrine that recognizes the legitimacy of privacy in electronic communications.
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HENEHAN, MARIE T. "Long-Term Trends in Congressional Foreign Policy Behavior:." In Divided Power, 149–66. University of Arkansas Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1rm25w4.9.

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Wineinger, Catherine N. "Conclusion." In Gendering the GOP, 153–68. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197556542.003.0006.

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Chapter 6 concludes the book with an overview of the way Republican women’s congressional representation has evolved over time. The chapter ends with several potential implications and provides a theoretical foundation for future studies of women’s representation in the modern GOP. In particular, it highlights a multidimensional paradox for Republican women’s representation in Congress as well as the potentially transformative power of a partisan-gender identity. The book makes the case throughout that gendering scholarly analyses of intraparty politics and focusing on Republican women’s representational behavior are important endeavors in order to fully understand the evolving dynamics of women’s congressional representation.
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Tate, Katherine. "Studying Changes in Black Congressional Behavior from Carter to Obama." In Black Politics in a Time of Transition, 115–16. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351313728-10.

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Latimer, Christopher. "Using Presidential Popularity for Understanding the Relationship between President Bush and Congressional Republicans' Online Campaigning." In Political Campaigning in the Information Age, 197–209. IGI Global, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-6062-5.ch011.

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This chapter is an assessment of the growing use of the Internet by congressional campaigns in the United States to determine whether candidates' Websites are affected by presidential popularity. There is previous research linking low public opinion of a sitting president with a negative impact on members of his political party running for election, particularly during the midterm, but very little analysis examines this phenomenon online. The chapter examines the 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008 House Republican campaign Websites to see if there is a relationship between presidential popularity and congressional online campaign behavior. An examination of Republican campaign Websites was coded based on whether President Bush was present in picture form. The authors demonstrate that there is a correlation between President Bush's popularity and his presence on these Republican congressional Websites in general and more prevalent in different regions of the country.
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Latimer, Christopher. "Using Presidential Popularity for Understanding the Relationship between President Bush and Congressional Republicans' Online Campaigning." In Public Affairs and Administration, 1409–21. IGI Global, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-4666-8358-7.ch069.

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This chapter is an assessment of the growing use of the Internet by congressional campaigns in the United States to determine whether candidates' Websites are affected by presidential popularity. There is previous research linking low public opinion of a sitting president with a negative impact on members of his political party running for election, particularly during the midterm, but very little analysis examines this phenomenon online. The chapter examines the 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008 House Republican campaign Websites to see if there is a relationship between presidential popularity and congressional online campaign behavior. An examination of Republican campaign Websites was coded based on whether President Bush was present in picture form. The authors demonstrate that there is a correlation between President Bush's popularity and his presence on these Republican congressional Websites in general and more prevalent in different regions of the country.
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Kriner, Douglas L., and Eric Schickler. "Investigations and Public Opinion." In Investigating the President. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171852.003.0003.

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This chapter proposes and empirically tests a general mechanism through which congressional investigative activity could affect presidential behavior and policy making more broadly: by influencing the president’s well of support among the American people. It proceeds in four parts. First, it describes two mechanisms through which committee investigations of executive misconduct are well positioned to shape levels of public support for the president. The empirical analysis then begins by asking a basic, but essential pre-cursor question: does the public generally support Congress employing its investigative powers to uncover and pursue allegations of abuse of power by the executive branch? Having answered this question in the affirmative, the analysis continues by merging the database of congressional investigative activity described in Chapter 2 with more than sixty years of public opinion data measuring support for the president. The chapter then presents the results of several original survey experiments that isolate the influence of congressional investigations on public opinion independent of potential confounding factors.
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Lapinski, John S. "Bringing Policy Issue Substance Back In." In The Substance of Representation. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691137810.003.0002.

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This chapter explains how policy issue substance could play a revitalizing role for multiple subfields in American politics, particularly congressional studies and American political development. It argues that there are three factors combined to lessen interest in the study of policy substance: the rise of deductive theory within congressional studies, which led scholars to believe that this earlier behavior-based work was limited to descriptive objectives; the findings of Poole and Rosenthal (1985, 1991, 1997), who demonstrated empirically that roll call voting in the U.S. Congress appears to be largely unidimensional and not policy-specific; and policy classification schemas that were not theoretically grounded and suffered from being period-bound. The chapter also introduces a new coding schema to parse policy.
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Conference papers on the topic "Congressional Behavior"

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Irfan, Mohammad T., and Tucker Gordon. "The Power of Context in Networks: Ideal Point Models with Social Interactions." In Twenty-Eighth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-19}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2019/858.

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Game theory has been widely used for modeling strategic behaviors in networked multiagent systems. However, the context within which these strategic behaviors take place has received limited attention. We present a model of strategic behavior in networks that incorporates the behavioral context, focusing on the contextual aspects of congressional voting. One salient predictive model in political science is the ideal point model, which assigns each senator and each bill a number on the real line of political spectrum. We extend the classical ideal point model with network-structured interactions among senators. In contrast to the ideal point model's prediction of individual voting behavior, we predict joint voting behaviors in a game-theoretic fashion. The consideration of context allows our model to outperform previous models that solely focus on the networked interactions with no contextual parameters. We focus on two fundamental questions: learning the model using real-world data and computing stable outcomes of the model with a view to predicting joint voting behaviors and identifying most influential senators. We demonstrate the effectiveness of our model through experiments using data from the 114th U.S. Congress.
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Reports on the topic "Congressional Behavior"

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de Figueiredo, John. Committee Jurisdiction, Congressional Behavior and Policy Outcomes. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, June 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w17171.

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Lalisse, Matthias. Measuring the Impact of Campaign Finance on Congressional Voting: A Machine Learning Approach. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp178.

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How much does money drive legislative outcomes in the United States? In this article, we use aggregated campaign finance data as well as a Transformer based text embedding model to predict roll call votes for legislation in the US Congress with more than 90% accuracy. In a series of model comparisons in which the input feature sets are varied, we investigate the extent to which campaign finance is predictive of voting behavior in comparison with variables like partisan affiliation. We find that the financial interests backing a legislator’s campaigns are independently predictive in both chambers of Congress, but also uncover a sizable asymmetry between the Senate and the House of Representatives. These findings are cross-referenced with a Representational Similarity Analysis (RSA) linking legislators’ financial and voting records, in which we show that “legislators who vote together get paid together”, again discovering an asymmetry between the House and the Senate in the additional predictive power of campaign finance once party is accounted for. We suggest an explanation of these facts in terms of Thomas Ferguson’s Investment Theory of Party Competition: due to a number of structural differences between the House and Senate, but chiefly the lower amortized cost of obtaining individuated influence with Senators, political investors prefer operating on the House using the party as a proxy.
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