Academic literature on the topic 'Congresses, Internat., 1889'

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Journal articles on the topic "Congresses, Internat., 1889"

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Nikitin, Dmitrii. "Indian National Congress in the Years of the Lansdowne’s Government (1888–1894): Problems of Development." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 4 (August 2023): 156–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.4.12.

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Introduction. The article is devoted to the study of the main activities of the Indian National Congress (INC) during the reign of Viceroy Lansdowne. During this period, the main objects of the Congress were official recognition by the colonial administration and the expansion of propaganda work in Britain. But Congress also had several internal problems, such as an undeveloped organizational structure and controversies over unresolved social problems in India. Methods and materials. Based on reports on the annual sessions of the INC and the Indian and British press, the article examines the main problems of the development of the INC in 1888– 1894, the reasons for the increased activity of the Congress in England and the process of the emergence of the Congress’ branches in London and the Indian Parliamentary Committee, and the peculiarities of the relationship between Congress and the colonial administration. Analysis. The Viceroy’s views on Congress and their differences from the previous course of the Indian government are analyzed. The specifics of the activities of the INC in Great Britain are revealed. Particular attention is paid to the parliamentary work of the Congress. The reasons for the intensification of internal contradictions in the INC in the early 1890s are investigated. Results. It is concluded that Viceroy Lansdowne’s refusal to abandon the repressive policy towards the Congress contributed to the progressive development of the Congress, which manifested itself in the revitalization of its activities in Great Britain. However, the development was accompanied by the strengthening of internal organizational contradictions and the beginning of the formation of a Congress’ radical wing.
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Witte, Els. "Hoe oranjegezind waren de taalminnaren?" WT. Tijdschrift over de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging 73, no. 2 (June 19, 2014): 105–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/wt.v73i2.12158.

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Naar de Oranjegezinde grondleggers van de Vlaamse beweging is in de literatuur al heel wat aandacht gegaan. Maar wegens het gebrek aan een monografie over het orangisme, kon deze groep niet in een breder kader worden geplaatst. Dank zij de publicatie van een dergelijke studie is dat nu wel mogelijk. Er blijkt uit dat de taalminnaren maar het zwakke broertje zijn van een beweging die ettelijke duizenden opposanten telt. Numeriek en politiek stellen ze niet veel voor en noch aan de contrarevoluties noch aan de harde oppositiebeweging in de pers dragen ze veel bij. Als literair bedrijvigen zitten ze gekneld tussen hun loyaliteit aan koning Willem I en het regime waarvan ze tot de revolutie van 1830 veel steun kregen, hun bekommernis om ook na 1830 hun baan te behouden en hun wens om in het Nederlands te blijven publiceren, ook nu die taal niet langer een officieel statuut heeft. Deze spagaat leidt bij de meesten tot een pragmatisch binnenkamersorangisme, waarna ze, met Jan Frans Willems op kop, de Belgische regering van Leopold I opzoeken, met interne conflicten, verzet vanwege de orangistische beweging maar ook met een heropbloei van de literaire bedrijvigheid tot gevolg. Pas als het aftakelingsproces van het politieke orangisme zich na 1839 heeft ingezet, worden de contacten met de orangisten weer opgenomen en ondersteunen de onverzettelijken onder hen de oppositiebeweging van de flaminganten. Dat gebeurt zowel in Gent als in Antwerpen. Samen evolueren ze vervolgens in de richting van een heimweecultus. De orangistische taalminnaren doen echter al van voor 1839 inspanningen om de banden met het noorden aan te halen. Ze blijven er in de jaren 1840 voor ijveren en de eerste Congressen van 1849-1850 zetten de kroon op hun werk, waardoor ze in grote mate bijdragen aan de taalculturele samenwerking die zich sindsdiens en tot op de dag van vandaag tussen Vlaanderen en Nederland ontwikkelde.________How Orangist were the (Dutch) ‘language lovers’?The literature has already paid a lot of attention to the Orangist founding fathers of the Flemish movement. Because no monograph was available about Orangism, this group could not be placed in a wider context. However, this is now possible due to the publication of such a study. The study demonstrates that the ‘language lovers’ were only the poor relatives of a movement, which consisted of several thousands of opponents. They did not amount to much in numbers nor in politics and neither did they contribute much to counterrevolutions or a strong opposition movement in the press. As people active in literature they were caught between their loyalty to King William I and the regime from which they received a lot of support until the revolution of 1830 on the one hand and their concern to keep their jobs also after 1830 and their wish to be able to continue to publish in Dutch, even when this language now longer had an official status, on the other hand. This yawning gap induced most of them to a pragmatic private Orangism that led them under the leadership of Jan Frans Willems to look to the Belgian government of Leopold I to deal with internal conflicts and resistance from the Orangist movement, but which also led to a revival of literary activities. It was only after the decline of the political Orangist movement had begun after 1839 that they renewed their contacts with the Orangists and then the most intransigent amongst them supported the Flemish opposition movement. This occurred both in Ghent and in Antwerp. Together they then evolved into a nostalgia cult. The Orangist ‘language lovers’, however, had already attempted before 1839 to develop closer ties to the North. They continued to fight for this during the 1840’s and the first Congresses of 1849-1850 became their crowning glory, allowing them to make a major contribution to the lingo-cultural cooperation, which has developed since then between Flanders and the Netherlands.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "The Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia between France and Britain (1919-1940)." Balcanica, no. 50 (2019): 261–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1950261m.

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The paper deals with the orientation of the Yugoslav freemasonry during the existence of the Grand Lodge of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ?Jugoslavia? (GLJ), later the Grand Lodge of Yugoslavia (GLY). The state of freemasonry in Serbia on the eve of the Great War is briefly described and followed by an analysis of how the experience of the First World War influenced Serbian freemasons to establish strong ties with French freemasonry. During the 1920s the Grand Lodge ?Jugoslavia? maintained very close relations with the Grand Orient of France and the Grand Lodge of France, and this was particularly obvious when GLJ got the opportunity to organise the Masonic congress for peace in Belgrade in 1926 through its links with French Freemasonry. Grand Master Georges Weifert (1919-34) also symbolised close links of French and Serbian freemasonry. However, his deputy and later Grand Master Douchan Militchevitch (1934-39) initiated in 1936 the policy of reorientation of Yugoslav freemasonry to the United Grand Lodge of England. Although there had already been such initiatives, they could not be materialised due to the fact that it was not until 1930 that the United Grand Lodge of England (UGLE) recognised several continental grand lodges, including GLJ. In a special section efforts of GLJ to be recognised by UGLE are analysed. Efforts for reorientation of GLY were conducted through several persons, including Douchan Militchevitch (1869-1939), Stanoje Mihajlovic (1882-1946), Vladimir Corovic (1885-1941) and Dragan Militchevitch (1895-1942). Special attention is given to the plans of GLY?s grand master to make the Duke of York (subsequently King George VI), who was a very dedicated freemason, an honorary past master of GLY. This plan failed, and the main idea behind it was to make GLY more resistant to internal clerical attacks and also to the external pressure of Italy. Mihajlovic?s three official Masonic visits to Britain (1933-39) are analysed as well as a private visit of Corovic and Dragan Militchevitch in March 1940. In the context of the visits made in 1939-40 plans to establish an Anglo-Yugoslav lodge are also analysed. Finally, the context of the de facto ban on Yugoslav freemasonry in August 1940 is given and the subsequent fates of its pro-British actors are also described.
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Hébert, John R., and Abby L. Forgang. "Small Particulars: Variant Titles and Dates to the Manuscript of Fray Diego Durán." Americas 55, no. 2 (October 1998): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008056.

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The famous sixteenth-century illustrated manuscript Historia by Fray Diego Durán is an extensive account of Aztec/Mexica history and rites, and a description of the Aztec calendar. Although the exact date of completion is unknown, there are two internal dates in the text (1579 and 1581) which have been used to date the original document. Durán's account was recopied by Mexican scholar José F. Ramírez in 1854 and a two volume printed version with the title Historia de Nueva España y Yslas de Tierra Firme was published in Mexico between 1867 and 1880. Recently a manuscript copy of Durán's text, transcribed in the 1840s, was rediscovered at the Library of Congress containing the following title and description:Historia antigua de la Nueva España con noticias de los ritos y costumbres de los Yndios y esplicacion del calendario mexicano por Fray Diego Durán, Escrita en el año de 1585. [Peter Force Papers, Series VIII C (Hispanic Collection), Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington].
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Novaković, Dragan. "THE PROGRESSIVE PARTY’S VIEW OF THE SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH." RELIGION IN THE PROGRAMS OF POLITICAL PARTIES 1, no. 2 (December 1, 2007): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.54561/prj0102061n.

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After obtaining autonomy from the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in 1831, the Serbian Orthodox Church gradually established and strenghtened its position by means of constitutions and laws of the Principality of Serbia which were passed in the course of the XIX century. The established status of an official state church implied considerable priviledges but also the readiness to accept potential candidates designated by the Prince or the Government for the highest hierarch positions as well as the state’s control over practically all segments of religious life. This relationship in which provisions of the Canon Law were frequently ignored, forged a kind of partnership enabling the state to strenghten its economy and democratic institutions while at the same time providing the church with an opportunity to improve its internal organization, the quality of candidates entering priesthood and to create favourable conditions for its spiritual mission. The dissatisfaction with the Russian politics after the Congress of Berlin and the shift towards a new foreign policy relying heavily on the support of Austria-Hungary, soon took toll on the relations between Prince Milan and Metropolitan Mihailo who was a notorious Russophile and a fervent advocate of the Pan-Slavic solidarity. Dissatisfied with the Metropolitan’s activities in Bosnia, the new ally demanded that the Prince remove the dangerous opponent which proved to be a daunting task, due to the Metropolitan’s popularity and his demonstrated leadership skills. In 1881, under the pretext that the Church opposed the Tax law, the Prince’s Government, led by the Progressive Political Party first removed Metropolitan Mihailo which was followed by the removal of all other remaining disobedient Episcopes in 1883. The 1882 amendments to the Law on Church Authorities of the Eastern Orthodox Religion which resulted in changes of the composition of the Assembly of Bishops and included more lay people in the body tasked with the election of the Metropolitan, represented a genuine coup against the Church unprecedented in its centuries long history and practically annulled the canonical order governing the life and functioning of the Orthodox Churches. Having elected the new Metropolitan and Episcopes, the Government led by the Progressive Party established such an organization of the Church which was utterly dependent on the will of the state and the balance of powers on the Serbia’s political scene. The altered political circumstances brought about by King Milan’s abdication and normalization of relations with the Radical Party, enabled Metropolitan Mihailo’s return and reestablishment of previous order in the Church. The ancient Canons, which were ignored at one point in history, proved their vitality, but these events were also convenient for the growing middle class to send a clear message to the Church that the old times of harmonized activity were gone and that the new forces were taking over the public and state affairs.
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Stykalin, Alexander. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1848-1849 in the historical retrospective after 170 years." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2019): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2019.1-2.1.02.

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The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Hungary was a serious challenge to the entire European order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 as the result of the Napoleon wars. The unfavorable outcome of the revolution was first of all a result of the lack of interest of the major European powers (Russia including) in destroying the Habsburg monarchy, which was a guarantor of stability on the continent due to its middle position in Europe. The main lesson of the events in the Habsburgs monarchy (including Hungary) in 1848-1849 is seen in the fact that for the first time in the European history, they showed so clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the national movements with their specific programs led to the sharp collisions. Later this experience was taken into consideration by the ideologues of the national movements of various peoples of the Danube region. This report not only evaluates the international significance of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849 in a retrospective after 170 years and assesses its place in the Hungarian historical memory. An attempt is made to dispel some stereotypes concerning the policy of the Russian Empire in the region. It is established that its non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring empire was of a fundamental nature due to the fear of creating a new “European question”. The choice in favor of the military action was made only after long hesitations for the fear of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire.
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Zelizer, Julian E. "Bridging State and Society." Social Science History 24, no. 2 (2000): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200010191.

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Congressional scholars have a unique opportunity to reconnect the histories of American state and society, a task central to the new generation of political historians. As MarkLeff (1995:852) recently argued, social and political historians have come to realize that they “ignored the other at their peril” and that “interaction was the only way to interrogate power—how it was structured and changed, where it was contested, how it was exerted, what its impact was, and what assumptions shaped the discourse that framed it” (see also Gillon 1997).To accomplish the challenge of integrating social and political history, congressional historians will have to examine how the institution’s development related to external forces. Much of what has been written about Congress thus far remains insular.A handful of books published in the past two decades suggest how integration can be accomplished. In Sectionalism and American Political Development 1880–1980, Richard Bensel (1984) situates the internal development of Congress within the larger context of sectional tensions between the “industrial northern core” and the “underdeveloped southern and western periphery.” He pays close attention to key policy decisions and the ongoing struggle between decentralized committee and centralized partisan power to show the influence of sectionalism.
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Forsbach, Ralf, and Hans-Georg Hofer. "Aus der Geschichte der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Innere Medizin (DGIM)." DMW - Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrift 142, no. 24 (December 2017): 1862–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0043-121871.

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Abstract51 years after its founding in 1882, the "Congress for Internal Medicine", 1920 renamed "German Society for Internal Medicine (DGIM)", fell into heavy water. While during the Kaiserreich and the Weimar Republic the medical care for the individual patient had never been seriously questioned, the proclaimed “Third Reich” brought fundamental changes. The 1164 male and 13 female physicians, who had been organized in the DGIM 1933, had to position themselves in the Nazi dictatorship. The same applied for the society as a whole.The behavior of the German Society of Internal Medicine during the Nazi period is disenchanting. The society completely subordinated to the Nazi regime. The scientific program of the meetings was oriented to the ideological interests of the regime. Solidarity with nazi-persecuted people is only apparent in rare cases. On the contrary, even DGIM chairmen were involved in expulsions and NS-medical crimes. Cautious criticism was limited to a few areas, such as the “Neue Deutsche Heilkunde” (“New German Healing”) and the study conditions at the universities. Only individual DGIM members developed oppositional behavior on the basis of personal conviction.In accordance with the more recent research on the Nazi era, these results both clarify and broaden the picture of scientific organizations in general and medical societies in particular.
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Bejleri, Ilir, Ruth Roaza, Alexis Thomas, Tom Turton, and Paul Zwick. "Florida’s Efficient Transportation Decision-Making Process: Laying the Technology Foundation." Transportation Research Record: Journal of the Transportation Research Board 1859, no. 1 (January 2003): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3141/1859-03.

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In response to “environmental streamlining” legislation passed by the U.S. Congress as part of the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st Century, Florida has undertaken efforts to implement more efficient transportation planning and environmental review. These efforts have led to the development of the Efficient Transportation Decision-Making Process (ETDM Process), which redefines how Florida will accomplish planning and project development. A rather unique aspect of Florida’s streamlining approach is the integration of information technology as a vital foundation for the process. The development of Florida’s ETDM Process is described and evaluated, focusing on the information technology component. This component was developed as an interactive Internet-accessible geographic information system database. It integrates resource and project data from multiple sources into one standard format, provides quick and standardized analysis of the effects of the proposed projects on the human and natural environment, and supports the effective communication of results among all stakeholders, including the public. The use of technology is expected to reduce the cost of agency participation in the process and produce better, timely transportation decisions that reflect the proper balance among land use, mobility, and environment. Main topics include application design and development methodology, its integration in the ETDM Process, and how it has been received by the user community to date. Its benefits are evaluated, and recommendations for developing integrated technologies in support of streamlining efforts are provided.
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Giulio, Camillo Di, Franca Daniele, and Charles M. Tipton. "Angelo Mosso and muscular fatigue: 116 years after the first congress of physiologists: IUPS commemoration." Advances in Physiology Education 30, no. 2 (June 2006): 51–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/advan.00041.2005.

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At the first International Congress of Physiologists in Basel, Switzerland, the Italian physiologist Angelo Mosso (1846–1910) discussed his findings on muscular fatigue while demonstrating the functioning of an ergograph (work recorder). One hundred sixteen years later, Mosso's career, scientific accomplishments, and legacy in the study of muscular fatigue were commemorated at the 2005 International Congress of Physiological Sciences. After receiving his degree in Medicine and Surgery from Turin, Italy, in 1870, Mosso was able to study and interact with renowned physiologists as Wilhelm Ludwig, Du Bois-Reymond, Hugo Kronecker, and Etienne Marey. By 1879, he was Professor of Physiology at the University in Turin, where he conducted research pertaining to blood circulation, respiration, physical education, high-altitude physiology, and muscular fatigue. Using tracings from the ergograph (concentric contractions of the flexor muscles of the middle finger that were volitionally or electrically stimulated), he was able to characterize muscle fatigue and to associate its occurrence with central or peripheral influences. He demonstrated that exercise would increase muscular strength and endurance while prolonging the occurrence of fatigue, which he postulated was a chemical process that involved the production of toxic substances such as carbonic acid. The phenomenon of contracture was described, and his collective studies led to the formulation of laws pertaining to exhaustion and to the 1891 publication of La Fatica (Fatigue). Besides La Fatica, Mosso will be remembered as a scientist with a love for physiology, a concern for the social welfare of his countrymen, and as one who sought to integrate physiological, philosophical, and psychological concepts in his experimental studies.
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Books on the topic "Congresses, Internat., 1889"

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John, Randolph. Speeches of Mr. Randolph: On the Greek question, on internal improvement, and on the tarrif bill : delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States. Washington: printed by Gales & Seaton, 1985.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on the Judiciary. Subcommittee on Courts, the Internet, and Intellectual Property. Youth Smoking Prevention and State Revenue Enforcement Act: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Courts, the Internet, and Intellectual Property of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Eighth Congress, first session, on H.R. 1839, May 1, 2003. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2003.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Science. Markups of H.R. 356, and H.R. 1883, H.R. 2607, and H.R. 2797: Markups before the Committee on Science, House of Representatives, One Hundred Sixth Congress, first session, July 29, September 9, and November 3, 1999. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2001.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries. Subcommittee on Fisheries and Wildlife Conservation and the Environment. Land interests in Wood County, Texas: Hearing before the Subcommittee on Fisheries and Wildlife Conservation and the Environment of the Committee on Merchant Marine and Fisheries, House of Representatives, One Hundred First Congress, first session on H.R. 187, a bill relating to conveyance of certain land for use by the United States Fish and Wildlife Service and H.R. 188, a bill relating to the rights and interest of the United States of America under a conservation easement affecting certain land in Wood County, Texas, July 11, 1989. Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 1989.

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Homogeneous Charge Compression Ignition (Hcci) Combustion 2004: Sp-1819. Not Avail, 2004.

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Treiblmayr, Christopher, and Wolfgang Schmale. Human Rights Leagues in Europe (1898-2016). Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden GmbH, Franz, 2017.

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Gortazar, Ignacio Olabarri. The Strength of History at the Doors of the New Millenium: History and the Other Social and Human Sciences Along Xxth Century, 1899-2002: VII Internat. Ediciones Universidad de Navarra, 2005.

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Cunha, Manuel Antunes da, ed. Repensar a Imprensa no Ecossistema Digital. Axioma - Publicações da Faculdade de Filosofia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17990/axi/2020_9789726973287.

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Os discursos sobre a crise do jornalismo não datam de ontem, nem irromperam na era digital. Não deixa de ser significativo que a crítica acima reproduzida tenha sido formulada há mais de 130 anos pelo jornalista e romancista Emile Zola, que viria a assinar “J’accuse” (L’Aurore, 13 de janeiro de 1898), um dos mais célebres textos da história do periodismo. Nos finais do séc. XIX e inícios do séc. XX, a imprensa escrita francesa vai de vento em popa, contabilizando cerca de 600 diários, dos quais nove dezenas sediados em Paris (Kalifa, 2011). Já há algumas décadas que o jornalismo se tornara um negócio lucrativo. Artigos de opinião e debates de cariz político cedem progressivamente lugar a conteúdos suscetíveis de atraírem um maior número de leitores, incluindo os menos escolarizados, potenciando um aumento de receitas publicitárias. Por seu turno, nos Estados Unidos, o periodismo de informação impusera-se como paradigma dominante a partir dos anos 1880-1910, através da dissociação entre os factos e a interpretação dos mesmos (Brin et al., 2004). De um lado, uma ética da objetividade, consolidada por meio de géneros como a entrevista e a reportagem. Do outro, a busca do lucro por intermédio de virulentas controvérsias, alimentadas por “um fluxo vertiginoso de informação superabundante”, segundo a expressão de Zola. Entre muitas outras mudanças, o último século foi marcado por dois conflitos mundiais, a segmentação do globo em campos ideológicos e reconfigurações identitárias, o recurso à propaganda e à desinformação em doses massivas, a transformação dos media (jornal, radio, cinema, televisão, internet) em indústrias culturais intrinsecamente vinculadas à cultura de massas ou ainda a afirmação de uma “mitologia da felicidade individual” (Morin, 1962), num mundo cada vez mais desinstitucionalizado e dessocializado (Dubet & Martuccelli, 1998). Desde então, a produção académica tem vindo a debruçar-se – a partir de abordagens concetuais diferenciadas – sobre a influência dos discursos mediáticos na “construção social da realidade” (Berger & Luckmann, 1966) ou na consolidação dos “imaginários” (Castoriadis, 1975), no âmbito das esferas pública e privada, mas também sobre os contextos socioculturais em que esses mesmos discursos emergem (Hall, 1973; Goffman, 1974) e os eventuais efeitos suscitados junto de audiências e/ou públicos mais ou menos (in)conscientes e (in)ativos (Lazarsfeld & Katz, 1955; Klapper, 1960; Adorno, 1963; Morley, 1980). Como aconteceu com os seus predecessores, o recurso cada vez mais generalizado a um novo media – a partir da última década do século XX – deu origem a um conjunto de profecias apocalíticas e outras tantas utopias comunicacionais. Destarte, coloca-se a seguinte questão: “de que modo a Internet afeta o jeito de nos relacionarmos uns com os outros, de debatermos, trabalharmos, nos movermos, nos cultivarmos, sermos militantes, consumirmos, cuidarmos de nós, nos divertirmos, etc.?” (Beuscart et al, 2019: 8). As mudanças experienciadas nos derradeiros vinte anos replicam alguns dos desafios que, invariavelmente, caraterizaram os tempos áureos da imprensa, do cinema, da rádio e da televisão – embora hoje com uma intensidade inédita –, não deixando ainda de suscitar novos questionamentos. Em virtude da eclosão de um singular ecossistema mediático, o modelo tradicional de produção, difusão e receção do jornalismo impresso tem vindo a experimentar um complexo processo de reconfiguração de contornos ainda imprecisos, do ponto de vista profissional, sociopolítico, cultural, económico, técnico, ético e jurídico. Da reflexão sobre estas temáticas, levada a cabo no Centro de Estudos Filosófico-Humanísticos (UCP) e junto dos estudantes de Licenciatura em Ciências da Comunicação e do Mestrado em Comunicação Digital, nasceu o congresso internacional Repensar a imprensa no ecossistema digital, que teve lugar na Faculdade de Filosofia e Ciências Sociais (UCP), em Braga, de 3 a 5 de Julho de 2019, com a participação de meia centena de académicos oriundos da Europa, América e Ásia. O título inspira-se do relatório Presse et numérique. L’invention d’un nouvel ecosystème, encomendado pelo Ministério francês da Cultura e da Comunicação ao investigador Jean-Marie Charon. A noção de ecossistema aponta para uma configuração de cariz horizontal, para um sistema de atores – plurais na sua história e organização, nos conteúdos das suas atividades e da sua produção – e a sua relação (in)direta com o(s) público(s). Alude ainda à complexidade das interações em jogo, num contexto tantas vezes de competição, outras de solidariedade, e de tempos e espaços colaborativos. Há muito que um tal ecossistema deixou de ser de âmbito meramente nacional, fomentando desafios de natureza transnacional, transdisciplinar e transmediática (Charon, 2015).
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GOVERNMENT, US. Markups of H.R. 356, and H.R. 1883, H.R. 2607, and H.R. 2797: Markups before the Committee on Science, House of Representatives, One Hundred Sixth Congress, ... July 29, September 9, and November 3, 1999. [U.S. G.P.O., Supt. of Docs., Congressional Sales Office, distributor], 2001.

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House Bill No. 4812.: Notes of a Conference on the Part of the Subcommittee of the Committee on Ways and Means with Mr. Raum, Commissioner of Internal Revenue: hearings before the United States House Committee on Ways and Means, Forty-Sixth Congress, second session, on Mar. 10, 1880. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1985.

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Book chapters on the topic "Congresses, Internat., 1889"

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Sellers, Charles. "The Crisis of 1819." In The Market Revolution, 103–36. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195038897.003.0004.

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Abstract Monroe’s first Congress was elected by a premonitory tremor of crisis and adjourned on March 4, 1 81 9, to its full eruption. Voter anger at the Fourteenth Congress had sent so many new members bent on “retrenchment and reform” that “a new party” was rumored “about to be organized, within the very bosom of the republican party.” The President found them “very querulous” about taxes, and Secretary Adams grew querulous about “a great mass of desire to be in opposition.” Congress ignored the presidential recommendation for higher tariff protection, while the big New York delegation deserted federal internal improvements when their state had to go it alone on the Erie Canal.
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2

Pfeffer, Miki. "Final Battles." In Southern Ladies and Suffragists. University Press of Mississippi, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781628461343.003.0017.

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This chapter describes the continuing internal conflicts of the Woman's Department. Contrary to the official Resolution from Lady Commissioners in support of Julia Ward Howe in mid-April 1885, declarations of peace had been illusory. Some predicaments seemed unintentional; the blows came with the territory of leadership. Others seemed of Howe's own making. In any case, her vulnerabilities were beginning to show. Director-General E. A. Burke also quit his post, citing the demands of “duty in other quarters.” In addition, the women's money had not arrived from Congress in time to pay many Lady Commissioners' expenses back to their home states. And there would be a question about how the money was to be divided. It was beginning to look like the Woman's Department might end in furor, as it had begun.
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3

Schwartz, David S. "Conclusion." In The Spirit of the Constitution, 248–56. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190699482.003.0015.

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McCulloch v. Maryland’s nationalizing potential has not been fully realized, having been reined in by the Supreme Court for most of the years since it was written in 1819. Had McCulloch’s logic of implied powers been applied fully to the Commerce Clause, it would have been difficult to deny recognition of congressional powers to pursue internal improvements, to restrict slavery and child labor, and to regulate the areas of economic life now deemed within Congress’s authority under the Commerce Clause. Despite McCulloch’s importance, the claims that it made law or built the nation can all be traced to times when participants in constitutional politics felt the need to give a historical gloss to a contemporary argument. But liberals’ canonizing of John Marshall and McCulloch is not effective to make Supreme Court justices overcome their strongly held judicial views. McCulloch is simply too ambiguous to mandate a particular result in most contested cases.
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4

Bibby-Wilson, Kim. "A Piper’s Lament (Online Content)." In Hadrian's Wall in our Time. Archaeopress Archaeology, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/9781803277349-music.

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The inspiring landscape of Hadrian’s Wall has always evoked a creative response from musicians: a quick internet search will find a number of tunes and songs celebrating the Wall and the Sycamore Gap tree in its glory or lamenting its loss. Well suited to both energetic rippling melodies and lyrical airs or laments, the soft tones of the bellows-blown Northumbrian small pipes have often been heard at events connected with Hadrian’s Wall. In the days of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle’s gloriously-named Ancient Melodies Committee and the 1882 publication of the bible of local music and song Northumbrian Minstrelsy, the pipes were played at dinners or receptions during the Hadrian’s Wall Pilgrimages of 1886 and 1906 by Richard Mowat and James Hall (Piper to the Duke of Northumberland) respectively; much more recently, since the establishment of the Morpeth Chantry Bagpipe Museum, I have been honoured to play the small pipes at the last four Pilgrimages, and also introduced our local instrument to the international 2009 Congress of Roman Frontier Studies in Newcastle. Perhaps the most memorable occasion was being invited to play at a hand-fasting ceremony for an Australian couple at Steel Rigg. Some passing German tourists seemed to assume this was a normal occurrence in such wild parts. The first pipes tune here, The Sycamore, is followed by Mind The Gap – not a facetious title, but a gentle pun on both the Northumbrian expression “mind” meaning “remember, be mindful of” and the Standard English usage for “object to”, reflecting the outrage felt when the tree was felled. This second tune starts in a cheerful major key with tree and landscape in harmony, but is cut off with a slow descent into the more poignant minor key of the lament.
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5

Brown, Richard D. "Lawyers, Public Office, and Communication Patterns in Provincial Massachusetts: The Early Careers of Robert Treat Paine and John Adams, 1749-1774." In Knowledge is Power, 82–109. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195072655.003.0005.

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Abstract When the Continental Congress met at Philadelphia in 1774, nearly half its members were lawyers. Thirteen years later, the majority of delegates to the Constitutional Convention were lawyers. Thereafter, as the new government took shape, lawyers figured prominently in all its branches. Massachusetts, which had sent the lawyers Robert Treat Paine and John Adams to the first Continental Congress, increasingly turned to the law profession for representatives, so much so that during the first fifty years of the new government (1789-1839) nearly two thirds of Massachusetts’ congressional delegates were lawyers.1 In the early republic men trained in law were evidently highly regarded as public officials, not only as judges but especially as representatives. From a 20th-century perspective it may seem obvious that this should have been so. Nothing could be more rational than to put experts in charge of creating legislation, and no policy could be more prudent than to place specialists trained to understand those statutes in charge of their administration and enforcement. Yet such judgments presume a great deal, not only about lawyers but about their reputation for probity and faithfulness in pursuing the public interest. From the perspective of provincial Massachusetts the idea that lawyers should be entrusted with a preeminent role in public affairs was doubtful. This outcome resulted from the parts certain lawyers played within Massachusetts’ particular configuration of information networks-local and provincial, and networks within and between social ranks.
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6

Clark, David S. "The Modern Development: 1900–1945." In American Comparative Law, 273—C6.N1. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195369922.003.0006.

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Abstract Sustained scholarly comparative law activities coincided with the establishment of scientific research at leading American law schools. Chapter 6 reviews the new field of comparative juristic inquiry that emerged from both idealistic and practical concerns. Jurists drew from history, social science, and traditional legal sources to provide new perspectives. Woodrow Wilson was a prominent legal comparatist. Following the 1898 Spanish-American War, the peace treaty ceded sovereignty over the Philippines to the United States, which took a course of indirect and consensual engagement. A few jurists knowledgeable in the civil law worked with American institutions and government to support foreign legal reform, including in China after it became a republic in 1912. Organized American comparative law began in earnest with the 1904 St. Louis Universal Congress of Lawyers and Jurists. The American Bar Association created the Comparative Law Bureau in 1907, with annual meetings and a Bulletin. Comparatists developed teaching materials, set up graduate programs, and supported expanded comparative law libraries. In 1925, bureau members established the American Foreign Law Association. They also took a leading role in forming the International Academy of Comparative Law, with Roscoe Pound and John Wigmore as active members. German-American juristic relations in the 1930s were complicated with the rise of Nazis in Germany and anti-Semitism in American universities. However, several U.S. law schools accepted émigré legal scholars much to their mutual benefit, while a few Catholic-affiliated university law schools and philosophy and government departments took in those who revived an interest in natural law jurisprudence.
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7

Shorter, Edward. "Introduction." In How Everyone Became Depressed. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199948086.003.0004.

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For the past 40 years, the diagnosis of depression has been steadily increasing. The prevalence of serious depression in the middle third of the twentieth century was less than one in a thousand; today, it is measured in the double digits per hundred. In an outpatient medical practice in New York, 18.9% of the patients had a diagnosis of major depression. On a lifetime basis, one American in five will receive a diagnosis of depression. This is a real puzzle. Given that these millions of patients with purported depression are not necessarily sad and have scads of other symptoms, it is not clear what the basis is for calling them depressed. Maybe they have some other diagnosis? The extreme form of being very ill was historically the nervous breakdown, involving melancholia, panic, overwhelming fatigue, and bodies that felt and moved like lead. Lesser forms of nervous illness were simply called “nerves.” Were these nervous patients simply depressed? Or is it we who are the nervous? This is a subject that we as a society have not lost interest in. “Government on the Verge of a Nervous Breakdown” was a page one story on the cable channel MSNBC in 2011, as Congress teetered on the point of passing the controversial deficit reduction plan. So the nervous breakdown has not gone away after all! Just when psychiatry, with all its talk about depression, thought diseases of the nerves were dead, the concept turns out to be alive and well among the public. Take the HBO comedy-drama “Enlightened”: When Laura Dern, as troubled corporate executive Amy Jellicoe, has a nervous breakdown, every system of her body screams stop! This is way beyond depressed. Then when she returns from a New Age spiritual healing colony in Hawaii “after swimming with the turtles,” everything has been buffed. She’s a “new person.” People can relate to nerves as a disease of the entire body, whereas depression, in the sense of a sad mood, is a bit of a stretch. Many patients who are called depressed are not sad.
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8

Hardy, Lawrence Harold. "A History of Computer Networking Technology." In Encyclopedia of Multimedia Technology and Networking, Second Edition, 613–18. IGI Global, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-014-1.ch082.

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The computer has influenced the very fabric of modern society. As a stand-alone machine, it has proven itself a practical and highly efficient tool for education, commerce, science, and medicine. When attached to a network—the Internet for example—it becomes the nexus of opportunity, transforming our lives in ways that are both problematic and astonishing. Computer networks are the source for vast amounts of knowledge, which can predict the weather, identify organ donors and recipients, or analyze the complexity of the human genome (Shindler, 2002). The linking of ideas across an information highway satisfies a primordial hunger humans have to belong and to communicate. Early civilizations, to satisfy this desire, created information highways of carrier pigeons (Palmer, 2006). The history of computer networking begins in the 19th century with the invention of the telegraph, the telephone, and the radiotelegraph. The first communications information highway based on electricity was created with the deployment of the telegraph. The telegraph itself is no more than an electromagnet connected to a battery, connected to a switch, connected to wire (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The telegraph operates very straightforwardly. To send a message (electric current), the telegrapher rapidly opens and closes the telegraph switch. The receiving telegraph uses the electric current to create a magnetic field, which causes an observable mechanical event (Calvert, 2004). The first commercial telegraph was patented in Great Britain by Charles Wheatstone and William Cooke in 1837 (The Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2007). The Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph required six wires and five magnetic needles. Messages were created when combinations of the needles were deflected left or right to indicate letters (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Almost simultaneous to the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph was the Samuel F. B. Morse Telegraph in the United States in 1837 (Calvert, 2004). In comparison, the Morse Telegraph was decidedly different from its European counterpart. First, it was much simpler than the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph: to transmit messages, it used one wire instead of six. Second, it used a code and a sounder to send and receive messages instead of deflected needles (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The simplicity of the Morse Telegraph made it the worldwide standard. The next major change in telegraphy occurred because of the efforts of French inventor Emile Baudot. Baudot’s first innovation replaced the telegrapher’s key with a typewriter like keyboard. His second innovation replaced the dots and dashes of Morse code with a five-unit or five-bit code—similar to American standard code for information interchange (ASCII) or extended binary coded decimal interchange code (EBCDIC)—he developed. Unlike Morse code, which relied upon a series of dots and dashes, each letter in the Baudot code contained a combination of five electrical pulses. Eventually all major telegraph companies converted to Baudot code, which eliminated the need for a skilled Morse code telegrapher (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Finally, Baudot, in 1894, invented a distributor which allowed his printing telegraph to multiplex its signals; as many as eight machines could send simultaneous messages over one telegraph circuit (Britannica Concise Encyclopedia , 2006). The Baudot printing telegraph paved the way for the Teletype and Telex (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The second forerunner of modern computer networking was the telephone. It was a significant advancement over the telegraph for it personalized telecommunications, bringing the voices and emotions of the sender to the receiver. Unlike its predecessor the telegraph, telephone networks created virtual circuit to connect telephones to one another (Shindler, 2002). Legend credits Alexander Graham Bell as the inventor of the telephone in 1876. He was not. Bell was the first to patent the telephone. Historians credit Italian- American scientist Antonio Meucci as the inventor of the telephone. Meucci began working on his design for a talking telegraph in 1849 and filed a caveat for his design in 1871 but was unable to finance commercial development. In 2002, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution recognizing his accomplishment to telecommunications (Library of Congress, 2007).
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9

Hardy, Lawrence Harold. "A History of Computer Networking Technology." In Networking and Telecommunications, 26–32. IGI Global, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-60566-986-1.ch003.

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The computer has influenced the very fabric of modern society. As a stand-alone machine, it has proven itself a practical and highly efficient tool for education, commerce, science, and medicine. When attached to a network—the Internet for example—it becomes the nexus of opportunity, transforming our lives in ways that are both problematic and astonishing. Computer networks are the source for vast amounts of knowledge, which can predict the weather, identify organ donors and recipients, or analyze the complexity of the human genome (Shindler, 2002). The linking of ideas across an information highway satisfies a primordial hunger humans have to belong and to communicate. Early civilizations, to satisfy this desire, created information highways of carrier pigeons (Palmer, 2006). The history of computer networking begins in the 19th century with the invention of the telegraph, the telephone, and the radiotelegraph. The first communications information highway based on electricity was created with the deployment of the telegraph. The telegraph itself is no more than an electromagnet connected to a battery, connected to a switch, connected to wire (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The telegraph operates very straightforwardly. To send a message (electric current), the telegrapher rapidly opens and closes the telegraph switch. The receiving telegraph uses the electric current to create a magnetic field, which causes an observable mechanical event (Calvert, 2004). The first commercial telegraph was patented in Great Britain by Charles Wheatstone and William Cooke in 1837 (The Institution of Engineering and Technology, 2007). The Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph required six wires and five magnetic needles. Messages were created when combinations of the needles were deflected left or right to indicate letters (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Almost simultaneous to the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph was the Samuel F. B. Morse Telegraph in the United States in 1837 (Calvert, 2004). In comparison, the Morse Telegraph was decidedly different from its European counterpart. First, it was much simpler than the Cooke-Wheatstone Telegraph: to transmit messages, it used one wire instead of six. Second, it used a code and a sounder to send and receive messages instead of deflected needles (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The simplicity of the Morse Telegraph made it the worldwide standard. The next major change in telegraphy occurred because of the efforts of French inventor Emile Baudot. Baudot’s first innovation replaced the telegrapher’s key with a typewriter like keyboard. His second innovation replaced the dots and dashes of Morse code with a five-unit or five-bit code—similar to American standard code for information interchange (ASCII) or extended binary coded decimal interchange code (EBCDIC)—he developed. Unlike Morse code, which relied upon a series of dots and dashes, each letter in the Baudot code contained a combination of five electrical pulses. Eventually all major telegraph companies converted to Baudot code, which eliminated the need for a skilled Morse code telegrapher (Derfler & Freed, 2002). Finally, Baudot, in 1894, invented a distributor which allowed his printing telegraph to multiplex its signals; as many as eight machines could send simultaneous messages over one telegraph circuit (Britannica Concise Encyclopedia , 2006). The Baudot printing telegraph paved the way for the Teletype and Telex (Derfler & Freed, 2002). The second forerunner of modern computer networking was the telephone. It was a significant advancement over the telegraph for it personalized telecommunications, bringing the voices and emotions of the sender to the receiver. Unlike its predecessor the telegraph, telephone networks created virtual circuit to connect telephones to one another (Shindler, 2002). Legend credits Alexander Graham Bell as the inventor of the telephone in 1876. He was not. Bell was the first to patent the telephone. Historians credit Italian- American scientist Antonio Meucci as the inventor of the telephone. Meucci began working on his design for a talking telegraph in 1849 and filed a caveat for his design in 1871 but was unable to finance commercial development. In 2002, the United States House of Representatives passed a resolution recognizing his accomplishment to telecommunications (Library of Congress, 2007).
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Conference papers on the topic "Congresses, Internat., 1889"

1

Skerlos, Steven J., N. Rajagopalan, Richard E. DeVor, Shiv G. Kapoor, and Robert A. Sanford. "Model of Biomass Concentration in Membrane Filtration Recycling Systems Subject to Single Substrate-Limited Growth Kinetics." In ASME 2000 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2000-1887.

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Abstract Membrane filtration has the ability to limit microbiological growth in metalworking fluids (MWFs). To appropriately design and size a membrane filtration system for this application, the rate of microbial removal must be assessed relative to microbial population (biomass) growth. This research utilizes the Monod Equation describing biomass growth limited by a single substrate to evaluate if biomass levels can be maintained below a prescribed level in a perfectly mixed MWF system. The model for predicting biomass in the MWF system is obtained by numerical solution of a system of coupled nonlinear differential equations. The model solution permits membrane filtration design and sizing decisions based on microbial growth data specific to MWF chemistries, microbial species, and manufacturing facilities. It is revealed that the ratio of the filtration rate to the MWF volume must exceed the maximum specific growth rate of microorganisms to control biomass concentrations in the system under arbitrary initial substrate and contamination levels. The control of microbial growth in the system also requires that appropriate cleaning intervals be selected for the membrane filtration process tank. The microbial rejection coefficient, which is characteristic to a given membrane, has a dominant impact on the required cleaning interval.
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2

Widmann, James M. "Stretch Forming Process Modeling: The Role of Modern Stretch Forming Machinery Design and Performance." In ASME 2000 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2000-1882.

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Abstract Extrusion stretch forming is used extensively in the aerospace and architectural industries to add contour to extrusions and roll formed sections. Frame members, stringers, wing spars, curtain tracks and many other important aircraft parts are formed with this process. Forming is achieved by pulling an initially straight part in the tensile direction above the material’s yield point and then wrapping the section around a die to add contour. Local buckling and wrinkling that might appear in a pure bending operation can be avoided. There is current interest in improving the process for greater repeatability and less part rework to reduce cost while achieving tighter tolerances (e.g. [1,2]). The stretch forming die plays a significant role in the process. To this end researchers are interested in quicker die development techniques using non-linear beam theory and non-linear finite element modeling of the forming process. For a complete analytical picture of the process, a close look at the stretch forming machine’s performance must be included in the process model. Two major areas of machine performance are important; machine deflections and hydraulic control system performance. This paper provides a brief overview of the extrusion stretch forming process and then focuses on the structural and control system design of the modern stretch forming machine. Analytical models of the machine deflection as well as its hydraulic control system are developed. A short discussion concerning the difference between traditional “pressure forming” and modern CNC position forming is also included. Insight into the limitations of traditional PID control for the stretch forming machine can be seen from the analysis. It is evident that these machine models must be used to complete the process model to effectively create die designs for close tolerance and highly repetitive part production.
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3

Lipp, Genevieve M., Kenneth C. Hall, and Brian P. Mann. "Effect of Rider Position on Bicycle Stability." In ASME 2013 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2013-63809.

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Bicycle stability has been of interest to dynamicists and athletes since before J. W. Whipple described the canonical model for bicycle motion in 1899. Since then, the subject has fascinated many who sought to find a simple way to describe the essence of stability for a hands free bicycle at a prescribed forward speed. Caster and gyroscopic effects have been shown to be helpful, but not necessary for there to exist a stable range of forward speeds. This work focuses on showing how using the eigenvalues of the linearized equations for roll and steer (with and without a steering torque) can illuminate the stabilizing and destabilizing effects of changing bicycle geometry and rider position. Of particular interest is the mathematical demonstration of the decreased stability a cyclist on a time trial bike experiences when in the aerodynamic position, as opposed to riding with hands on the brake hoods or bull horns.
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4

Zacharski, L. R., and T. E. Moritz. "EFFECT OF RA-233 (MOPIDAMOLE) ON SURVIVAL IN CARCINOMA OF THE LUNG AND COLON. FINAL REPORT OF VA COOPERATIVE STUDY #188." In XIth International Congress on Thrombosis and Haemostasis. Schattauer GmbH, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0038-1644672.

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RA-233 (mopidamole) is a phosphodiesterase inhibitor that has been shown previously to limit progression of malignancy in certain experimental animal models and in a pilot study in humans. RA-233 plus chemotherapy was compared with chemotherapy alone in a five-year double-blind trial involving 719 patients with advanced carcinoma of the lung and of the colon. No difference existed between treatment groups for a variety of demographic, clinical, and laboratory parameters evaluated at entry to the study. There were no instances of unblinding and no patients were lost to followup. Minimum followup was 1 year. Patients ingested RA-233 or placebo for over 85% of their total survival interval and took 66% of the number of pills originally prescribed. RA-233 treatment was associated with a statistically significant prolongation of survival in patients with non-small cell lung cancer limited to one hemithorax, and also with reduction in mean plasma fibrinogen concentration, and with reduction in the incidence of bleeding episodes. RA-233 was not toxic.The favorable effects on survival could not be explained by any factor other than the RA-233 treatment. In other tumor categories tested no differences in survival were observed. These results suggest that RA-233 may be useful in the treatment of non-small cell lung cancer of limited extent (and possibly other tumor types). They also suggest that therapeutic intervention aimed at modified pathways within tumor cells might constitute an innovative investigational approach to the treatment of cancer.
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5

Araújo, Karime Maues, Ana Paula Maues Araujo, and Bruno De Sousa Carvalho Tavares. "O AUMENTO DE CASOS DE OBESIDADE NA PANDEMIA." In III Congresso Brasileiro de Ciências Farmacêuticas On-line. Revista Multidisciplinar em Saúde, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51161/conbracif/51.

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Introdução: Com o surgimento do Vírus da COVID-19, a pandemia transformou o mundo de uma forma, onde tivemos vários problemas não só físicos, como psicológicos e sociais. Objetivo: Através de dados coletados verificar quantitativamente o número de casos de obesidade durante os anos de 2019, 2020 e 2021, período este de pandemia. Material e métodos: Este resumo se refere a uma síntese dos principais artigos relacionados com a obesidade na pandemia, e como o estilo de vida, sedentarismo, ansiedade, alimentação e o pós-COVID contribui para o aumento dela. Para isso, realizou-se uma pesquisa de 10 artigos publicados nos últimos 3 anos, em bases de pesquisas na internet e nas base de dados da Organização Mundial da Saúde, Ministério da Saúde, que preveem que 13% da população mundial e 18,9% da população brasileira obesa. Tivemos como descritores artigos da scielo, Ministério da saúde, scientificamerican e OMS. Resultados: Em vários artigos, foi constatado que uma das consequências diretas ao vírus ou às medidas preventivas adotadas pela maioria dos países, problemas raciais, sociais, políticos, econômicos e de saúde pública emergiram e impactaram a sociedade como um todo. A obesidade que antes pandemia já era considerada um problema de saúde pública, hoje no pós-pandemia está muito maior. A obesidade é o fator de risco mais significativo em casos graves de COVID-19, elevando os riscos de hospitalização e morte. A depressão, fadiga crônica e o estresse pós-traumático podem ser fatores de ganho de peso significativo, já que temos uma relação entre a obesidade com a ansiedade. Um dos fatores relatados pelos pacientes que tiveram COVID-19, foi a mudança dos hábitos, devido os isolamentos, mudaram completamente a rotina, abandonando as atividades físicas e a alimentação feita por fast food influenciou muito nesse ganho de peso. Na literatura temos como principal fator a alimentação inadequada e o sedentarismo como fonte da obesidade. Conclusão: Podemos concluir que a prática de atividade física (onde o consumo tem que ser menor o gasto de energia), junto com uma alimentação saudável, e equilibrada, pode contribuir na diminuição do estresse, auxiliar na redução do peso, da obesidade, na ansiedade e depressão.
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6

Ourofino, Iara da Silva, Gustavo Falcão Gama, and Eder da Silva Ourofino. "Dispositivos intrauterinos: influências socioculturais em sua escolha." In 45º Congresso da SGORJ XXIV Trocando Ideias. Zeppelini Editorial e Comunicação, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5327/jbg-0368-1416-20211311031.

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Introdução: Os dispositivos intrauterinos (DIU) são colocados na cavidade uterina para impedir a fecundação. Três tipos principais estão disponíveis: cobre, prata e o levonorgestrel. O DIU é um dos contraceptivos reversíveis mais eficazes. Apesar de diversas vantagens, é utilizado por 15% das mulheres em idade reprodutiva. A escolha do contraceptivo é pautada pela preferência da paciente ea orientação profissional. É necessário ampliar a percepção quanto a possíveis barreiras no uso: ignorância, atitudes pessoais negativas, histórico médico, experiência contraceptiva e percepção do risco de gravidez. Objetivo: Primário: avaliar a amostra demográfica de usuárias do DIU. Secundário: compreender os fatores relacionadas à aceitação ou rejeição do DIU. Métodos: Foi feita uma pesquisa quantitativa com a ciência e a aprovação no Comitê de Ética em Pesquisa. Incluíram-se mulheres com mais de 18 anos que utilizaram algum contraceptivo. Os dados foram coletados virtualmente (Google Docs). Resultados: Foram obtidas mil respostas, sendo 422 (42%) de usuárias de DIU e 578 (57%) de outros. As primeiras tinham idades entre 18 e 57 anos. A faixa dos 20 aos 40 correspondeu ao maior grupo, com 371 respostas (87%). Essas mulheres relataram que conheceram o DIU (189, ou 44%) pela internet e pelo ginecologista (149, ou 35%). O mais utilizado foi o de cobre (210, ou 49%). Os efeitos colaterais mais citados foram aumento do fluxo, sangramentos irregulares e dismenorreia. Não tiveram alteração 89 (21%). Sobre a intensidade desses efeitos, 166 (33%) responderam que foram pouco incômodos. Sobre a satisfação, 165 (39%) estão muito satisfeitas. Para outros métodos, as idades estavam entre18 e 69 anos. A faixa dos 18 aos 38 teve 493 respostas (85%). Das participantes, 397 (68%) relataram estar em uso de algum método, 576 (99%) já ouviram falar do DIU e 404 (69%) disseram que já consideraram usá-lo. Afirmaram não utilizar o DIU por medo de dismenorreia 216 (37%) e por medo da dor para a inserção 200 (34%). Conclusão: Após a realização deste trabalho, ficou clara a importância dos fatores socioculturais. Nas usuárias de DIU, podemos notar a maior parte dos dispositivos com formulação de cobre, o que pode ser atribuído ao menor custo, disponibilidade no Sistema Único de Saúde e durabilidade. A maioria conheceu o método pela internet ou pelo ginecologista. A taxa de continuação foi alta. Quanto aos efeitos colaterais, o aumento de volume da menstruação, a irregularidade e a dismenorreia são os mais citados. Esses têm menor grau de incomodo, o que não impede o uso e garantem alto grau de satisfação. As que não utilizam o DIU têm como métodos mais usados o anticoncepcional oral e o preservativo. Os motivos que as fizeram não utilizar o DIU são medo dos efeitos colaterais, medo de engravidar e dor na colocação. Questões com conceitos errôneos, patologias, religião e custo foram determinantes. Diante desses dados, é possível concluir que fatores como escolaridade, poder aquisitivo e acesso à informação são determinantes na escolha.
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